Sunday, August 19, 2012

Waste Capital Wastes Democracy and Justice: Here, There and Everywhere

[This is an important article by Christof Lehmann, James Henry Fetzer, Alex Mezyaev and our own Chris Black, on the abuses of International Justice.  For those who might doubt that jurisprudence is key to geopolitics and the spread of global privatization, a glance at the Sunday (Aug. 19) NYTs Op/Ed by Russian ex-pat Misha Friedman, "For Russians, Corruption is Just a Way of Life," might be enlightening.  

As usual, in its halting, fact-enfeebled, propagandistic cover for Western global criminality, The US Newspaper-of-Record sheds more light on its own client-supported corruption than on any malfeasance on the part of its age-old antagonists, the Soviet Union and Russia: the only examples of Russian corruption cited by the Times' Quisling editorialist are both concerned with the Russian judiciary:  the case of imprisoned oligarch Mikhail Kodorkovsky, once Russia's richest business man now locked down for fraud and tax evasion, and the talentless agit-porn troupe, Pussy Riot, putatively convicted for hooliganism and inciting religious hatred but unarguably serving as agents of a foreign power trying to subvert the Russian government.  As with Democracy, the power of Waste Capital is likewise toxic to Justice.--mc]






The US/UN/NATO Race for Global Full Spectrum Dominance. (2/4)
by
Christopher Black, James Henry Fetzer,
Alex Mezyaev & Christof Lehmann


The Dismantling of International Law and a Return to Global Barbarism.

In recent decades, an unprecedented deterioration, one might say, a “collapse” of international law has occurred. This deterioration has been driven by the US and NATO, and their refusal to abide by the long-established legal principles of international jurisprudence in all its aspects: peaceful coexistence, human rights, military conventions and others, which were established over hundreds of years.

Many of these principles and laws were implemented after events of unspeakable human suffering. Unless this regression into global barbarism is opposed by all necessary popular, political, diplomatic, economic, legal, and, if necessary, military means; humanity will descend into a state of global barbarism and unimaginable atrocities. The most serious deteriorations over the past two decades have been:

The deterioration of the principles enshrined in the Treaty of Westphalia and of National Sovereignty.

The treaty of Westphalia xxii
was signed by the European powers in 1648, after a religious and political power struggle between European empires resulted in a war that lasted over thirty years. The treaty defines the sovereignty of nation-states and the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign nations by outside forces. The treaty of Westphalia was one of the international legal covenants used as guidelines for the drafting of the Charter of the United Nations, and it is considered by many as the most important principle of international law with respect to the regulation of bi-lateral and multilateral diplomatic and political relations.

The principle of non-interference in domestic affairs and the principle of national sovereignty enshrined in the UN Charter are increasingly being challenged by those who argue, as do the Americans, that the “international community”, aka the Americans, has a “responsibility to protect” civilians in cases where their sovereign governments are not able to do so, or when the sovereign government is committing severe violations of other principles, like Human Rights. A resolution implementing this “responsibility to protect” was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2009, in violation of the UN Charter (xxiii).

This false responsibility was first called “humanitarian intervention”, but the term, it seems, could only be used in propaganda when a crisis was already in full swing. The slogan “responsibility to protect” was coined to create strategic flexibility so “intervention” could be ordered even before the US had succeeded in creating a major crisis. The ”responsibility to protect” (R2P) also had the advantage of claiming moral authority while, of course, never addressing just how this “responsibility” fell to the USA or why it is applied only against its enemies and never its vassals and allies.

Although the guiding arguments for the primacy of Human Rights and the “R2P” may seem convincing at first glance, a closer analysis reveals that the erosion of national sovereignty brought about by “R2P” opens a Pandora’s box of serious problems.

The first instance of R2P, which was then still known as “humanitarian intervention”, being used to override national sovereignty was the NATO intervention in Yugoslavia during the reign of Clinton Administration Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.

It is now a well-established and well-documented fact that the internal conflict in Yugoslavia was instigated by an alliance of Slovenian and Croatian separatists with ties to WWII German National Socialism, and had covert support from the German government and the German Intelligence Service, the BND (xxiv)
and the Vatican. The BND provided the first weapons, previously-owned Bulgarian AK 47 assault rifles, to the Slovenian and Croatian separatists.

As the conflict escalated and the country was broken up along ethnic and religious lines, the USA and other Western powers became increasingly involved, and this resulted in NATO’s “intervention”, in fact, its outright aggression against the Yugoslav Federal Republic, perpetrated without United Nations Security Council approval and in complete violation of the Charters of the UN and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.  NATO member states collaborated with a wide variety of terrorist organizations, including al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden’s mujahedin.(xxv)
The USA financed, trained and armed the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA/UCK), which was heavily supported by al Qaeda brigades and was financed, to a large extent, by heroin trafficking from Afghanistan into Europe and North America. (xxvi)
(xxvii)

The war on and the dismemberment of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, according to the late French Brigadier General Pierre-Marie Gallois, had been planned and prepared by the European powers in unofficial meetings on a farm in Germany from 1976; more than a decade prior to the first public demands for secession from Yugoslavia by Slovenian and Croatian separatists. Brigadier-General Gallois was the French representative to these meetings and disclosed many of the details in a stunning interview. (xxviii)
(xxix)

According to General Gallois, one of the principle motivating factors for the covert and, subsequently, overt war on Yugoslavia was that Yugoslavia was the sole Russian ally in the Balkans and the last functioning socialist state in Europe. Other motivating factors were that Germany wanted to re-establish the geo-political influence in the region it had lost after the two World Wars of the 20th Century. Yet another factor was the need to define a post-Cold War role for NATO. In fact, as the late French Brigadier General pointed out, the war on Yugoslavia provided the model for the war on Iraq and subsequent wars.(ibid.)(xxx)

The sole correlation between Human Rights and the NATO intervention into Yugoslavia/Serbia, as well as its ongoing military occupation of Kosovo, is that humanitarian crises were cynically fabricated with the intention of creating a pretext for a “humanitarian intervention”, which meant, in fact, a military assault justified by the “R2P”, the euphonic responsibility to protect.

The United States, by preempting the function of the United Nations with an arrogant claim to this invented responsibility, degraded the principles of the Treaty of Westphalia and the UN Charter, both of which guarantee the sovereignty of nations and the concomitant right of peoples to self-determination.

It is nothing less than Western colonialism justified once more by the “white man’s burden”.  In a recent article, Dr. Henry Kissinger discussed whether nations like Syria and other Arab States would even qualify for the protection against interference into their internal affairs set forth in the principles of the Treaty of Westphalia. (xxxi)

Kissinger argues that almost all Arab States, with the possible exceptions of Iran, Turkey and Egypt, are nations whose borders had been more or less arbitrarily drawn by former colonial powers, and that it was, therefore, questionable whether they could rightfully be treated as nation states and be protected by the provisions of the Treaty of Westphalia.  Iran, Turkey and Egypt, on the other hand, as Kissinger argues, have a long history as nations.

One of the authors of this artice, Dr. Lehmann has written an article in response to Dr. Kissinger, arguing that Kissinger´s interpretation is representative of the condescending, ethnocentric, colonialist attitude of Western nations toward countries the world over. It is also symptomatic of the social constructionism that guides Western foreign policy. While Kissinger questions the national sovereignty of almost all middle eastern States on the grounds that their borders were arbitrarily drawn by former colonial powers, he does not mention Israel, whose borders also were arbitrarily drawn by the same former colonial powers. (xxxii)

Neither does he mention the fact that the United States, itself, is also an artificial creation born from the extermination of the native peoples, the 1803 Louisiana Purchase from France, and the acquisition of Florida from Spain, the War of 1812 against Canada, the war of conquest against Mexico in 1846, the war secession between the United States of America and the Confederate States of America, known as the American Civil War of 1861-1865, and the expansion into non-contiguous territories like Alaska, Hawaii and Puerto Rico.

The most recent example of the successful erosion of national sovereignty to set up a pretext for the Responsibility to Protect is NATO´s abuse of UNSC Resolution 1973 on Libya (2011). (xxxiii)

As the UN Charter requires that resolutions have the concurrant approval of all permanent members of the Security Council, it can be argued that Resolution 1973 was not adopted. Russia and China abstained. An abstention is not a concurrent vote. It may have been that Russia and China expected that their abstentions would be enough to keep the resolution from passing.  Legally they were correct.  But regardless of whether Russia and China were taking a calculated risk, or whether Russia, which was then being led by President Dmitry Medvedev, was trying to appease the USA/NATO, thereby leaving China to take the blowback from the USA and NATO and isolate the GCC member states, along with Israel, only a future historical analyses will determine.

What is certain, however, is that both the political leaderships of Russia and China must have been aware that even though a UNSC resolution is arguably invalid unless all Security Council members vote in favor of it, it is a long-established political practice that only a veto is sufficient to block an intervention. Since the first Russian (then the USSR) abstention on UNSC Resolution 4 (1946) on Spain, an abstention has not been considered enough to prevent the adoption of a resolution even though this practice is not legal under the UN Charter.

The claim that the USA, France and the UK violated the UN Charter was further substantiated when the USA and its allies exceeded the terms of their own resolution and conducted a war of aggression against Libya. A repetition of this violation, directed against Syria, has so far effectively been checked by Russia and China vetoing Security Council resolutions on sanctions and a no-fly zone against Syria.


The Deterioration of the Geneva Convention.

The Geneva Convention (xxxiv)
is made up of four treaties and an additional three protocols that establish standards of international law for the humanitarian treatment of participants in and victims of war. It was updated to its current version in 1949, following two World Wars of unspeakable violence, and so it is, like the Treaty of Westphalia, a reaction to the incomprehensible acts of violence and untold human suffering that have affected vast populations. The Geneva Convention defines the wartime rights of both civilian and military prisoners, affords protection to the wounded, and establishes sanctuary for civilians in war zones. It also specifies the rights and protections that are afforded to non-combatants. Since the onset of the US-led “War on Terror” in 2001, the Geneva Convention has been systematically undermined by the USA and other NATO countries.

The systematic erosion of the Geneva Convention includes:

• The illegitimate use of the term “unlawful combatants” (xxxv)
and the indefinite imprisonment of prisoners of war in places like Guantanamo without regard for the norms of the Geneva Conventions.

• The use of the term “enhanced interrogation techniques” (xxxvi)
in an attempt to legitimize unspeakable acts of torture, including water-boarding, sensory deprivation, religious chicanery, hours in painful forced positions while subjecting prisoners to white noise, blindfolding, extreme temperatures, as well as sheer physical brutality and even death.

• The use of the term “Extraordinary Rendition” (xxxvii)
to mean the kidnapping and disappearance of both combatants and non-combatants. As in Operation Condor, conducted against leftists and progressives by the USA and its vassals in South America in the 70s and 80s, people simply disappear.  Extraordinary rendition is a term used to cover up the fact that people are delivered to third countries where they are tortured or subjected to “enhanced interrogation techniques” or simply murdered. Extraordinary Rendition is also covered by provisions of the Nuremberg Principles.

• Summary executions of prisoners of war on the battlefield and the turning over of combatants and non-combatants alike to “irregular” allied forces, in full knowledge that the prisoners of war will be massacred, as has happened on several occasions in Afghanistan.

• The delivery of prisoners of war to criminal courts, that is, US military tribunals, to be prosecuted for “terrorism”.

And it does not stop there. A list of violations of the Geneva Conventions would fill volumes. The results of this systematic violation of international law are outrages like those reported at Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib.

The renown social psychologist Phillip G. Zimbardo, Ph.D, Professor Emeritus at Stanford University (xxxviii),
worked as a Defense expert for some of the soldiers who charged with committing atrocities at Abu Ghraib.  Zimbardo stated that the appalling acts of torture at that former Baghdad central prison were not the result of “a few bad apples among the troops”, as was claimed by former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, but that they were the products of a carefully orchestrated situation, where high level military and political cadres had to know that the invariable outcomes would be torture and other abuse. (xxxix)

The obvious danger of these systematic violations of international law is that they create precedents and escalate the spiral of violence and abuse, rather than defuse a conflict.

The irony is that this systematic violation of international law is being carried out by those nations who wage wars while claiming to be in the vanguard of the rule of law, human rights, freedom, democracy and justice.


The Hague Conventions.

The Hague Conventions (xl)
consist of two treaties and regulate, among other things, the legality of war, declarations of war and surrender, the use of legal and illegal weapons, military conduct, command structures and command responsibility for the prevention and punishment of crimes committed by subordinates.

Article one of the first Chapter of the Hague Convention of 1909 states that the laws, rights and duties of war not only apply to armies, but also to militia and volunteer corps, and require those forces to fulfill the following conditions:

To be commanded by a person who is responsible for his subordinates, to have a fixed distinctive emblem visible at a distance, to carry arms openly, and to conduct their operations in accordance to the customs of war. In countries where militia or volunteer corps constitute the army, or part of it, they are included under the denomination “army”. They also include inhabitants of a territory which has not been occupied, who spontaneously take up arms to resist the invading troops without having had time to organize themselves in accordance with article one if they carry arms openly and respect the laws and customs of war.

The coining of the term “unlawful-combatant” is designed to try to evade the provisions of the Hague Convention, which clearly specifies that a population has the right to armed resistance against an aggressor’s military forces.

The use of mercenary forces, like the use of 20,000 mercenaries of the Al-Qaeda-associated Libyan Islamic Fighting Group in the attempted subversion of Syria (xli),
erodes the concept of  command responsibility. It provides the USA/NATO with a loophole through which they can get away with the most serious acts of terrorism, massacres and military barbarism, all while NATO´s military leadership, as well as members of the Ministries of Defense of NATO-member governments, enjoy “plausible deniability” of their command decisions. Or so they think, because it is clear in international law that the fact that US officers have real command responsibility, that is, effective command and control over these mercenaries, means they would be convicted for war crimes were they ever to be brought before an international tribunal.

While the USA reserves the right to exempt its citizens, including military personnel, from being subjected to the authority of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, it demands the prosecution of citizens of other nations, those in opposition to US/NATO hegemony, for this illegal use of Private Military forces.  This is a systematic circumvention of the Hague Conventions as PMCs (Private Military Contractors) are forbidden by the International Convention Against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and Training of Mercenaries after 4 December 1989. (xlii)

The use of PMC mercenaries has increased greatly since the wars on Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and their use is growing under the rubric of “private security contractors”, as if they were construction workers hired to carry out military tasks. These mercenaries do not obey the rules or customs of war.

On the other hand, members of the militia who legally resist US/NATO occupation are often being turned over to police authorities of the government that has been installed with the help of the USA/NATO, and can be sentenced to long prison terms or execution because the protection afforded under The Hague Conventions is being circumvented.


The Use of CIA Personnel for Military Operations. 

The USA is increasingly making use of unmanned aerial vehicles for both observation and kinetic military actions. None of the CIA´s “Gameboy Killers” in Langley, Virginia, is operating within a legal military command structure.  Whether a drone attack targets resistance fighters, so-called terrorists, or the “Gameboy Killers” at Langley blow away the bride and groom of a wedding party in Pakistan or Somalia, all of these drone attacks are abrogations of the Hague Conventions.

Chapter two of the Hague Conventions states that prisoners of war are in the custody of the hostile government and not in the hands of the individuals or units that captured them.

Both the use of private military contractors and the use of allied- or state-sponsored mercenary forces, including al Qaeda brigades, are breaches of The Hague Conventions.

In Syria we are, as of this writing, witnessing the wide spread torture and summary executions of captured Syrian military personnel. Western intelligence personnel have been captured after firing sniper rifles into peaceful demonstrations to enrage the demonstrators against the Syrian government and police. None of them was operating within The Hague Conventions and violations of many international laws and conventions have been committed by the assassins of peaceful demonstrators.


Extrajudicial Executions and Assassinations.

The corruption of US civilian and military legal systems and the violations of the US Constitution have resulted in the extraordinary situation that the American president not only has abolished the ancient right to habeas corpus, but he now claims the right of a tyrant, the right to effect extrajudicial assassinations, that is, to murder both US citizens and citizens of any other nation, anywhere in the world, whom he claims are a “threat”.

In fact, President Barack Obama takes pride in personally making life and death decisions by determining whether one or another individual shall be targeted for assassination.  Death has become his plaything, like an American Caligula.

Notwithstanding the audacity and arrogance of signing this practice into “law”, no executive order, and no approval by a corrupted congress can establish any basis in international law for this practice.  Each and every assassination is, in fact, nothing less than premeditated murder.

These extrajudicial executions and assassinations are a stark warning of what “human rights”, “civil liberties”, “freedom”, “democracy” and “justice”, have come to mean in the United States of America and to NATO in practice, as opposed to how they are preached.


Plausible Deniability for Acts of Barbarism.

It would be possible to write volumes about the problems that arise. The shortest way of describing what the US is doing by systematically circumventing international law is to sum it up as follows:

• The systematic circumvention of international law.

• The systematic circumvention of legal responsibility for illegal acts of war.

• The systematic circumvention of human rights, civil liberties and the systematic implementation of torture, the institutionalization of terrorism and massacres of civilian, military, combatants and non-combatants.

• A return to barbarism in war and to wars of aggression, that is, crimes against peace, unrestrained in their ferocity and cruelty.

All that, and more, under the pretext of freedom, democracy, the responsibility to protect, human rights or a war on terrorism. No act of terrorism is, in fact, shied away from, such as the assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists, the murders of Muammar Ghadafi, Presidents Slobodan Milosevic, Saddam Hussein, Juvénal Habyrimana, and countless others.


The Establishment of Illegal International Courts and Politicized Trials.

– A Pseudo-Legalistic Political Witch-Hunt and Victors Justice.

Whereas the systematic erosion of international law is one path to a return to barbarism, the establishment of pseudo-legal international courts that are being used by NATO and its allies for a pseudo-legalistic political witch-hunt and the implementation of victors’ justice against those who have become the victims to NATO ”interventions” is an equally dangerous route toward barbarism. In deed, it may be even be more dangerous than the outright violation of international laws and conventions because here the illegal aggression is disguised as legitimate justice.

The ICTY, ICTR, SCSL, SCL, and similar Special Courts and Tribunals are just such quasi-Judicial Institutions. Modern international law does not provide any legal basis for the creation of the above-mentioned institutions. Their utility is to provide ”legal” sanction to the already unlawfully achieved results of covert or overt illegal wars, aggressions, or interventions.

While these quasi-judicial tribunals are unlawful in the first place, their methodology for achieving ”desired results” is even more so, since new rules and regulations are written on an ad hoc basis to secure convictions, as was the case at the ICTY and ICTR and others.

The results of such ”International Criminal Justice” are:

* The conviction of mainly Serbs through rigged show trials and the demonstrative acquittal of real perpetrators who belonged to the NATO-allied, al Qaeda-associated Kosovo Liberation Army, also known as KLA /UCK, at the ICTY;

* The conviction of Hutus through the same rigged show trials at the ICTR, which acts to protect the criminals of the RPF, and its western allies, the very people who provoked and prosecuted the war in Rwanda;

* The conviction of Khmer Rouge members, while the leaders and military officers of the USA are granted complete impunity for the devastating carpet-bombing of Cambodia that destroyed the irrigation systems and led to a collapse of the society;

* And so on at the other tribunals.

These tribunals all are part of a system of show trials designed to demonize the former regimes of the countries concerned, to justify aggression, both direct and indirect, by the US et alia, against the countries concerned and to cover up the real role of the West in those wars.

The very creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is, in fact, another step towards the deterioration of international law because the UN Security Council, notwithstanding the signatory status of any given State to the ICC, which includes non-signatory States, can refer a case to the ICC Statute.

This creates the potential for situations where an State not signatory to the treaty may force another non-signatory State to be bound by the treaty neither of the two has signed. This state of affairs is an explosion of the most basic nature of international law.

Indeed, the USA refuses to be bound by the Rome Statute in any way and has stated that if any of its officers are ever arrested and charged by The ICC, it will use force to obtain their release. This is nothing short of gangsterism.

The results of such justice will invariably be highly politicized show trials and victors’ justice, and that is indeed precisely what has occurred at the ICC from its inception.


Part 1/4

Part 3/4 & 4/4 coming soon.

NOTES:
xxii
Treaty of Westphalia. Peace Treaty between the Holy Roman Emperor and the
King of France and their respective Allies. The Avalon Project.
xxiii
UNGA Resolution 63/308 the responsibility to protect.
xxiv
Newhouse John (1992), The Diplomatic Round, The New Yorker, 24 August
1992, pp. 63 – 65.
xxv
International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia , Thursday 3
May 2012, pp. 28424 – 28506.
xxvi
Chossudovsky Michel, German Intelligence and CIA supported Al Qaeda
sponsored Terrorists in Yugoslavia. Globalreasearch.
xxvii
Chossudovsky Michel, Kosovo ”Freedom Fighters” financed by Organized
Crime. Globalresearch.
xxviii
Interview with French Brigadier General, ret. Pierre Marie Gallois. (I)
xxix
Interview with French Brigadier General, ret. Pierre Marie Gallois. (II)
xxx
xxxi
Kissinger Henry (2012) Syrian Intervention risks upsetting the Global
Order. The 4th Media.
xxxii
Lehmann Christof (2012),  A Response to Henry Kissinger on Syria and the
Global Order. The 4th Media

xxxiii
UNSC Resolution 1973 (2011) Libya.
xxxiv
Geneva Conventions, ICRC.
xxxv
Värek René (2005) The Status and Protection of Unlawful Combatants,
Juridica International,pp. 191-198.
xxxvi
Ruth Blakeley (2011): Dirty Hands Clean Conscience ? The CIA Inspector
General´s Investigation of ”Enhanced Interrogation Techniques” in the
Wat on Terror and the Torture Debate, Journal of Human Rights, 10:4,
544-561
xxxvii
Kweskin, Qureshi & Twu, The International Legal landscape Of
Extraordinary Rendition, University of North Carolina School of Law.
xxxviii
Philip G. Zimbardo Ph.D at Stanford University. http://www.zimbardo.com/
xxxix
Mbugua Martin , Zimbardo blames Military Brass for Abu Ghraib Torture.
University of Dalaware.
xl
The Laws of War, The Avalon Project. Yale University. 
xli
Lehmann Christof (2012) Attack on Syria likely before March ? nsnbc.
xlii
The International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing and
Training of Mercenaries, 4 December 1989. ICRC.
xliii
Ibid. Lehmann Christof (2012), NATO`s 25th Summit in Chicago in
Preparation of Global Full Spectrum Dominance, Interventionism, Possible
Preparations for A Regional War Directed against Russia and China, and
Developments in Global Security,  nsnbc.

--
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Friday, August 17, 2012

Humanity v Kagame--ICC Filing 16/8/2012


Pretty in Pink 



                  INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT
                 

             IN THE MATTER OF PAUL KAGAME ET AL


             COMPLAINT PURSUANT TO ARTICLE 15
                     OF THE STATUTE OF ROME


Whereas Article 15 (1) of the Statute of Rome states that “The Prosecutor may initiate investigations proprio motu on the basis of information on crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court.” And,

Whereas Article 53 of the Statute requires the Prosecutor to “initiate an investigation unless he or she determines there is no reasonable basis to proceed…” and

Whereas it is a matter of public record that the Security Council published on June 27, 2012 a Letter dated 26 June 2012 from the Chair of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to the resolution 1533 (2004) concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo addressed to the President of the Security Council and its associated Addendum (the Addendum) and,

Whereas the said Addendum presents findings of the Group of Experts that provide a reasonable basis to conclude that crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court have been and are being committed by Paul Kagame and others under his command and control, and

Whereas the Complainants, the United Forces For Democracy in Rwanda (FDU), the Rwanda National Congress (RNC), le Reseau International des Femmes pour la Democratie et la Paix (RIFDP), represent significant elements of the civil society in Rwanda and L’Association Pour la Promotion de la Democratie et du Developpement de la RDC (APRODEC) and Congonova, represent significant elements of the civil society of the Democratic Republic of Congo (the DRC)

And Remembering that the States Parties to the Statute stated in the Preamble to the Statute that they are “Determined to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and thus to contribute to the prevention of such crimes”;

The Complainants hereby draw the attention of the Prosecutor to the Addendum that sets out the facts that the Rwandan authorities led by President Paul Kagame, and including his minister of defence, General James Kaberebe, the Rwandan Defence Forces Chief of Staff, General Charles Kayonga and the Rwandan Defence Permanent Secretary, Major General Jack Nziza have

1. Provided direct military assistance to the M23 rebellion inside the DRC including the use of children under the age of 18 as M23 combatants as described at paragraph 19 of the Addendum which constitutes a war crime under Article 8(b)(xxvi) and 8(e)(vii) of the Statute,

2. Forced former enemy combatants of the Democratic Forces For the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) to serve with units sent by the Rwanda Defence Forces to reinforce M23 which constitutes a war crime under Article 8(2)(a)(v) that forbids compelling a prisoner of war or other protected person to serve in the forces of a hostile power as described in paragraphs 20 and 21 of the addendum,

and note President Paul Kagame’s criminal responsibility, and that of the other named officers under his authority, for these crimes under Article 28 of the Statute regarding their superior responsibility.

The Complainants further recall the DRC Final Report (the Mapping Report) of June 2010 made to the Secretary-General of the United Nations by Madame Navanethem Pillay, United Nations Commissioner For Human Rights and that, among other crimes therein set out it is stated at paragraphs 20-33 that the armed forces of Rwanda and of the DRC committed genocide against the Hutu ethnic group in the DRC (Zaire). During the entire period of time in which these crimes were committed Paul Kagame had command responsibility over the Rwandan armed forces.

The Complainants further recall the Report made by Robert Gersony to the UNHCR on October 11, 1994 a written summary of which is attached, in which Mr. Gersony stated that Rwanda Patriotic Army forces under the command of Major General Paul Kagame committed systematic and sustained killings of Hutu civilians in Rwanda between April and July 1994 and recall the report made by ICTR Lead Investigator, Michael Hourigan to the UN Office of Internal Oversight (OIOS) of August 1, 1997 (Hourigan Report), echoing the report he gave to ICTR prosecutor Louise Arbour, that Paul Kagame was responsible for the shooting down of the presidential plane carrying President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Ntaryamira, President of Burundi and others. While neither the Mapping Report nor the Gersony Report nor the Hourigan Report provide evidence of crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC they do provide clear evidence of a continuing and systematic pattern of criminal conduct on the part of Paul Kagame in the great lakes region which goes to the strength of the case against him regarding the crimes for which he is responsible within the jurisdiction of the ICC.

The Complainants also note that the Gersony Report and Hourigan Report were, among other evidence of crimes against humanity committed by Paul Kagame, in the possession of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal (ICTR) for Rwanda and are public documents made exhibits in trials at the ICTR and yet the various Prosecutors of the ICTR refused to prosecute Paul Kagame for his crimes thereby providing him with complete immunity from prosecution and a resulting sense of impunity and this impunity thereby encouraged him to commit further crimes in the DRC without fear of punishment.

The Complainants therefore request the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to act on the information provided herein and to commence an investigation as requested with a view to laying charges against Paul Kagame and any other person or persons complicit in these crimes and to confirm to the world that no one has impunity for crimes committed within the jurisdiction of the ICC.


 Submitted at the The Hague, this 17th Day of August, 2012


Christopher C. Black
Barrister
Counsel to the Complainants
The Hague,
The Netherlands









Thursday, August 16, 2012

Charges Filed for Crimes in Congo Against Kagame

Pontius Pilate Kagame

[Hey, no bias here!  But CM/P Defense Minister Chris Black just filed this Press Release from the International Criminal Court (the ICC or Rome Court) in Den Haag, The Netherlands.  Wish we were there with him on this mission, making sure all the dykes are staying plugged. --mc]


*PRESS RELEASE.*


*Date : The Hague, 16 August , 2012.*


*TOMORROW WE WILL PRESS CHARGES AGAINST PRESIDENT PAUL KAGAME IN THE ICC*


Tomorrow, 17/8/2012, together with, and on behalf of,  the Rwandan
opposition platform FDU-INKINGI / RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS (RNC), Jambo asbl,
RIFDP (Canada, Belgium, Netherlands) and DRC organisations, Barrister
Christopher C. Black, Counsel to the Complainants, will be at
the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the Hague, Netherlands, at 11:30
am , to officially submit charges against President Paul Kagame and his
accomplices over  war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts of genocide
in the Democratic Republic of Congo.



The Office of the Prosecutor's  Information and Evidence Unit (IEU)  will
receive his article 15 communication on 17 August 2012 at 11:30 am.


With this historic action, Rwandans, Congolese, Africans and the rest of
the international community will expect the International Criminal Tribunal
to investigate, prosecute, and bring to account President Paul Kagame and
his accomplices for  crimes committed against Rwandans and Congolese people.



JUSTICE SHALL PREVAIL !


COORDINATING COMMITTEE FDU-INKINGI
Coordinator
Dr. Nkiko Nsengimana
Lausanne, Switzerland
nkiko.nsengimana@bluewin.ch



RWANDA NATIONAL CONGRESS (RNC)
Interim Committee,
Co-ordinator.
Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa,
Washington DC, USA
ngombwa@gmail.com

Monday, July 16, 2012

The 2012 St. Swithin's Day Massacre: In Syria as in Rwanda & Elsewhere

 Rwanda's Habyarimana then,

PLO's Arafat then,

Yugoslavia's Milosevic then,
Libya's Gaddafi then, and

Syria's Assad now.

[The 2012 St. Swithin's Day Massacre took place yesterday not in some Syrian village like Tremseh, where 200 people, in the words of NPR, 'MAY' have been killed (amazing unto nauseating how these 'Opposition' reports of Syrian government violence, from Opposition Observers in London or Paris, are never CONFIRMED yet brazenly reported nonetheless), but in the Geneva offices of the International Committee of the Red Cross, where the ICRC, as has been its wont in precious cover-ups of counter-revolutionary aggressions, declared that the situation in Syria has officially become a CIVIL WAR (more oxymoronic than usual), and, as such, all belligerents must be held to International Humanitarian Law and are EQUALLY answerable for war crimes, crimes against Humanity and all other atrocities against civilians that have occurred since armed violence arrived in that Israeli-occupied* country in March of 2011. (*Remember the Golan Heights, the head-waters of the Jordan, and the pre-67 borders, which were such important, if unspoken, issues in the sub-text of last year's ‘Arab Spring’ discussion?)

The UN, following its own time-tested routine (and led by the same failed peacekeeper, Kofi Annan, who brought us ‘genocides for globalization’ in 1990s Rwanda and Yugoslavia), immediately co-signed the Red Cross’s call and, thereby, eliminated all considerations of blatant foreign intervention, instigation and financial and military support of this war for regime change aimed at bringing down the mass rule of the Syrian Ba’ath Socialist Party led by Bashar al-Assad. 

As with Iraq, Libya and Rwanda (whose leaders were brutally, even grotesquely, murdered to mark the end of their nations' revolutionary independence—a cautionary to President Assad), the mass-party that governs Syria is seldom if ever mentioned, most often referred to in the NYTs as a mere Alawite clique, and the civil war model is being forced over this imported counter-revolution with a vigorous and rigorous propagandizing of the general public (the so-called International Community) that promotes the pluralist cosmology that has Democracy being born of ancient sectarian struggles, religious or tribal wars, for control of a sort of neo-feudal State power.

Like its lexical side-kick, Genocide, the term Civil War serves two critical geo-strategic purposes:  It covers Nuremberg’s primal war crime of foreign military aggression by putting the Aggressor and the Aggressed on the same plane, morally and strategically:

—e.g., the civil war model in Yugoslavia made the JNA equal in authority to the various foreign fighters {e.g., bin Laden's boys and other anti-communist mujahadin imported to Bosnia from the Muslim world} and the many Private Military Contractors {e.g., MPRI, Dyncorps, Blackwater, in Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia/Kosovo}; in Rwanda, the 1 October 1990 invasion by the RPF from Uganda was immediately declared by the Human Rights Community a ‘refugee rebellion’, a civil war between Hutu and Tutsi, in which the right of return of the Tutsi minority was being violated by the ruling Hutu majority, and the Internationally-brokered Arusha Peace Accords of August 1993 gave the invading RPF forces a major military foothold in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, a goal these foreign fighters {the vast majority of whom were either PMC mercenaries from other African countries or card-carrying agents of a foreign government and military, the Ugandan National Resistance Army—and therefore not entitled to be considered Rwandan refugees} had been unable to achieve even after three years of pitiless armed invasions and bloody assaults, until the UN and the International Community intervened to halt this ‘(un)civil war’ and promote a broad-based transition government to replace the single, mass-party, the MRND—a process which had already been initiated years before by Rwandan President Habyarimana, himself;

—and, secondly, it disenfranchises the population by replacing the democratic mandate of the single, mass-party with feuding sectarian interests and makes the eventual theft through privatization and foreign expropriation of public infrastructure and enterprises seem to be the democratic will of the newly ‘liberated’ population.

AND it takes the stench of blood, bile and decomposing flesh out of the hair of the real agents of this villainy:  Bill and Hillary Clinton, Madeleine Albright, Bill Cohen, Wes Clark, Roger Winter, Susan Rice, Joe Biden and Barack Obama.  These wars for global Business domination have been, after all, very much the pet projects of the Democratic Party and its craven class collaboration.

The First of July is celebrated by many Rwandans as Independence Day, the day, 50 years ago, when the world recognized the sublation of a monarchy by a duly-elected, majoritarian (republican) government—Tutsi King (mwami) Kigeli V was replaced by Hutu President Gregoire Kayibanda in a UN-sanctioned, popular, democratic regime change.  Yet today, along with English being made the official second language of Rwanda, the nation celebrates its independence on the same day as does its chief patron: the Fourth of July.

(The RPF actually took Kigali and ‘ended the war and stopped the fucking genocide’ around 14-16 July 1994.  But, given the French are still being held up as principal genocidaires—even by many of the French, themselves—, Bastille Day just wouldn’t do.)

Many prominent Rwandans, including the current sketch-ball president of the country, Paul Kagame, never miss an opportunity to correct their interlocutors that, rather than 1 July 1962 marking the arrival of  Independence to Rwanda, that date represents the beginning of the Tutsi Genocide.  In a meandering 100 minute press conference to be found on You Tube, a totally tweeked Kagame farcically adjusts the time-line of recent Rwandan history by correcting his choir of obviously terrified reporters (including Philip Gourevitch of The New Yorker and Paris Review, demurely astride the first-chair of the castrati section) as to the beginning of troubles with the UN (five decades ago instead of two) and Rwanda’s total ‘non-involvement’ with Eastern Congo dating back nearly five years.

We here at CM/P have been preoccupied with the Counter-Revolutions that were waged throughout the former 'non-aligned world' since the disappearance of the USSR—an event which, in itself, was a high expression of the same sort of neo-feudal revanchism that has characterized these latter days of Global Fascist Wastage.  But all talk of mass democracy as expressed through single-party political systems, like those in Resistance to Israeli occupation in Gaza (Hamas), in Lebanon and Syria (Hezbollah), and in the Territories (Arafat’s PLO); or in Cuba or North Korea or Khadaffi's Libya or in Syria with the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party; or today's ruling United Russia Party, a party that enjoys 80% electoral support in some regions but, in the West, is often reduced to Vladimir Putin’s personal claque; or even our chestnut-of-choice, Rwanda's National Revolutionary Movement for Development (MRND) {renamed at the insistence of the French socialist president and wool-clad lupine, François Mitterand, the National Republican Movement for Development and Democracy (MRNDD—though it didn't last long enough for the second 'D' to stick in the monogram)}, of martyred  president Juvénal Habyarimana:  discussions of all these examples of mass democracy wind up being relegated to summer school graduate seminars in geopolitics.

So for your next term paper on . . . say, 'Pluralism as the Death of Democracy', or . . . Aviational Liquifaction as The Most Effective Management of Superfluous National Leaders in the Restructuring of the Global Business Community':  here are a few of the stratagems that were deployed in trying to rid Rwanda of it ‘Extremist Hutu’ leader, President Juvénal Habyarimana (who, along with the President of Burundi and the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff, and others of their entourages, along with the French civilian flight crew, we’ve been asked to believe, was actually done in by his ‘Extremist Hutu’ comrades in the MRND and his ‘Extremist Hutu’ First-Lady).  Note that what makes it so easy for the current RPF government in Rwanda to deny complicity in terrorist murders across Africa, from that of the two Chiefs of State and the others on that executive jet to the millions of refugees, regardless of tribal affiliation, in Congo and throughout the Great Lakes Region, is that the RPF has always served as a mere ‘stand-in’, and a pretty feckless one at that, for the murderous inclinations of the forces of Western Global Privatization.  All the exaltation and demonization of that fateful monster Paul Kagame that the various factions of the Genocide Lobby get so worked up behind seem quite infantile when one considers the real agents in play during the great tragedy that has come to define Central Africa.  For these (Business) agents are still using their licenses to kill throughout the world.

The image that will stay with me forever is that of Juvénal Habyarimana, in the last hours of his life, pacing in front of Zairean President Mobutu and pleading with his friend to intervene with the Americans and Belgians to stop the mass killing that would surely ensue with a renewed RPF offensive, an offensive that President Habyarimana knew all too well would be signaled by his long-predicted murder, not at the hands of the fey nut-job Paul Kagame, but by those same Anglo-Saxons who had offered Habyarimana political asylum and unlimited accommodations at Disneyland if he would step down.  In the evening of 6 April 1994, as his Falcon-50 approached Kayibanda airport (Kanombe) and the lights of his presidential residence were coming into view, and his family was rushing out into the yard to watch his plane come in, if there was any fear in Habyarimana’s heart, I am sure it was not for himself or whatever his personal fate might be, but for the horrors that awaited his people at the hands of their Western Military/Commercial vanquishers.

The 'Plots' below are from a wonderful book by the former-commander of Habyarimana’s Presidential Guard, the late Protais Mpiranya, Rwanda: Le Paradis perdu.  This book—this Rwandan Paradise Lost—was a gift from my dear friend Faustin Ntilikina, whom I miss terribly and whose own depiction of the last days of the Rwandan Revolution, La Prise de Kigali . . . (The Taking of Kigali), like Mpiranya’s, remains locked away in that lush prison of the French language.  And no matter how hard we here have tried with so many of these important works, bringing the Real History of the New Counter Revolutionary Era into the cool and (stress-)accented rhythms of English seems more and more daunting—unto impossible. –mc]

*****************


Plot #1

The attack on the town of Byumba by the RPF-Inkotanyi in June 1992 took place at the opening of negotiations in Arusha [Tanzania] between the Rwandan Government and the RPF.  Byumba being under seige gave a great advantage in the negotiations to its attackers, the RPF.  A preliminary agreement regarding a ceasefire was signed in Arusha in July 1992.  After a period of relative calm, a new RPF offensive was stopped at the gates of Kigali in February 1993.  The two sides were separated and pulled back a few kilometers to create a demilitarized zone that came to be known as the “zone tampon” [buffer zone].  These hostilities led to the displacement of a million people, and thousands were slaughtered, tortured or disappeared by the RPF-Inkotanyi.

In May 1993, a first meeting between President Juvénal Habyarimana and the President of the RPF-Inkotanyi, Colonel Alexis Kanyarengwe, was to be held in Kinihira, in the ‘zone tampon’, in the prefecture of Byumba.  The GOMN (Groupe d’Observateurs Militaires Neutres), created in September 1991 by the African Union and charged with monitoring activity on the border between Rwanda and Uganda, was supposed to supervise the preparations for this meeting and to make sure it went smoothly.  It was also supposed to furnish security for the authorities who were to take part in the meeting.  The Tanzanian, General Hashim Mbita, was the group’s commander.  Among this group of neutral military observers was Col. Marcel Gatsinzi—on the Rwandan Government’s side—and Major Karenzi Karake on the side of the rebel RPF.

I was coming to the end of my second year within the Presidential Guard.  I had already had a good deal of the experience necessary for handling security, especially where preparations were concerned, because the golden rule of security is prevention.  In the application of this rule during the preparations of this security mission, no detail was taken for granted.  On this occasion I was assigned to head the security for the Chief of State during this meeting in Kinihira.  As such, I had to take part in all the meeting regarding security for this particular meeting.

On this matter, the commander of the GOMN asked to meet with the head of presidential security to inform him of the security measures being taken by his people for the Chief of State on his trip from Kigali to Kinihira and back home.

As the designated head of security in this case, I had to respond to this invitation on behalf of my superior officer.  At the appointed time I was in the office of the GOMN commander.  He was with his collaborators, Col. Marcel Gatsinzi for the government and Major Karenzi Karake for the RPF.

The mode of conducting military affairs is universal:  I arrived as I was order to do.  Without wasting any time, General Mbita informed me of the decision made by the representatives of the two warring factions here at the GOMN offices regarding the travel plans for the Rwandan Chief of State and his security while at the ceremonies in Kinihira.

·      While in Kinihira, no personnel of the Presidential Guard can be present.
·      The intinerary of the Chief of State will be Kigali-Base-Cyohoha-Kinihira, both going to meeting and coming back.
·      The Chief of State shall be accompanied by his security escort only on the Kigali-Base leg of the trip.  From there the security detail of the GOMN will take over guarding the Chief of State for the trip through the ‘zone tampon’ to Kinihira.
·      The presidential guard escort will wait in Base (at the junction of the roads to Kinihira and to Ruhengeri) to take him back to Kigali.

Col. Gatsinzi here offered the following:
 
“These are also the recommenations made by the RPF and there are no other alternatives.  There is nothing to worry about, we must trust the GOMN and I, myself, will accompany the President of the Republic.”

He insisted on his participation to convince me when he noticed my expression of disapproval at this decision.

He knew, however, that the zone between Base and Kinihira was permanently occupied by heavily-armed RPF troops disguised as civilians.  The so-called ‘demilitarized zone’ had long-since been taken over by the RPA.  I was personally very surprised by this reaction from a high-ranking representative of the Rwandan Government within the GOMN.  Even a total naif on matters of security would recognize what was being hidden behind this plan.

This was my only response:  “I was not sent here to follow the orders of the RPF or to ask for my duties in the protection of the President of the Republic from the GOMN.  I came to organize with you the security of my Chief of State.  If his safety is not assured, as I see it is not in this plan, surely an alternative plan can be found.  If necessary, this meeting will be cancelled to protect the life of the President who can in no eventuality be exposed to this sort of situation.”  I excused myself for not having the authority to make on this point.  I communicated that the authorities present would take full responsibility for the implementation of this plan.

Without delay, and so as to remain relevant, I wrote a report to my superior.  The dangers were predictable, the plot had already been hatched to take the Chief of State hostage once in Kinihira or, if necessary, to let him fall into an RPF ambush within the 25 kms of the ‘zone tampon’.  This GOMN plan, which did not follow any of the basic rules of security, was not initiated by GOMN and worried the governmental authorities.  It was obviously a plan put together by the leaders of the RPF-Inkotanyi, whose commander was Paul Kagame, and intended to do away with President Juvénal Habyarimana.

This move coincided with information furnished before by the intelligence services, about the RPF plan to take the President alive and hold him hostage until he relinquished power.

. . .

The day of the meeting in Kinihira, of course the President was there, but getting him there, his itinerary was not divulged to anyone other than those directly associated with the security of the Chief of State.  It was unavoidable, elements of the Presidential Guard batallion had to be present in Kinihira two hours before the arrival of the President.  The zone tampon had to be offically violated for a time to allow those troops assigned to furnish security to the President and to the delegations before taking part in the meeting.

The RPF-Inkotanyi took advantages of this opportunity to unmask its troops living secretly in the demilitarized zone under the pretext of being a mission to mark out the route unilaterally ordered by the RPF-Inkotanyi.  How could one explain this deployment solely of elements of the RPF in a supposedly neutral zone and in a situation that involved the two parties?  It was these same troops who awaited the passage of President Juvénal Habyarimana.  In any case, it was not in their mission plan to lavish Habyiarimana with honors or to help him have a calm and safe trip.

Fortunately, another solution had already been found.  For the first time, for the purposes of security,  the Chief of State would leave Kigali aboard a helicopter escorted by a second chopper and only after it was sure that elements of the Presidential Guard had arrived on site to protect him.

At the scene of the ceremonies, among numerous uniformed troops who were unfamiliar to me, I assumed the awesome responsibility of calling in when the situation was calm to give the green light for the take off of the two heliocopters bringing the Chief of State.  It was a perilous mission, but, fortunately, it went off without a major incident.  We registered only a few injuring to soldiers from both sides.  After two years of exchanging intense gunfire, this was more like heated name calling.  After take-off, I watched as the helicopters disappeared over the horizon toward Kigali after over-flying the center of Kinihira.  Nerves unwound and sighs of relief were emitted on seeing them disappear in the skies on the way to the capital.  But for me there was still on more tough bit to swallow, that of having to get across that Red Zone between Kinihira and the center of Base on the way home.

Our opposite numbers on the other side were still waiting for the last vehicles in our column to go by.  Anti-tank mines, ambushes, stone throwing and name calling awaited us just as had the unfriendly and insulting words that had greeted us on the morning of that first day.  But the safe departure of the Chief of State gave us the courage to be able to overcome the obstacles of the day.  A little before sunset, the whole cortege reached the government-controlled zone and at normal speed we got to Kigali without incident.

Plot #2

Between July and September 1993, the International Community was playing a grand role in the plots aimed at eliminating President Juvénal Habyarimana.  Presided over by Ugandan Chief of State Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, a gathering of the plotters was organized at the State House in Kampala with the RPF-Inkotanyi in attendance.  Also taking part in this meeting were:

  • Madame Prudence Bushnell, former U.S. Under-Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs
  • Madame Arlene Render, former Director of the Central African desk at State House;  U.S. State Dept., and former U.S. ambassador to Gambia from 1990 to 1993
  • Madame Patricia Irving, former U.S. Under-Secretary of Defense for Human and Refugee Rights

In that same year, Lt.-Col. Charles Vuckovic, former U.S. Military Attache in Cameroon was sent to Kigali to gather precise tactical information and calcuations on the human and materiel means of the Forces Armées Rwandaises [FAR] to aid the RPF and advise them on what strategy to take.[1]


Plot #3

In the evening of 21 February 1994, the RPF organized a meeting at the Meridian Hotel Umubano to decide on what had to be done with Habyarimana.  The pro-RPF parties in the Opposition were also invited to this meeting.  Minister Félicien Gatabazi, Executive-Secretary of the Social Democratic Party (PSD), refused to support the plan presented by the RPF to kill Habyarimana.  After this meeting had concluded, Gatabazi was murdered at the entrance to his home by an RPF commando that had been waiting in front of his house.  The RPF feared he would reveal their secret plan[2] to Habyarimana.


Plot #4

On 7 March 1993, President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, in league with Paul Kagame, organized a meeting purportedly to bring about a reconciliation between President Habyarimana and Col. Alexis Kanyarengwe, president of the RPF-Inkotanyi.

The day after this meeting, a summit of Chiefs of State was scheduled in Arusha on the problem of the negotiations for a peace agreement.  Paul Kagame had decided long-before to bring down President Habyarimana’s plane on the occasion of one of these trips by the Rwandan president.  That day’s plans, fortunately, did not come off.  The intelligence services and the presidential security forces were informed of a plan to trap the plane at Entebbe airport.  All those responsible for security, including the head of the Presidential Guard, had to show up on the scene to monitor the situation at close range.  Preventative security measures were taken to protect the presidential plane at Entebbe.  The pilots, who also had been informed of this threat, were told never to leave the aircraft.  A detachment to guard the plane was on duty the whole time it was on the ground.

The RPF's plan was for the presidential plane to be rigged with a sort of time bomb set to explode a few minutes after take-off so as to make it seem like a mechanical malfunction.  The unit that was supposed to carry out this hit could not find an opportunity to act because of the vigilance of the security men.  The attempts to run off the security agents guarding the presidential plane were unsuccessful because of the ferocious determination of the team assigned to this mission.


[1] Cf: The Clinton Administration, responsible for the Rwandan tragedy.  A statement of intent by the new White House team in Washington, D.C.; Bampoliki Innocent, Cyangugu 7 January 2001.
[2] Testimony of Jean-Pierre Mugabe on the assassination of President Habyarimana, Washington, D.C., 21 April 2000

Thursday, June 7, 2012

ICC v MBARUSHIMANA - THE ICC UPHOLDS ITS DECISION NOT TO PROSECUTE THE SPOKESMAN FOR THE FDLR


[This is already about a week old, but it seems important to note at this time of heightened counter-revolutionary violence in Syria and throughout the Israeli-occupied territories—and the renewed war-drumming in the media against Sudan and President al-Bashir (see Nick Kristof's column in 6 June 2012 NYTs)—that another of the International Communities judicial weapons for war-by-any-means is running out of gas—morally, if not financially. –mc]




Wednesday 30 May 2012

Arusha, 30 May 2012 (FH) -  The Appeals Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) on Wednesday unanimously rejected the appeal filed by the Prosecution against the refusal to pursue charges against the Rwandan Callixte Mbarushimana.

The Prosecutor had wanted to go after the Executive Secretary and spokesman for the Rwandan Hutu rebels of the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) for war crimes and crimes against Humanity committed in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC) in 2009.

But the trial chamber had, on 16 December 2011, refused to pursue these charges, finding that there was not sufficiently serious evidence to bring the Rwandan to trial.  The trial chamber at that time ordered his immediate release.  The Prosecution appealed this ruling.

"The decision of 16 December 2011 is upheld, and the appeal is rejected," declared Judge Erkki Kourula at a hearing that was transmitted live by satellite.

The ICC Prosecutor had presented Mbarushimana as the "respectable face" of this Rwandan Hutu militia.  According to the office of Luis Moreno Ocampo, the spokesman had contributed to crimes committed on the ground by the FDLR by carrying out an "international media campaign" through communiqués filed from Paris. 
 
As an outcome of investigations of the crimes of the FDLR, the Prosecutor asked the ICC judges on 14 May to issue a warrant for the arrest of the highest ranking commander of the armed group, General Sylvestre Mudacumura.  The judges have not as yet responded to this request.

Based in the East of the RDC, the FDLR, which includes some combattants who were deeply involved in the Rwandan genocide, are considered a source of insecurity in the region of the African Great Lakes.
ER/GF [Translated from the French by CM/P] 
© Agence Hirondelle



Monday, June 4, 2012

Marianne2 Article on Libé's Fake Scoop--Another Media War Crime


[At this moment when France's new Socialist-led government seems unable to feel any kinship with the Ba'athist Socialist-led government of Syria, and, in fact, is offering to throw in once more with Western Waste Capital's criminal elite in raining fiery death on yet another innocent people in the name of Democracy and Human Rights, and, in so doing, is blacking out its recent history of craven collaborationism with global Fascism:  It seems the perfect moment for this debunking of one more Rwandan Genocide hustle:  How the Rwandan's were never invaded, occupied and terrorized, but committed all that horrible, cold-blooded murder on themselves and for no good reason.  

In the pungent tradition of Dallaire's false genocide fax and the laughable reports Mutzinsi and Mucyo, the teabag hack'n'flack, Linda Melvern, has fished another unsanitary napkin from the cesspool of the UN files (read: the CIA/MI6/Mossad mimeograph room), and is trying to pass more stale shit off as new money.  

So the UN, the same pack of wet-brained carney shills who fronted for the Bosnian jihadists, the KLA terrorists in Kosovo, and those inglorious Western proxies the RPF; the International Community's stand-in who apologized for Srebrenica, Raçak, the 6 April 1994 double presidential assassination, without ever deigning to investigate any of these atrocities unto even losing/hiding/fabricating evidence so as not to have to bring cases against the real guilty parties; this same benighted army that has policed genocides from Korea to Indochina to Iraq, Afghanistan, Central Africa and Congo, Libya and soon enough Syria:  this fascist militia continues to have the full confidence of the World Public.  

And that is why, even with the strong investigative journalism someone like our dear friend Péan has practiced so well for so long, or with the table-turning work of someone like Charles Onana on Sudan, Côte d'Ivoire and soon Congo, the force of the false consciousness that the Genocide Lobby continues to feed, financially and amorally, will not soon be burned away by the bright light of revealed Truth. --mc]




Several Experts Deny Libération’s Scoop on [FAR] Missiles

by Pierre Péan

Pierre Péan, author of “Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs” [Black Fury, White Liars—still not in English!] and “Carnages” [see our translations of two chapters (6 & 16) of this very important work], demonstrates how the scoop in Libération about the alleged presence of French-made missiles in the stocks of the Forces Armées Rwandaises (FAR) prior to the attack that cost the life of Juvénal Habyarimana.  In reality, this information, which is not new, was set aside as irrelevant by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).
Sarkozy stealing Kagame's watch.
Mediatically, the scoop in the 1 June edition of Libération claiming there were 15 Mistral missiles in the arsenal of the FAR during the Habyarimana regime, was a big success, a coup picked up by most of the French media.  One small problem:  this scoop was no scoop.

The list of these French-made surface-to-air missiles—discovered by a British journalist [Linda Melvern, a paid RPF flack and genocide hustler from day one] in the records of the UN—was submitted Thursday to [anti-terrorist, investigative] Judges Marc Trévidic and Nathalie Poux by two Defense lawyers.  This information was also transmitted to Libération, which then put it on the front page of the next day’s edition.  This “scoop” was supposed to weaken the current thinking that holds Paul Kagame responsible for ordering the attack that cost the life of President Juvénal Habyarimana.  This attack is thought to have set off the genocide.

You don’t have to be an expert to understand the effect produced by the introduction of such a document into the minds of Libération readers or the consumers of the other media that carried the story:  If the FAR possessed these Mistral, they would have been able to use them to shoot down their president's Falcon 50.  This stock of weapons indicates the responsibility of the Hutus and the involvement of France in the attack that set off the genocide. . . 

This fake scoop, penned by the journalist Maria Malagardis, is really just the umpteenth psy-op by Kigali.  The alleged repository of 15 Mistral held by the FAR was brought up in October 1994 by Alison Des Forges of Human Rights Watch, and she, at that time, based her claim on a list presented by Sean Moorhouse, a British officer of the UNAMIR2, to whom it had come second hand.

Contacted by several interests, Moorhouse today denies having written that the FAR had 15 Mistral.  In an exchange of emails with Belgian Professor Filip Reyntjens, Moorhouse last year wrote, apropos of this list revived by HWR: “I did not make up the list of weapons suspected to be in the hands of the FAR.  I inherited it.”  


Moorhouse adds that he did not place a great deal of stock in the reliability of this list, which was part of a flood of rumors at that time.  He even suggested that the Mistral were added later.  Filip Reyntjens did not hesitate to comment on the “scoop” in Libération:  “So all of this is not really serious, and all that Maria Malagardis “revealed” was her own lightweight approach to a case that deserves a lot more rigor.”

“Phony scoop . . . Ridiculous . . . A dud . . .”, is how it was described to me by Col. Luc Marchal, deputy commander to General Dallaire with the UNAMIR in 1994.  This Belgian officer was the charged with knowing where to find weapons held by both parties (FAR and RPF) and with confiscating all but personal arms.  Very hard on the Libération article, he acknowledged that this document had been around for a long time and that it had been discussed in Arusha at the ICTR, before being set aside as irrelevant.  “If the FAR had some Mistral, I would have known about it, that was my job.  The possession of such missiles would have required a technical infrastructure they didn’t have. . . . And, if the FAR actually had such a system, they would have set it up to protect their airspace and we would have been able to track it.”

Libération published this fake scoop at the precise moment when the lawyers for the plaintiffs were presenting their concluding arguments on the expert ballistics evidence in the case of the 6 April 1994 missile-strike.  This evidence, without being categorical, pointed the investigation toward the missiles' being fired from Camp Kanombe, held at that time by the FAR, rather than from the farm at Masaka.  Without ever indicating the possible authors of this attack.  Libération has drawn totally distorted conclusions, blacking-out the huge "Irrefutable" from its 11 January 2012 front-page headline.  So the daily, without a second though, has taken up the theme played by Kigali, thus leading its readers to believe that the investigation has come to a close, that the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, was innocent and that Extremist Hutus were the perpetrators of the attack, with a headline that makes the report say something that it had never even suggested:  “Rwanda: the evidence of a planned genocide”. . .


This “Page One” and this article have caused a number of indignant reactions, like those of Rony Brauman, Claudine Vidal and Jean-Hervé Bradol, who published an op-ed in Marianne entitled: “Kagame’s useful idiots.”  So these “useful idiots” put the covers back on at the precise moment when the judges were presenting documents showing that this report was not, as the media had been hammering on, irrefutable, but in need of some counter-expertise.

So the fake scoop in Libération came as another smokescreen arriving just when many of Paul Kagame's closest collaborators have decided to confide in the French judges.  They have given new information that tends to cast suspicion on Paul Kagame and indicates that he is the one who ordered this attack.

The game in Kigali is easily explained:  the Rwandan regime acted to put pressure on the judges at a time when it has been weakened by the departure of Nicolas Sarkozy, who wanted to abandon the judicial investigation into the attack.  As far as this judicial decision on his guilt goes toward affecting his survival, it totally calls Paul Kagame’s legitimacy into question.

Once again, Libération seems to have been transformed into a Kigali version of Pravda.  The theme of the article seems to have mistaken one of the arguments of the Defense made by Maitres Lev Forster and Bernard Maingain, lawyers for the nine Rwandans from Paul Kagame’s inner circle, still under suspicion, despite the extreme pressure put on the French judges for the past six years.  The Rwandan tragedy gave birth to a new kind of journalist.  Those who know the truth a priori and who then investigate just to prove they are right.  A sort of hemiplegic investigation on which, alas, Libération  holds no monopoly.