[The text below came to us in an email.
It was nearly illegible, i.e., unreadable, incomprehensible, seemingly a
translation from the French or Kinyarwandan by a non-native English speaker.
But the history it described, the information it contained, was so
important as to merit the great deal of time and effort that was spent
rendering it into something like idiomatic English.
Let it be noted that Mr. Kintu's history of
the Central African troubles has direct bearing on the current US presidential
election--as much in what it says as in what it leaves out. The
militarized chaos that is currently consuming Africa and the Middle East is not
a recent phenomenon, not an evil-minded caprice of the Obama Administration.
One need only read those bits of Pierre Péan's and Charles Onana's
reportage translated elsewhere on this blog to get an idea of just how far back
into the history of these regions extends the bloody and brutalizingly decisive
role of Western military imperialism.
And while you're at it, you might want to
join with Péan and Onana in reflecting on just how significant has been the
intervention of Western Intelligence, especially on the parts of the CIA, MI6,
DGSE and the Mossad, in promoting, protecting and maintaining the destructive
and far too often deadly political confusion, fear and outrage that have marked
the discussion of recent events like Waste Stage Capital's global wars for
privatization, the 'Arab Spring,' and the current American presidential
campaigns. –mc]
Mr. Remigius Kintu
The Following Document
was prepared upon request and presented to the U.N. Tribunal
on Rwanda, Arusha,
Tanzania
March 20, 2005
I come before you, Ladies
and Gentlemen of this noble Tribunal, which was instituted to search for
the truth behind the heinous crimes committed in Rwanda. And to you was charged the noble responsibility of
dispensing justice where it is due. If I could borrow from the wisdom of great
men and women of long ago, truth is not a function of public opinion or majority
vote, nor does it stem from the wishes of the mighty and powerful, but rather
it stands in its absolute properties regardless of opinions, purposes or values
of anyone and transcends time and space.
I want to borrow from the
Greek play OEDIPUS REX by Sophocles.
King Oedipus was disturbed by the immense suffering taking place in Thebes. The
calamity in that land was caused by the shedding of the innocent blood of its
King Laisos, who was killed many years before. Kreon,
ruler pro-temp of Thebes in Laisos’ absence, told Oedipus that he had heard from Delphi that the gods demanded the
expulsion of an old defilement [the Sphinx] that was being harbored in Thebes.
As a result, Oedipus made the following pledge: If any man
knows by whose hand king Laios,
son of Ladbakos, met his death, I direct that man to tell me everything no
matter what he fears for having
so long withheld it. Let it stand as promised that no further trouble will come to him but he may leave
the land in safety. And for the criminal, I pray to God that that man’s life be consumed in evil and
wretchedness. And as for me, this curse
applies no less.
He further stated that the
god Apollo sent us word that this great pestilence would be lifted, only if the
identity of those who murdered Laios
were established clearly. None of the wise men and priests could reveal the
secret of the calamity that befell the land of Thebes.
Choragos suggested that there was one man who might detect the
criminal. This was Teirsias,
a blind holy prophet in whom, alone of all men, truth abided.
Teirsias was brought before the throne and revealed to
Oedipus: I say that you are the murderer whom you
seek. I say you live in hideous shame with those most dear to you. You cannot see the
evil.
It is the truth that
sustains me.
BACKGROUND
The Hutu vis-à-vis
Tutsi Relations
Tutsi-Hutu relations in
Rwanda have been marred by gruesome human rights violations committed and
perpetuated by Tutsis for centuries. Belgian colonialism did very little to
alleviate the brutality, enslavement, dehumanization and all sorts of suffering
that Hutus endured for centuries at the hands of the Tutsi minority who controlled
that country with an iron fist. Hutus were nothing but the slaves of the
Tutsis. Each Hutu was obliged to perform UBURETWA, labor performed by Hutus
that symbolized the most degrading and humiliating form of servitude. Hence, a
Hutu was required to put in a day’s work at the property of a Tutsi master
without pay. The harvest of the land belonged to Tutsis who had the right and
privilege of enjoying whatever Hutu labor produced. But the Hutus could only
use leftovers at the discretion of the Master Tutsis. Needless to say, land
belonged to Tutsis, and Hutus had one duty: to work that land for the benefit of their masters.
Such institutionalized impoverishment
forced many Hutus to seek paid employment in Uganda. Others sought work in
Congo. Whenever a Hutu slave/servant failed to perform his duties on the Tutsi
master’s property, the punishment was eight lashes with a kiboko (a whip made
out of the dry skin of a hippopotamus).
Educational opportunities
went only to Tutsis, thus creating a mass of ignorant and uneducated Hutus.
Only at the discretion of a Master could the child of an extraordinarily obedient
and docile Hutu slave be permitted to attend school, and only up to a certain
level, also at the whim of the masters. Government positions, from the King down
to the lowliest level, were exclusively for Tutsis.
The brutality of Tutsis
toward Hutus had no limits. It became second nature that neither human decency
nor moral/spiritual values could influence the way Tutsis treated Hutus. For
instance, Umwami’s (the king) official drum and the symbol of royalty, called KALINGA, was decorated with the dried penises of Hutu men.
The Queen Mother, who wielded significant power, had her two spears, the
symbols of her authority, planted in the bodies of two Hutu infants or adults.
A Tutsi had the right to
kill a Hutu for any reason, including simple displeasure at a Hutu’s looks.
Sometimes such killings would be carried out by parents to please their
children, who might have expressed dislike of a particular Hutu for some
reason.
The dehumanization process
reached such a terrible depth that Hutus were barred from crying if and when
such atrocities befell them. The consequences of shedding tears at the presence
of such brutal injustices were mortal. As a result of centuries of dehumanization
and odious brutalization, Hutus no longer cry but, instead, freeze or become petrified
and weep internally. These are but a few examples of the brutality Tutsis have
shown toward Hutus for centuries.
THE HUTU REVOLT
In 1948, the UN reports
expressed shock at the inequalities in Rwandan social and political structures
and called upon the Belgian colonial administration to prepare the population
for self-government. The Tutsi did not agree with the UN recommendations and
wanted to keep their superior status to the Hutus.
The first blows of the
Hutu revolution were struck in 1959 when a gang of Tutsi youths attacked one of
the few Hutu sub-chiefs. The news of his death spread across the country and
Hutus moved to retaliate. The Hutu uprising of 1959 was important because it demonstrated
the depth of rural discontent with the Tutsi domination and mistreatment of Hutus.
This revolution ended in 1961 when democratic elections and a referendum on the
monarchy were held under UN supervision. The Hutus won the vote by an
overwhelming majority. The referendum delivered a decisive rejection of the
monarchy. Under the leadership of a charismatic Gregoire Kayibanda, democratically elected Hutus took control of the
government and Parliament.
That revolution, which
abolished the monarchy, established for the first time in the history of Rwanda
a government run by the Hutu majority. As a result, thousands of Tutsis who were
members of the repressive regime, including the Umwami (King), fled to neighboring
countries like Uganda, Congo, Tanzania and beyond.
In the late 1950s the
Catholic Church in Rwanda played a significant role in abolishing the Tutsi
enslavement of Hutus. Tutsis, regardless of their religious affiliations, have
harbored a deep resentment against the Church since then. In particular,
retired Archbishop Andre Perraudin, who in 1959 wrote a pastoral letter in
which he asked, in the name of charity, that an end be put to the privileges of
one ethnic group over another, suggested social reforms and greater democracy.
Prior to his becoming a Bishop, Fr. Perraudin had been one of a few
missionaries who taught, believed, and lived the doctrine of social justice in Rwanda.
That diabolical hatred of
the Church by Tutsis was vividly demonstrated by the RPF when they accused
Bishop Augustin Misago of the so-called genocide of 1994. Bishop Fokas of Ruhengeri
was taken away by police and presumed killed. A government-sponsored campaign
to demean the Catholic Church in Rwanda has been going on at the highest levels
of the RPF administration. What is even more shameful is seeing how Tutsis
demonstrated on April 4, 1999, at
a church in Veyras, Switzerland, when the retired Bishop was celebrating his 60
years in the priesthood. They accused him of the 1994 genocide. The Bishop
served Rwanda for 38 years and retired to his home country of Switzerland on September
15 1993. His legacy of emancipating Hutus from Tutsi enslavement is the real crime
for which the Tutsis can never forgive him.
TUTSI REFUGEES IN
UGANDA
Soon after they arrived in
Uganda in 1960, the UNHCR set up refugee camps for Tutsis at Rwimi and Base
Camp Kasese in Toro, Kamuhingi and at Rukinga Valley in Ankole. Rukinga Valley
was a sparsely populated area. It provided excellent grazing land for those who
came with their livestock. The UN agency took full responsibility for those people.
Uganda, as a young nation, had never experienced such an influx of refugees and
did not know how to handle such problems.
It is important to
remember that Tutsis made no secret of their intentions to return to Rwanda as
rulers. “We cannot accept to be ruled by Hutus who are supposed to be our slaves,” they declared. Soon after they
settled in those camps, they devised plans for taking back power in Rwanda
through force. In the 1960s, Tutsi refugees made several attempts to capture
power by force. There were about five separate attacks during Kayibanda’s rule,
when Tutsi militant groups made unsuccessful attempts to attack Rwanda from
Uganda and Congo. At the same time they were accusing Rwanda of being undemocratic.
They continued waging a two-pronged attack: accusing the Hutu regime in Kigali
of being undemocratic and repressive, while at the same time mobilizing an
armed invasion of Rwanda. Still under the UNHCR supervision in Uganda, those
refugees tried to mobilize their youth into an armed guerilla group. The
militant group was called THE BANYRWANDA YOUTH ASSOCIATION. Milton Obote’s first regime prevented them from
using Uganda as a military base for an attack on a neighboring country because
it was a violation of both the U.N. and OAU Charters. That did not go well in
the minds of a people who were obsessed with taking power at any cost. They worked
around it by undermining the very country that had given them refuge.
At that time their efforts
were thwarted, their conviction to regain power in Rwanda was undiminished.
They continued to use other avenues including negotiating with the Kigali
regime for their return to Rwanda, which might give them an opportunity to
maneuver in regaining power, by any means, from inside the country. There were
several negotiations sponsored by OAU and UN to work out a compromise for
returning refugees to their country. Each time a compromise was reached, the
Tutsi side undermined its implementation and quickly blamed the Hutu side for
the apparent failure. It was self evident that the Tutsis wanted nothing short
of seizing full control of the country and returning to the old ways of Tutsi
domination and the enslavement of Hutus.
They resented the fact
that Rwanda was under the control of a majority of the people they deemed unfit
to rule. That sentiment was confirmed many years later when Paul Kagame’s junta
officially condemned retired Archbishop Andre Parraudin for his pivotal role in the emancipation of Hutus in
1950s. The, then, Fr. Parraudin (who was a missionary teacher at a seminary in
Rwanda during the 1950s) expounded to his students the Catholic doctrine
of SOCIAL JUSTICE and HUMAN RIGHTS. On that basis the Diocesan newspaper called Kinyamateka was entrusted to Gregoire
Kayibanda, an exseminarian, who wrote extensively on social reform, condemning
Tutsi brutality against the Hutus. Kayibanda, backed by the Church through
Bishop Parraudin, vehemently preached justice and human rights for all. It was
from that standpoint that Hutu liberation blossomed and formed a political
party, PARMEHUTU, which waged a victorious campaign against the Tutsi dynasty,
overthrowing the monarchy and deposing all Tutsi rulers in 1959/60.
END OF REFUGEE CAMPS IN
UGANDA
Under the influence of
some powerful Hima politicians from the Ankole District, namely Grace S.
Ibingira, C.B. Katiti and W.W. Rwetsiba, who were intimately involved with Tutsi
refugees, Ugandan President Milton Obote was persuaded to undermine the UNHCR
and closed the camps. Many refugees left UNHCR sponsorship much to the dismay
of UN officials. The Uganda government, working in conjunction with local
authorities, settled many Tutsi families at Namutamba, Kiboga, Mawogola, and
many parts of Ankole.
Obote recruited many of
the young men and women to serve in his newly created, Gestapo-like spy and torture
group, the GENERAL SERVICE
UNIT (GSU). They had over the centuries perfected
the skills of spying, torturing and brutally subjugating Hutus in Rwanda. Such work
was second nature to them. They learned quickly the Bantu languages of southern
Uganda, particularly, Runyankole, Rukiga, Luganda and Lusoga. Obote's regime
was destined to survive many years in power because it had monopoly-control of
the military, using his northern tribesmen along with an effective but dreaded
spy and torture network manned by Tutsi mercenaries, who had no loyalty to any
tribe and could intermingle freely and effectively with the Bantu tribes of the
south, where opposition to his regime was strongest. Many girls. including
Tutsis, were deployed to work as spies in bars, hotels, and restaurants, or
even as wives.
Many GSU agents were
deployed in various ministries and state controlled corporations from which
they spied on civil servants and the general public. Among GSU agents of Rwandese
extraction was Yoweri Museveni, who, as a young boy lived in the family of
Boniface Byanyima and attended Ntale High School, and went on to work in the
Prime Minister's office. Chris Katsigazi joined the Foreign Affairs Ministry
and served in many posts overseas, including in Washington DC and New York.
GSU became a notorious and
dreaded agency that caused Obote's regime to be hated. Many people, especially
from the opposition Democratic Party, were tortured and imprisoned by GSU
agents. Most of those atrocities were committed by Tutsi agents purporting to
be Banyankole. That insecurity created a paralysis in the country and disrupted
political, social and economic progress.
IDI AMIN AND TUTSIS
General Idi Amin overthrew
Obote on January 25, 1971. The population was jubilant because they expected to
see an end to GSU spies. Idi Amin tried to rid Uganda of those dangerous
elements, but unfortunately that was not to be. Many GSU personnel fled the
country, but a significant number of them remained and eventually infiltrated
Amin's regime, serving as spies and killers under a new organization
called the STATE RESEARCH
BUREAU (SRB).
FRONASA AND TUTSI PLAN
Those GSU Tutsis who fled
Uganda after Idi Amin took over, organized an exile group named FRONASA.
Its leader was Yoweri Museveni, and it was
based in Dar es Salaam. Although that group attracted a number of hardcore
leftist UPC supporters, their main objective, according to an ex-wife of one of
the inner-circle, was to consolidate Tutsi power. A network of Tutsis
purporting to be Banyankole or Bakiga used that organization to mobilize and crystallize
their political agenda for the entire region.
Within FRONASA a group of militant Tutsis working jointly with
Himas was formed to organize and carry out a grand plan of taking power in
countries of the Great Lakes Region, starting with Uganda, which was to be used
as a base and spring board. That group included the following members: Yoweri
K. Museveni, Fred Rwigyema. Paul Kagame, Ezra Bunyenyezi, Emmanuel Bunyenyezi,
David Tinyefunza, Jimmy Muhwezi, Otafire, Barihona, Rwandali, Rwehibanda,
Keitonga, Ghashizi, Ezra Suruma, Muchunguzi, Kaharwa, Ruhakana Rugunda, Mathew
Rukikaire, Perez Kamunanwire, and many others. Ahmed Sseguya, a Muganda, led
the FRONASA military trainees at
Nachingweya. He was later killed at the order of Yoweri Museveni in Luwero
during the war. The people he ordered to kill Sseguya were Muchunguzi, Julius
Ayime and Mugume.
The political
disintegration in Uganda, to which those death squads contributed significantly,
opened up new opportunities for Tutsis to take advantage of the situation in their
long term plan of taking political power, commencing with Uganda, which they
were to use as a staging point to capture neighboring countries. Under the
banner of FRONASA, Tutsis purporting to
be Banyankole or Bakiga, participated in the Moshi Conference, which created Yusuf Lule's regime after the fall of
Idi Amin in 1979. While in a Dar es Salaam hotel, Yoweri Museveni gave Yusuf
Lule a list of 18 people from whom he could pick 14 Ministers; all names were
of purported Banyankole. His justification for that glaring bias was, “Those
are the only people I know.” Subsequently Museveni became Minister of Defense,
a position he used to place his fellow Tutsis in positions of control. But he was quickly disarmed by a
stronger Nilotic power clique led by Oyite Ojok.
It is important to
remember that soon after Idi Amin was overthrown in 1979, Yoweri Museveni
became Minister of Defense. His FRONASA
clique in the National Liberation Army (NLA) recruited many Tutsi/Hima from the
Ankole and Kigezi areas. Those were strategically stationed at Lubiri Army
Barracks and Makindye Military Police Barracks from where Rwandali and
Rweibanda conducted a random killing rampage of civilians. They utilized a bus
which was called Mpawo Atalikaaba in which the killers
rode every night, picking up their victims and smashing their heads with hoes
and littering the surrounding areas with corpses.
Although Museveni was
removed from the Ministry of Defense, his other comrades, who had infiltrated
other newly formed security organizations, remained and continued their acts of
sabotage which undermined and weakened Yusuf Lule and G.L. Binaisa regimes. Those
crimes of random killings of civilians terrorized the country while at the same
time discrediting and weakening Binaisa rule.
In 1980 Baganda political
militants started a guerrilla war that eventually overthrew Obote's second
regime. At that time Museveni was Vice Chairman of the ruling Military Commission.
Repressive policies of terrorizing and torture, mysterious and random killings
of civilians, robbing and stealing from the public were daily occurrences.
Forcing people onto trucks (Panda Gali)
to be taken to be tortured and others killed was common in and around Kampala
under the watchful eyes of a consenting Museveni. In 1981, Museveni was ousted
by the Muwanga/Obote/Oyite Ojok camp. He, together with a number of Tutsis whom
he had groomed joined the ongoing bush war which had started a year earlier.
Their first action was to
steal weapons from other fighters by pretending to join together and share
whatever equipment they had. They then started killing the leaders and finally took
over the operation. That is why Museveni has always lied that the bush war
started in 1981, when it had actually started in 1980. That war against Obote's
repressive regime was very popular among Ugandans. Tutsis saw this as a golden
opportunity to take over the liberation struggle and eventually claim to be the
ones who saved Uganda from Obote. Then they could rule Uganda and eventually
use it to conquer other countries, starting with Rwanda. They made no secret of
their regional plan to dominate and control the entire Great Lakes Region.
People who were with them during the fighting recall that the Tutsi/Hima
High Command frequently discussed plans to invade Rwanda after having taken over Uganda. After that, Congo/Zaire was next and would be
followed by Tanzania, in that order. Among their objective was to eliminate or
reduce the numerical superiority of Hutus through mass killings and any other
means, to wipe out the Nilotics of Northern Uganda, whom they called Obusoro (little
animals), and turn all other Bantu tribes into a controlled mass of servants or
slaves. The plot against Nilotic tribes was also revealed to me by the late
Grace Ibingira in 1986 just before he joined NRM's regime as Special Advisor to
Museveni.
TUTSI INTEGRATION IN
UGANDA
Uganda has always been a
country founded on an unwritten policy of inclusion; not exclusion. Museveni's
era has forced many Ugandans to wonder what went wrong. Tutsis were well
received by the people and were rendered assistance and acceptability more than
any immigrant group could ever expect. They quickly established themselves, acquired
land for settlement and intermarried. Educational and employment opportunities were
open to all without any discrimination whatsoever. Some attended Makerere University
in Uganda and other universities in Kenya and Tanzania and abroad as Ugandans
camouflaged as Banyankole or Bakiga. A case in point is Edith Ssempala, now Ugandan Ambassador to USA. She studied
Engineering at Lumumba University in Moscow on a Ugandan scholarship. Yet when
she was in Moscow, she did not want to identify herself as a Ugandan but rather
as a Rwandese.
There were many Tutsi
families who came to Uganda prior 1959. Many of those families had established
themselves among Ugandans. Teacher Karugendo of Kyakanyomozi village comes to
my mind. He was my schoolmate at Busubizi Teacher Training College from 1955
till 1958. His children participated in the RPF invasion of Rwanda in 1990. Mr. Nyakamwe raised livestock at Kasali
village where he lived till his death. His children were also among those who
invaded Rwanda in 1990. Why should their children, who were borne in Uganda,
whose parents migrated before the Kayibanda revolution, join the RPF in the
invasion of Rwanda?
The integration of Tutsi
refugees was thorough and comprehensive. Each person had an opportunity to make
the most out of life according to his/her ability. There were many refugees who
had good education and training. Among them was Mr. Avigimana who later
shortened his name to Avigima and taught at numerous Secondary schools in the Masaka
area starting at Bikira Junior Secondary School. He later became Headmaster of Kabwoko
and Kyamulibwa Junior Secondary schools. Mr. and Mrs. Leo Magulu are rural
people who obtained land at Bikira village where they live up to now in total harmony
with the local Baganda.
There is a Tutsi I met in
Boston, MA, who had a good job with the Uganda Coffee Marketing Board. He
purchased a profitable ranch in Mawogola. He is among those who invaded Rwanda
in 1990 together with his children and relatives. At the request of Fred Rwigyema,
his ranch was used as military training and supply base for RPF. The Catholic
Bishop of Kigezi, Rt. Rev. Barnabas Halem imana used his residence as a safe
haven for the officers of the RPF during the invasion of Rwanda and also as a
training camp for RPF spies and torture agents. One of the people who trained
at the Bishop’s residence informed me what she witnessed. She narrated about
their evening discussions with the Bishop and other RPF officials discussing
the glory and destiny of Tutsis and why they must struggle hard to regain
power, not only in Rwanda but throughout East and Central Africa, because they
were destined to be rulers. Hutus and other Bantu people, according this
doctrine, were created to be servants. The people of Kigezi were angry at the
Bishop when they found out his involvement with the RPF. First, there were clandestine
letters from priests and lay people complaining to high Church officials in Uganda
and to the Vatican. That was followed by a popular revolt that drove him out of
the Diocese for his own safety, and he sought refugee in Kampala from where he
officially requested the Pope to accept his resignation from the post of Bishop
of Kabale. His request was granted.
Obote’s regime in the
1960s needed the Tutsis to carry out the bulk of its secret agency work because
of their callousness, adaptability and propensity for brutality with a straight
face. Obote recruited many of them into the infamous GENERAL SERVICE UNIT, a spy
and torture arm of his regime similar to the GESTAPO of Adolph Hitler. Tutsi
girls together with numerous Ugandan girls, who were selected for their loose
morals or wickedness, were deployed in strategic places to spy on the public.
Others were assigned to foreign visitors and diplomats.
TUTSI CRIMES IN UGANDA
Uganda has had her share
of political upheavals since independence. Human rights violations in that
country have received worldwide publicity until Museveni came to power. There
have been more heinous crimes during Museveni’s rule than during Amin and Obote
combined and yet the self-appointed policemen of the world keep silent. Is this
an accident or intentional?
In the mid-1960s, Obote’s
regime established a spy and torture organization called GENERAL SERVICE
UNIT (GSU) headed by his cousin Akena
Adoko and mostly staffed with Tutsi men and women who could easily mingle with
the Bantu tribesmen and speak their languages. Their lack of loyalty to any
tribe and a deeply rooted second-nature for brutality peculiar to them made the
Tutsis the best choice to employ in that new GESTAPO. Many Ugandans, particularly
those belonging to the opposition Democratic Party were tortured and/or
imprisoned. Properties were looted. Many people were unfairly fired from their
jobs because GSU spies found them not to be UPC supporters.
Those acts of sabotage and
brutality which Obote introduced into the Ugandan body politic caused his
regime to be abhorred. By 1970, the country had come to a virtual standstill, polarized
by terror, insecurity and tribal hatred. During all that time, Tutsis in GSU
were camouflaged as Hima of Ankole, others as Bakiga. Little did the world know
that on August 6, 1962, a
TUTSI DYNASTY PLAN was made to colonize the Central African countries.
Idid Amin overthrew Obote
on January 25, 1971, in a coup. Many Ugandans were exuberant because they anticipated
the end of the GSU terrorists. Obote and his men fled to Tananzia. Among the
many that fled with him were GSU agents, including Yoweri Museveni. However,
many other Tutsis did not leave the country but rather joined Amin’s new and
notorious STATE RESEARCH BUREAU (SRB).
It came to light much later that many bizarre atrocities which took place
during Amin’s reign were carried out by the SRB under directives from FRONASA without Amin’s knowledge and consent, according to
well placed sources in Amin’s regime.
There was a Tutsi man who
lived at Bayitababiri on the Entebbe-Kampala road. He went by the Baganda name
of Mukasa. He also claimed to be a Munyoro. He was an officer in Amin’s SRB and
was implicated in numerous murders including those of Anglican Archbishop Janan
Luwum and Mr.Oboth Ofumbi. He sarcastically told some neighbors about the death
of Archbishop Luwum on February 17, 1977, less than an hour after the crime was
committed and before anybody knew of it. He further bragged that he was going to
State House to report the matter to Idi Amin. Many Tutsis were active in the State
Research Bureau. Many atrocities were
carried out without Amin’s knowledge, according to one former Advisor to the
dictator. Frank Kalimuzo was close to a Tutsi SRB agent who is presumed to have received orders from
FRONASA. The same agent is also known to
have been the driver who took Ben Kiwanuka from the High Court building to Makindye
Barracks where he was killed. The same former advisor to Amin identifies a technical
officer in the SRB responsible
for bombs, poison, etc., was a Frank Terpil who had connections with the CIA.
During that era, many
people especially prominent politicians, professionals and businessmen were
killed by SRB Agents. Among them were
Ben Kiwanuka, Joseph Mubiru, Frank Kalimuzo, Rev. Fr. Clement Kiggundu, and
Rev. Fr. Clement Mukasa.
This era will always be
remembered as the dark ages when Uganda was deprived of her trained and
experienced personnel. A well-known lawyer and politician Mr. Abubaker K. Mayanja
was picked up by those killer squads. One of his wives immediately rushed to the
house of Umwami Kigyeri, who was by then a refugee in Uganda. She tearfully pleaded
to Kigyeri for the life of her husband. In a telephone call, Kigyeri ordered the
immediate release of Mr. Mayanja. The question which one would ask is how could
an exiled king of the Tutsis have known who had taken Abubaker Mayanja and
where he currently was in order for him to make a phone call to secure his
release? Amin’s personal friend, Aneil Clarke, vanished without a trace. All
the blame fell on Idi Amin, but Mrs. Mayanja knew better where the real cobra
was.
One of the Tutsi tactics
was to infiltrate the regimes of Obote and Amin, creating havoc by committing
crimes against the people and then blame the government leaders for those crimes.
Such activities weakened the regimes creating an easy way for the Tutsis to emerge
later as liberators of the masses. Mr. Paul Kagame, as Director of Military Intelligence,
ran a notorious slaughter house where hundreds of Ugandans were tortured and
brutally killed. His headquarters was at Basiima House near Mengo. The death of
Andrew L. Kayiira on March 7, 1987, falls squarely into the hands of Paul
Kagame and his killer squad from Basiima House, according to informers who were
in the intelligence service at the time. A Ugandan Army officer,
registration number R00007, Paul Kagame, must be Court Marshaled for the death and torture
of many people in Uganda and Rwanda.
David Tinyefunza was Commander
of Eastern Region and slaughtered many people during his stay in Eastern
Uganda. The most pronounced incidence of his brutality was the roasting of
people in train wagons in Teso in 1987.
Bayingana, who was in
charge of Prison medical services, was responsible for the killing of many
prisoners at Luzira between 1986 and 1990. Hundreds of people, particularly from
Buganda and the northern region, were detained as squatters and many did not
come out alive. He was among the invaders of Rwanda under the RPF banner.
Bayingana was responsible for injecting political prisoners with slow killing
poison. Such prisoners would be released only to die a few days or weeks later.
Consequently, they would claim death as being due to natural causes. That
poison was imported from Cuba and Rumania, according reliable sources. Among
such victims were Lt. Namiti, Paulo Muwanga, Col. Otto, Henry Bwambale, A.
Bazira.
One of the greatest lies
of the 20th century was that those Tutsis were refugees in Uganda. They ceased
to be refugees in the mid-1960s when the camps were closed and UNHCR pulled up
stakes. Those people were integrated thoroughly into Ugandan society. Refugees
do not hold ministerial posts in their host country as Rwigyema did. When Paul
Kagame traveled to the USA for military training, he did not use a U.N. Refugee
Pass, but a genuine Ugandan passport. He is a genuine Uganda military officer
with registration number
R00007. It has been recently revealed that
Paul Kagame used to visit his aunt in Butale during the Habyarimana reign. He
traveled as a Ugandan of Rwandan extraction.
THE POST AMIN ERA AND
MUSEVENI’S CONTRIBUTION
FRONASA Group and
mobilization of Tutsis in Uganda
THE 1980 ARMED STRUGGLE
IN UGANDA AND INFILTRATION
Soon after the political
turmoil, from its lowest levels Obote’s group stole the elections, Ugandans
waged an armed struggle and a civil war broke up. At that time Yoweri Museveni was
co-chairman of the ruling Military Commission, which in turn paved the way for
the second return to power of Milton Obote. In 1981, Museveni and his Tutsi
clique, which was hatched in FRONASA
and later merged with UPM, infiltrated the ongoing armed struggle against
Obote’s forces. They joined the fighting with the hidden agenda of taking over
and killing off its original leadership. Indeed the Tutsi clique successfully
carried out their dual plan. Over the course of 5 years of fighting Obote’s
regime, the original, true Ugandan leaders were systematically killed off.
Among those they murdered were Robert Sserumaga, Bazil Mumanya, George Nkwanga,
Bernard Buzabo, Kiwanuka, Waswa, Yusuf Lule, among others. One unique case in
their killing strategy is the death of Ahmed Sseguya, a Muganda. Sseguya led
the FRONASA military group that
trained Nachingwera in Tanzania. He was a staunch supporter of FRONASA, and a well trained military commander. He stayed
with the Tutsi/Hima group not knowing their secret plans. Museveni ordered
Muchunguzi, Julius Ayime and Mugume to kill Mr. Sseguya so as not to allow a
Muganda in their midst.
Museveni and the clique of
Tutsi/Hima tribesmen he established named itself THE NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT/ARMY and monopolized the bush war that ousted Obote in
1986. The following were its members:
The High Command were:
Yoweri Museveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Eri
Tumwine, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Mugisha Muntu, Kiiza Besigye.
Senior Officers were:
Kahinda Otafire, Benon Tumukunde, P. Kutesa, Julius Ayine, Mugume, Frank Guma,
Stephen Kashaka, John Kyaakuta, Barihona, Rwandari, Rweyibanda, Muchunguzu,
Gasinzi, Amanya Mushega, Amama Mbabazi, Fenehams Katirima, Mathew Rukikayire,
Eriya Kategaya, Byemalo, Shef Ali, Kasigazi, Kihanda, Sande Mukulu, Monday,
James Kazini, Makanga Bogere, PeterKerimu Kazora, Ruhakana Rugunda, Stephen
Kwiringia, Kasula Kyomuhendo, Kashilingi Lubaramira, David Ndyayondi, Fred
Kagonyera,, Kyakabare, Samuel Kaka and many others.
As soon as they started
fighting in the Luwero triangle, their first strategy was to kill as many
civilians as they could and destroy their properties, and put the blame on
Obote’s soldiers. They often bragged about this trick as one they learned when
training with FRELIMO of Mozambique.
THE GRAND PLAN TO
CONTROL AND DOMINATE THE EASTERN AND
CENTRAL AFRICAN REGION.
In 1979, another
development was taking place in Rwanda. A group of Rwandese (mostly Tutsis) in
Rwanda launched an opposition party named RWANDESE ALLIANCE FOR NATIONAL UNITY (RANU) calling for national unity and the return of
exiled Rwandese. That party was forced to go underground and was maintained by
Rwandese exiles. In 1987, a year after Museveni took power; it changed its name
to the RWANDESE PATRIOTIC FRONT (RPF). It enjoyed support from many Tutsis in Museveni’s
regime who were at the same time camouflaged as Banyankole or Bakiga.
Tutsis occupied strategic
and controlling positions in Museveni’s regime, thus achieving their primary
objective: controlling Uganda and using it as a staging ground to take over
other countries. Fred Rwigyema (first leader of the RPF) was Ugandan Minister
of Defense; Paul Kagame was Director of Military Intelligence, and responsible
for exterminating Ugandans who could be a real or imagined opposition. He
operated his death camp in Basiima House at Mengo and at various other
locations. Another Tutsi in the control of Uganda was Pierre Kabatzi. Peter
Bayingana was Chief of Medical Service for Ugandan Prisons. Chris Bunyenyezi
was Administrative Chief at Army Headquarters.
Soon after Museveni took
over, he lured the Rwandan leader J. Habyarimana to accept the lifting of
travel document requirements for citizens of Uganda and Rwanda. A special bus service
between Kampala and Kigali was established by Tutsis in Museveni’s government.
Its daily runs from Kampala, in most cases, ran half full and always returned
full of people from Kigali. This activity went on till shortly before October
1, 1990, when the RPF commenced their invasion.
It later became evident
that the bus passengers coming from Rwanda to Uganda were recruits for military
training for the eventual invasion of Rwanda in 1990. The recruits mostly came
from Tutsi families. Others were from various parties opposed to the Habyarimana
regime. The destination was Kabamba Military Training Camp, while others were
sent to a secret training camp at Karugutu in the Rwenzori Mountains. Its Chief
Commander was Mr. Biganja.
Among the many recruits
brought in from Rwanda was a young lady I interviewed. She was brought first
for military training and then she underwent Intelligence Work training at the
residence of the Catholic Bishop of Kabale, The Right Rev. Barnabas Halem
imana. That lady informed me that many recruits had had their initial training
in spy work and other related activities at the Bishop’s residence. The
instructions included RPF plans and dogma which emphasize, among other things,
that Tutsis, not Hutus, were destined to be rulers of Rwanda. They also
undertook training in espionage and torture techniques. After graduating from
there, they were sent to another location on the Uganda-Zaire border near
Kasese to the home of a wealthy Tutsi trader. There, they had additional
training before deployment. That lady recalled many conversations in the evenings
with the Bishop as he sipped Scotch whisky, telling the young recruits that Tutsis
were created to be rulers. The RPF officers were free to use the Bishop’s
vehicles.
One morning, those guys
returned from their night expedition in the Bishop’s pick-up truck. It was
stained with blood. The people of Kabale recognized the Bishop’s vehicle being
driven by strange faces. The information became known among the people. Secret letters
of complaint to the higher authority in the Church were written by priests and
laity alike to no avail. The Catholic population of Kabale revolted forcing him
to run for his life to Kampala, where he requested the Pope accept his
resignation as Bishop of Kabale Diocese, a request which was immediately
granted. We have learned that Museveni rewarded him with the political post of
Director of the HIV/AIDS Prevention Program. This organization is charged with,
among other things, the distribution of condoms.
RPF and THE INVASION OF
RWANDA (Oct. 1, 1990)
The decision to invade
Rwanda was made soon after Tutsis were dethroned in 1959/60 and arrived in Uganda
as refugees thereafter. From that time, they carried out numerous attempts to
take over power by forces. At the same time they tried galvanizing public opinion
against the Hutu dominated regime, but yield limited results. The FRONASA groups which was formed in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania,
was the one to come up with a winning strategy when it took advantage of
political anarchy, to which they significantly contributed, in Uganda and thus
opted for taking over that country and in turn using it as a staging ground to
invade Rwanda.
The actual preparation for
the RPF invasion of Rwanda started in 1985 while NRM was still fighting in
Luwere before taking power in January 1986. The NRA High Command composed of
Yoweri Myseveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi,
Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Kiiza Besigye, Kahinda Otafire, formed a committee
which would organize the invasion of Rwanda soon after NRM/NRA took over Uganda.
That committee included the following: Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Mugisha
Muntu, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Shef Ali,Matteka, Byensi, and Biganja. By the
end of 1985, more than 3,000 Tutsi/Hima had completed their military training
at Mulima Barracks, a secret place in the Rwenzori Mountain.
After Museveni took power,
he invited President Habyarimana to be the guest of honor at a military
ceremony where ranks were to be awarded to senior NRA officers. During that meeting, Museveni asked
Habyarimana to allow three senior NRA military officers to join the Rwandan
Army, but that request was rejected. The officers were Fred Rigyema, Mugisha
Muntu and Paul Kagame. Museveni further requested Habyariman to allow ordinary
Tutsi soldiers from the NRA to join the Rwandan Army; that too was turned down.
Finally Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow ordinary Tutsi civilians to return
to Rwanda on a gradual basis. That was accepted on the basis that that those returnees
have no criminal record.
Towards the end of 1986,
Museveni deployed into Rwanda the 3000 soldiers who were trained in Mulima
Barracks. They were disguised as civilians and each one was given 300,000
Uganda Shillings as a resettlement fund. This advance team was constantly sending
back information about the Rwandan Army and Government.
In 1987, Jim Muhwezi,
Director of Internal Security Organization (ISO), appointed Mr. Stehen Ndawula
Ssennoga, a Kyambogo Technical College graduate in Communication, to recruit
former Kyambogo students into ISO. All recruits were sent to East Germany and
Cuba for training in how to operate sophisticated spy equipments. Mr. Kibuka
was the leader of those who went to East Germany and Mr. Kayemba led the team
that went to Cuba. The two groups returned after 6 months of training and with
them brought lots of spy equipment which was stored at the ISO headquarters,
Nakasero. Stephen Nadura, S. Kweringira, David Kasula and Bosco Kiviri were in
charge of those equipments. In December of 1987, ISO bought twelve (12) mobile
radios and the IFA vehicles that carried them. They also bought 20,000
walkie-talkies and bugging equipment from East Germany plus 20,000 pistols,
6.71 mm. All that equipment was destined for Rwanda. In early 1987, a Bulemezi
farmer who had been put in charge of NRA farms was ordered by Fred Rwigyema to
buy machetes, axes, hammers, hoes, spades, slashers and knives from Jinja Steel
Mills, Ssembule Investments and Uganda Bati Co., LTD, with labels reading Made in
Rwanda. He was also ordered to hand all the purchases over to Paul Kagame and
Mugisha Muntu. Byemalo and Kalyegyeya took charge of the delivery.
In 1987 Jim Muhwezi and
Moses Kigongo started a clandestine program of recruiting Tutsis and Hima from
Bulemezi, Singo, Gomba, Butambala, Mawogola and other areas of Buganda who were
trained at the ISO school near Entebbe. At the same time, Kahinda Otafire,
Kiiza Besigye, Amanya Mushega and Kale Kahihura were recruiting Tutsis and Hima
in Bushenyi, Ntungamu, Mbarara, Rukungiri and Kabale and training them at the Mirama
Hills Detach Center where Mr. Fuluma was in charge of training.
In 1987, the NRA High
Command gave two buses to a Mr. Samuel Black, a Kasese businessman, to
transport all the trainees from Milima Barracks of Rwenzori Mountain to Kabale
where they were received by Mr. Batuma to distribute them in different places inside
Rwanda. Another Kasese businessman, Mr. Katoto, was given two buses by the NRA to
transport trainees from Milama Hills into Rwanda with the help of Mr. Batuma.
Between 1987 and 1989,
Moses Kigongo, Mathew Rukikaire, Kakwano and Kaka were authorized by Uganda Government
to transport people, weapons and all equipment which was kept at ISO stores and
at Basiima House from Uganda to Rwanda. That equipment were distributed to
their men, who were already stationed inside Rwanda.
Museveni took power in
1986. He placed Tutsi men in total control of the Ugandan military which was
going to be used as staging ground. They control numerous other strategic and
powerful positions in Uganda, so that neither political nor military opposition
could rise up against their sinister plans. On the military side, many of their
commanders received advanced military training abroad, particularly in the USA
and the UK. The RPF collaborating
with a cadre of Tutsis inside Rwanda scouted the countryside. They took young
Tutsi kids out of school and brought them to Kigali for the purpose of agitating
for jobs. Those kids were anywhere between 11 and 17 years old. They were promised,
according to eye witnesses, to be returned to their schools after the RPF takes
power.
Those young people terrorized
Kigali in many ways demanding employment which the Habyarimana Government could
not offer. That gave the Tutsi political opposition more ammunition against the
Hutu leadership for having failed the economy.
THE CONQUEST OF UGANDA
The reign of Idi Amin
exasperated a political decadency that had started in the 1960s. It exploded
with the fall of Amin’s regime. A country cannot experience stability and progress
when ruled by a minority regime. The Tutsi planners knew this very well, and, indeed,
one could argue that their effort to contribute to internal insecurity,
political murders, and polarization of the general population against the
ruling groups of Obote through the GSU and Amin’s State Research was towards
this aim.
Some people have claimed
that Museveni volunteered to fight for FRELIMO in Mozambique and later
underwent military training in North Viet Nam. While this might make him look
like a macho fighter, there is no concrete evidence to support the claim.
We know from first hand
witnesses that President Nyerere was a strong supporter of FRONASA and so permitted them to send their trainees to
Nachingweya Military Training Camp in southern Tanzania where FRELIMO trained
their men. The team which went there for training included:
Ahmed Sseguya (leader)
Sallim Sarey, Fred
Rwigyema, Jim Muhwezi, Muchunguzi, Kihanda, Rwandali Keitongwa, Rweibanda,
Muwanga Jackson, Yoweri Museveni, Kashaka Shaban.
Could this have been part
of the Tutsi Dynasty Plan of 1962 to train their youth in military tactics for
the eventual take over of the Great Lakes Region?
One of the strategies that
the NRA used extensively and effectively in Uganda’s bush war against Obote was
to kill thousands of civilians at night and by daytime fabricate stories that
Obote’s soldiers massacred innocent civilians. Such a trick caused the civilian
population and world community to turn their sympathy from Obote’s government
to the rebel group. In 1983 a German Journalist, Mark Schumdt, went to the war
zone in Bulemezi to investigate what was going on as news of mass killings in
the Luwero triangle were spreading worldwide. Mr. Schumdt met with Museveni and
his high command who told him what they wanted him to hear. They then chose
David Tinyefunza and Jim Muhwezi to escort him to places where they had piled
up dead bodies of civilians whom the NRA themselves had killed. The same
killers blamed Obote’s soldiers for their crimes. When Mark saw those bodies,
he became suspicious and asked: Why
would Obote’s army collect dead bodies and not bury them knowing this could implicate
them in the killing of innocent people? He also asked them how they knew that
dead bodies are collected in that place since there was nobody in that area
other than the NRA soldiers. He insisted that he wanted to interview civilians
in the area so as to get their views about these killings. Museveni’s officers
did not like Mark’s approach because he had become suspicious that Obote’s army
may not have killed those civilians, but that the NRA had done the killing for
the purpose of tarnishing Obote’s image with the population and the international
community.
Hence, they ordered that
Mark Shumidt be sent back immediately. While on his way back, they killed him
and confiscated his camera and notes.
In 1984, the NRA got a
British reporter, William Pike, who is suspected of having more connections
than a telephone line and was also broke and had all the tendencies of a mercenary
journalist to NRM. NRM cut a deal with Mr. Pike to run their propaganda in the
world media. He was willing to do anything for money. He successfully used his journalistic
skill to fabricate favorable reports for the NRA, galvanizing tremendous sympathy
for Museveni and his men.
Upon NRM/NRA victory,
William Pike was awarded the position of Managing Editor of NRM government
newspaper, The New Vision. That paper became the mouthpiece of the NRM/NRA regime in
the same way that PRAVDA was to the Soviet Union, and Mr. Pike’s fortune
skyrocketed.
We see a parallel in later
years when the RPF invaded Rwanda, killing people by the hundreds in the
northern part of the country. Alison Des Forges, Catherine Watson, Colette Braeckman
and Roger Winter were the most notorious propagandists for the RPF, fabricating
favorable stories and covering up RPF crimes. Alison Des Forges in particular
crisscrossed the English-speaking world spreading the RPF’s mendacious
flatteries.
During the bush fighting
to overthrow Obote, Tutsis, including Museveni, used to brainstorm their plan
of taking control of Uganda, first using it as a staging ground to take over
Rwanda and other neighboring countries. They used to claim that only Tutsis
were destined to rule and despised Hutus and other Bantu tribesmen as inferior
objects whose role in society was but to follow orders. This same sentiment was
to be echoed later at the RPF training of their intelligent operatives in the
Catholic Bishop’s house in Kabale, Kigezi, some years later.
Soon after Museveni took
over power in 1986, he imposed on the people of Uganda the nonsectarian law
which forbids calling any person by his tribal affiliation. It was later discovered
that such law was intended to forbid Ugandans from complaining about the excessive
number of Tutsis in high positions of government. Fred Rwigyema was Minister of
Defense and the entire Command and control of that ministry was in the hands of
a Tutsi/Hima clique. Uganda Commercial Bank under a Hima, Frank Mwine, was totally
bankrupted; so were all the parastatal corporations. The funds that were channeled
through fictitious personal loans may have ended up in financing RPF operations.
The Uganda Treasury accumulated foreign loans supposedly for development projects
which are non-existent in Uganda.
Perez Kamwinanwire became
Ambassador to the U.N. and later to Germany. Ezra Surumana, alias Suruma, was
Deputy Governor of the Bank of Uganda. Emmanuel Ndungutse headed the Uganda
Investment Authority, an agency he mismanaged and robbed thoroughly. With
millions from the UIA, he went to Rwanda after the RPF conquest and invested in
a number of business ventures in addition to serving RPF regime.
It is important to recall
that the bulk (80% to 90%) of the fighting force which toppled Obote’s regime
were Baganda. By the time they had captured Kampala and taken over the reins of
power, most Baganda fighters of officer caliber had been killed under
mysterious circumstances. Hence, the control of the NRA was in the hands of
Museveni’s Tutsi men. He further
purged the disproportionate number of Baganda in the military by dismissing
hundreds of them in order to create room for other tribesmen. While that move
gave him temporary political credit, the actual results were different.
Instead, he recruited thousands of people from the Ankole and Kigezi areas to
the total exclusion of the entire northern region and other areas of the
country.
MASS KILLINGS IN RWANDA
In an ethnic conflict such
as the one in Rwanda, truth is the first victim, especially with regard the
accused. We do not have to wait hundreds of years like Oedipus Rex to be told
the bitter truth.
Thousands of innocent
people were killed in Rwanda after October 1, 1990, when the RPF invaded
thecountry from Uganda. Between October 1, 1990, and April 1994, over 140,000
people were systematically killed by the RPF/NRA in northern Rwanda, and over a
million people were displaced, rendering them into excruciating suffering
without help from anywhere. That baleful killing of the innocent has continued
until today, and has also expanded into Congo, where the RPF/NRA, assisted by
US Commandos, invaded Zaire slaughtering thousands of refugees in camps. The
cabal went to great length to cover up their crimes, as has been demonstrated
over the years. Their lies have fooled the entire world community up to this
very day, including the UN. Nobles, intellectuals and commoners, alike, have
come to believe the fabrications generated purposely to give legitimacy to a
criminal gang dressed in the banality of evil so as to give them legitimacy, sympathy
and acceptability, while covering up their heinous crimes against humanity which
surpassed those of Pol Pot of Cambodia and Salvadore Allende of Chile.
The evidence, based on
revelations from NRA military and intelligence officers, plus interviews of
peasant refugees that our organization has collected, point to Tutsis. The RPF, together with the NRA and the United
State are implicated very clearly as the greatest
criminals in the Rwanda genocide.
Because of the lies and
cover-ups which have been thoroughly concocted and orchestrated since the
invasion of October 1, 1990, the victims have been made to look like the
criminals. This criminal cabal has utilized tactics common to compulsive liars.
The former UN Secretary General, Butros Butros Ghali, has often lamented the
fact that on many occasions he wanted to convene the Security Council to look
into the Rwanda Crisis as it was unfolding in order to protect the lives of innocent
civilians. Each time his efforts were thwarted by the USA and UK for reasons only
known to their leaders. The USA went as far as training, arming, financing, and
manipulating the international media in order to make the cabal’s criminal
agenda prevail and succeed.
One does not have to
graduate from a Military Academy to know that in war, the victors win if they
kill more of the enemy. If the RPF and NRA defeated the Rwandese army, it goes without
saying who killed more of whom.
Regarding this theory of
winning a war, General Patton said, “
Let the other son of a bitch die
for his country.” How can then any
person be fooled into believing that the defeated Hutus killed that many Tutsis
and still lost the war?
The campaign to demonize all Hutus as genocidaire,s an accusation that was never applied to Germans after
WW II has been effectively applied to Hutus and has demonized an entire ethnic
group, including those who lived abroad during those years. This kind of
blanket accusation intended to protect the true criminals in this horrendous
crime of invasion and mass murders and ethnic cleansing, which Tutsis are still
committing in Rwanda today, paints a an unbelievable picture of Hutus as being sophisticated
in the art of war and so highly organized that they had the capability of amassing
their enemies and slaughtering them in a matter of days. Not even a fool could believe
that. It is sad to admit that Hitler’s and Goebbel’s ingenuity in twisting
facts and truth has made believers in today’s world’s greatest democracies.
Secondly, we look at the
population of Rwanda which was about 7 million people at that time. Tutsis were
about 10% of that population, or about 700,000 people. Is the cabal’s
propaganda machine trying to convince us that all Tutsis in Rwanda were
mobilized to be in accessible locations so that murderous thugs could butcher
them in a matter of days? Depicting Hutus as a collection of murderous thugs,
when in fact they are the victims, and yet the German population was not so
depicted after WWII, is not only a skillful cover up of the truth but also an
abomination of human reasoning. The Tutsis were always a minority in Rwanda.
During the Hutu rule of Kayibanda and Habyarimana, there were many Tutsi attempts
to invade and take power by force. There was no single time when Hutus ordered
their army of civilians to butcher Tutsis. Yet in neighboring Burundi, where a
Tutsi minority have controlled the country since 1960, there have been numerous
pogroms of Hutus by the ruling Tutsis that have claimed thousands of innocent
Hutus. The UN has done nothing to bring the killers in Burundi to justice. Why?
Now we know what the NRA
did in Uganda during the war that ousted Obote’s regime and brought Museveni to
power. The same tricks were repeated in Rwanda when the same group of NRA/RPF invaded Rwanda and overthrew
Habyarimana’s government and established a Tutsi dominated junta. Former NRA
intelligence officers reveal that in January1994, the NRA deployed 950 soldiers
from Uganda to Kigali in civilian clothes to take up positions in preparation
for the planned mass killings that were to take place soon after the Rwandese
President was killed by the NRA/RPF in collaboration with Belgian troops, both
of which had full control of the airport. They later sent another force of 5000
soldiers into other localities in the country to carry out the same job
simultaneously. We have also learned that machetes, pangas, axes, as well as
mobile radio transmitting units, were brought in from Uganda to be used in the
mass murder of civilians who happened to be Hutus, not Tutsis as the cabal
wants us to believe. Those tools were returned to Uganda as soon as the job was
finished. Could this have been a nasty way of paying back the Hutus for their
1959/60 overthrow of the Tutsi monarchy, in which no guns were used?
The same tactic has been
effectively applied in northern Uganda where for nearly 20 years, the NRA’s
original goal of wiping out the Nilotic tribes is pursued with impunity. It is
inconceivable that the Lord’s Resistance Army or Lakwena, which does not exceed
two thousand, could prevail over the NRA for all these years when operating
inside Uganda under Museveni’s full controls. The NRA successfully invaded
Rwanda and Zaire and also gave the Sudanese army a hard time, but could not
clean up an area as narrow as Acholi?
According to local people
in northern Uganda as well as people inside the NRA, there are reports,
suppressed by the Western media, to the effect that the so called crimes of
mutilating people in Acholi, abducting children, etc., are all the work of the
NRA intended to justify their ethnic cleansing in northern Uganda.
The Tutsi controlled radio
MUHABURA was spreading ethnic hatred
of Hutus and never received criticism from either the USA or the UK. The Voice
of America also set up a special Kinyarwanda Broadcast reporting the Tutsi side
of the Rwanda crisis. The game of demonizing Hutus as mass killers was
orchestrated at maximum speed by the Western media, utilizing reporters and
human rights watchers who were censored by the USA or UK and had to go through
Uganda to reach Rwanda. Roger Winter of the U.S. Committee for Refugees, along
with another hired gun, William Pike, played a key roles that made those two
white men look like the twin sons of Joseph Goebbels. We learned later that the
RPF/NRA had portable radio transmitters which broadcast their messages over the
same channels as Hutu radio and spread murderous messages as part of the wider
scheme to demonize Hutus. For outside listeners, all that sounded like the work
of a highly organized Hutu killing machine. Yet, the Hutus, as a people, were
in total disarray and confusion at that time. This assertion does not deny the
fact that Hutus killed Tutsis. However, the organized killing of thousands of
innocent civilians was the work of Kagame and Museveni. The vast majority of
victims were Hutus and not Tutsis as the propagandist cabal would want us to
believe. The USA had already supplied the RPF with radio jamming technology to
block Hutu broadcasts to the masses. This was confirmed by a State Department
person at a meeting of The Rwanda Forum that I attended in Washington DC in
1993.
If, in fact, the death
toll was anywhere between 500,000 and 1,000,000 people, and most of that
killing took place in and around the city of Kigali, it is absolutely
impossible to have had that many Tutsis in the area. I personally visited
Kigali and Ruhengeri twice in March and August of 1993. I drove through the
markets, hospitals, public car parks and around town. I could barely count ten
(10) Tutsis among those crowds even though Tutsis are very conspicuous when
among Hutus. The Hutus who reacted and indeed did kill some Tutsis could have
responded to the misleading radio massages given out by the RPF killing machine
I have outlined above. Others may have reacted in anger in a manner no
different from that of Black Americans after the killing of Dr. Martin Luther King
Jr. in 1968 or the barbaric treatment of Mr. Rodney King on April 29, 1992, in
Los Angeles. We cannot blame the US government for those riots because they
were natural reflexes to a provocative tragedy. Besides, how would anyone
expect people to react when they are slaughtered by invaders and their
government leaders are killed by the enemy who is clearly known?
As soon as the RPF came to
power, they exhumed the skeletons of their victims from where they had hidden
them. They collected the skeletons and paraded them all over Kigali and on
roadsides throughout Rwanda to impress outside investigators so as to justify
their criminal invasion of a Free State and murdering its citizens.
Foreign journalists, human
rights investigators and foreign policy makers who went to Rwanda during the
fighting and after the RPF had taken over had to go through Uganda from where
they were escorted by NRA or RPF agents. They were managed thoroughly as to which
places they could visit, whom to interview, etc. In of those interviews that
were broadcast abroad, the local people who were interviewed spoke English with
a Ugandan accent, while others could be overheard speaking broken Swahili. We
already know that Tutsis from Uganda, Congo, the USA, Tanzania, Belgium and
elsewhere flocked back to Rwanda after the RPF conquered the Hutu army. They
took over homes, farms and other properties that belonged to Hutus who were
either killed or fled into exile. There are cases where Hutu families who
returned home to find their homes occupied by Tutsis were permitted to build
grass shanty nearby instead of reclaiming their nice original houses they had
built with their own labor. Their only role in life is to be slaves to the
Tutsis.
No one has ever questioned
what might have motivated an entire population to run off from their land into
exile, as was the case in Rwanda during those dark days. The cabal’s propaganda
has blinded people to make them believe what is plainly unbelievable. Only a
fire under everyone’s rear end could force a people to flee for their lives in
such huge numbers. I find it very difficult to believe that all those skulls
are what they are claimed to be. After all, no one can tell the difference
between the skull of a Tutsi and that of a Hutu, or a Chinese or German for
that matter. This trick of fabricating facts to favor the NRA in Uganda was
pulled to the maximum and served Museveni very well in convincing the world
that the Luwero Triangle skeletons he paraded were victims of Obote’s soldiers,
while in actual fact it was the NRA who killed the citizens of that area and
put the blame on Obote’s government. The same people who did that in Luwero
repeated it in Rwanda, and, unfortunately, it worked for them both times.
The cabal fabricated and
carried out a well-managed media campaign to demonize the Hutu people as
murderers while covering up the crimes of the real murderers. The crimes of the
NRA and RPF, beginning with the foreign invasion of another country, have been
swept under the rug for all these years. Yet, when Iraq invaded Kuwait a few
years ago, the USA and Britain mobilized other nations to drive the invaders
out of Kuwait. The RPF/NRA crimes of murdering thousands of innocent civilians
and displacing nearly a million people from the day of the invasion of 1990 to April
1994 have been tactfully ignored.
Contrary to public lies
which have been spread all over the world that Hutus massacred nearly a million
Tutsis right after the RPF killed President Habyarimana, we have information
from people who were inside Museveni’s military/security system bringing new
revelations that the so-called genocide was planned by the Museveni/Kagame
group to justify their attack on Kigali and win sympathy for their monolithic
Tutsi regime, while enabling them to mobilize foreign aid without anyone
questioning their barbaric brutality and gross human rights violations.
Kagame and Museveni knew
about and planned the mass killings of innocent people who were predominantly
Hutus, right after the President’s plane was shot down by the RPF. Kagame is quoted as saying that about
500,000 people will be slaughtered during that period of confusion. Those
people who did not know that Kagame was behind the planned genocide have
accused him of being callous because he did not take steps to protect those many
innocent lives, but rather was merely interested in taking power. We can now understand
why he was not concerned about the loss of innocent lives if, in fact, he was responsible
for these deaths. Second, the people who were killed were predominantly Hutu civilians,
as they had been in Northern Rwanda since October 1990, and especially in Byumba
and Ruhengeri in February 1993. However, this time around Kagame had already
set in motion media propaganda to claim that the people hacked to death were Tutsis
and their killers were Hutu thugs.
In March of 1994 a team of
Tutsi/Hima soldiers from the NRA were sent into Rwanda in civilian clothes.
They went into Kigali proper. Their mission was to carry out mass killings of
civilians in Kigali and the surrounding areas. Another group of 5000 soldiers, all
in civilian clothes, were subsequently sent into other populated areas of
Rwanda to carry out the same mission of mass murder soon after President
Habyarimana was killed. Kagame armed all those men with machetes and pangas
delivered to them directly from Uganda, their supply headquarters. In addition
to those tools, they had portable radios and broadcasting units that
transmitted their messages onto the regular radio channels of Rwanda. The
message was for Hutus to kill the Tutsis who had killed the president. To any
outsider monitoring those radio broadcasts, the killers seemed obviously to be
Hutus, while, in actual fact, it was Tutsis and Himas from Uganda who were carrying
out the killings so as to tarnish the image of Hutus in the world community.
Soon after the killings
had been done, all the equipments (radios, pangas and machetes) were returned
to Uganda, lest they be noticed by investigators since they were all brand new
and had markings identifying them as coming from Uganda. For any person to claim that between
800,000 and 1,000,000 Tutsis were slaughtered begs the question. Most of that
killing was in the city of Kigali. What was the population of Kigali and how
much of that number were Tutsis? Interviews with refugees tell stories of many
Hutus lost their family members, and those were not necessarily opposition party
members.
Another area of concern
for any person who wants to obtain the hidden truth would be to ask RPF leaders
what may have caused a whole population to run away into exile as the Rwandese
did. There must have been a thorough and well-organized attack on the entire
population to cause them take flight. The only force that could possibly have
done that was the RPF invaders. In September of 1992, I received information
from sources in the Ugandan military stating that Tutsis were planning to
bulldoze Hutus off the land and replace them with Tutsis. I shared that
information with some people, but they responded with laughter and scorn saying
that it was impossible to bulldoze an entire population from their land,
especially since the targeted population was the majority. The RPF crimes
against the population have tactfully been swept under the rug for all these
years.
In January of 1990 a team
of 150 mostly Tutsi men from the NRA and ISO were sent to Rwanda to survey (in
military terms WRECK) the situation prior to the proposed invasion which took
place on October 1 of the same year.
The RPF has been
committing genocidal atrocities in Rwanda from the day they invaded that country,
October 1, 1990, up to the present, and this has been ignored by the biased
Western media for reasons known only to them. The U.S. government, Britain and
Belgium are equally guilty for the crimes of genocide in Rwanda. The
participation of the USA in the crimes of the RPF deserves that its leaders to be tried before an
International Court of Justice, if there is any such court in this world.
SKULLS OF HUTUS KILLED
BY RPF:
The RPF massacre of
innocent people in northern Rwanda in February 1993 claimed over 25,000
civilian lives and displaced more than 100,000 people from their home area. At one location near Byumba, in a
football stadium built by Mr. Kabuga, the RPF massacred about 2000 people,
cutting off their heads which they then buried in pits. After the conquest of
Rwanda, the RPF junta dug out all the skulls of their victims and paraded them
in Kigali and everywhere as the skulls of Tutsis who were killed by Hutus.
Such calculated and
blatant lies horrified the local people who had witnessed those crimes being
committed and also witnessed the actual unearthing of the skulls and skeletons
for display in Kigali and on roadsides for the world further to condemn the
Hutus en masse.
CORPSES IN THE RIVER
KAGERA AND LAKE VICTORIA:
The RPF has become a
master of deception with lies that have gone on unabated for years. One should look at the way the RPF
entered Rwanda in two columns. One column followed eastern route along the
Rwanda-Tanzania border. That area was already under RPF control. It is through
that swampy area that the Kagera river passes, and there is a bridge that crosses
it into Tanzania. During that time many Hutu civilians fled their homes and
country as RPF invaders were on a wild rampage of killing any person in sight.
Those who attempted to enter Tanzania via the only crossing there is met the
RPF invaders waiting for them at the bridge. Thousands of Hutus were thrown
into the raging river by the RPF troops. Others drowned attempting to cross the
river away from the bridge where certain death awaited them. It is important to
emphasize that all those corpses that floated into the river and eventually
reached Lake Victoria were Hutus and their killers were the RPF.
Tutsi propaganda twisted
the facts claiming those floating corpses were Tutsis killed by Hutu
extremists. The world community and you here in this Tribunal have been swallowing
those fabrications to this very day.
How could intelligent people in the UN and Western governments be so
myopic and not ask a simple question: if Hutu rioters in Kigali were killing
people--I am not denying that killings took place mainly in Kigali—what reason
or means did they have to transport their victims and dump their bodies in this
river where there were columns of invading RPF on the move towards the capital?
Now we know who was
killing and who was being killed. It is obvious that the people being killed
were the ones on the run for their lives. That is why a horrified world witnessed
a tremendous exodus of Hutus fleeing toward Congo, Burundi and Tanzania, but
not to Uganda where the killers were coming from.
THE U.S. ROLE IN
RPF/NRA CRIMES IN RWANDA AND CONGO
If this Tribunal and/or
any other Court of Law is seriously committed to seeking the truth and justice,
the crimes committed in Rwanda starting on October 1, 1990, and, indeed, in the
entire region must be fully and thoroughly investigated and their perpetrators
brought to justice. The U.N. and O.A.U. Charters both declare it illegal for
one country to invade another, except under specific circumstances. None of
those specific circumstances ever existed as far as Uganda-Rwanda relations
were concerned. There were no Tutsi refugee camps in Uganda, as defined by the
UNHCR, since all former Tutsi refugees had been settled and integrated into
Ugandan society. Some Tutsis were already holding high government positions in
their newly adopted country. Therefore, President Museveni bears full
responsibility for allowing his army to invade a sovereign nation without provocation.
When Iraq invaded Kuwait, the world community rightfully amassed troops to
repel the invaders. Unfortunately, that was not the case for Rwanda. Instead,
the so-called defenders of peace and democracy (the USA and UK) were sending
more than a bravo message to the
invaders of Rwanda.
There was no time when the
United States and Britain ever condemned Uganda for invading Rwanda or
Congo/Zaire. Instead, every year, the United State, in particular, increased
her military training of the so called Ugandan officers, who ended up beefing up
the troops that were involved in the invasion. The invaders continued to milk
Uganda for her meager resources, equipment, funds and manpower throughout the invasion.
World Bank and IMF loans to Uganda skyrocketed purportedly for development
projects that never existed. All that money went into financing the invasion of
Rwanda. Every aspect of War is expensive, and not many countries, especially in
Africa, can afford such a costly undertaking.
It is now coming to light
that the then UN Secretary General tried on many occasions to convene the
Security Council to discuss Rwanda during the invasion, but was repeatedly
blocked by the United States and British Ambassadors to the UN.
The United States played a
significant role in the Rwanda tragedy and therefore cannot and should not be
overlooked if justice is earnestly to be sought. The triad of murderers is none
other than: the RPF leaders and Museveni’s government and the USA.
The American plan to
control Africa’s resources is well documented. When Africa was getting out from
under European colonialism, America was plotting to take over.
Various strategy planning
meetings took place in Washington DC. At the January 14, 1960, meeting of the U.S. National Security
Council, it was discussed,
. . .
[S]ince we must have
strong men of Africa on our side, perhaps we should develop military strong men. A special Africa Fund for Technical
Assistance was set up to finance those
who were anxious to establish
control of Africa through military dictatorships. . .
A new program called IMET
(International Military Educational Training), solely for training African
military officers in America, was introduced in the 1970s. This training was designed
to be similar to that done by the infamous School of the Americas. The main
purpose was to groom African military dictators in the same way that the SoA
did in Latin America. At the core
of this was what Zbigniew Brzezinski noted in a secret memo to President Jimmy
Carter on March 17, 1978, “The mineral resources of the area continue to be
of great value to the normal functioning of industries in the United States and
allied countries.” He goes on to express
serious concerns over the growth of African nationalism and its potential
effect on American interests, particularly in Zaire, about which he cautioned
that the U.S. administration would have to take specific steps to stabilize the
situation .
Specific steps take
different forms of operation since the Washington planners had already outlined
the strategies when they agreed that, “
Sensitive operations would be
disguised as
multilateral programs or even private activities, and eventually the most objectionable of
these actions would come to be conducted in such a secretive way as to conceal the fact
that they ever existed at all. . .”
US Training of RPF
Officers.
It has been expounded time
and time again that the United States was involved in training the RPF invaders
long before 1990. A colleague and I went to the Pentagon and met with Major
Tony Marley who was in charge of IMET training for RPF/NRA. We informed him of
what was taking place in Rwanda, and he promised to relate the matter to the
appropriate officials. We learned later that the training had grown since our
visit and more money was being allocated to Uganda, presumably to finance the
invasion.
Lies and Cover-ups.
In early March of 1994, a
team from the U.S. Administration went to Uganda and met with Museveni and RPF
leaders. According to intelligence sources, their mission was to tell Museveni
to convince Tanzanian President Ali Hassan Mwinyi to convene a conference of
regional Heads of States to discuss the Rwanda crisis.
That resulted in the
fateful Summit conference from which Rwandan President Habyarimana was
returning when he met his death. A
U.S. team including Ms. Prudence Bushnell, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
for Africa; Ms. Arlene Render, Director of the Central African Affairs Bureau
at the State Department; and Ms. Patricia Irvin, Assistant Secretary of Defense
for Humanitarian Affairs, also visited Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire.
The meeting of regional
leaders took place in Dar es Salaam as planned, and President Habyarimana
attended as expected. His plane was shot down by the RPF, in collaboration with
Belgian troops, as it was about to land at Kigali Airport on its return from
that meeting. We learned later that General I. Kombe, head of Tanzanian
Intelligence who was privy to the fateful events surrounding the shooting down
of the airplane carrying the Rwandan and Burundian Presidents, told his
subordinate officers that these orders came from high up and there was only one
thing to be done and that was to carry out the technical work. One of the
junior officers expressed a feeling that this might ignite a fire in the region
that we could not be extinguished. Presidents Moi and Mobutu were also invited
to the Conference but declined to attend after receiving warnings of impending
danger. Nevertheless, US war ships with hundreds of Marines were already
standing by near Matadi, Zaire, and near Mombasa, Kenya, just in case of such a
fire the local puppets could not extinguish.
In June1994, a reporter
asked Ms. Bushnell if the State Department knew about the RPF invaders, where
they were trained, who financed and armed them? Her answer was, “We do not
have that information.” The same person who
had met with RPF leaders and President Museveni only 3 months earlier was
denying knowledge of the RPF. As a high ranking official in the U.S. State
Department’s Africa Bureau, Ms. Bushnell was privy to the information that her
government was heavily involved in the training of the RPF and was arming them
from their stockpiles in Europe. U.S. military C130 transport planes used to make
regular landings at Entebbe Airport every night.
After the RPF took power
in Kigali, a U.S. Commando force of bout 800 men was secretly stationed in
Rwanda, where they have jointly participated with RPF soldiers in military and criminal
activities. According to one U.S. soldier from Texas who was stationed in Rwanda,
they are not supposed to let their families know they had been sent to Rwanda.
Another soldier who served
there and now lives in Connecticut said, “Human Rights and Democracy are none
of our concerns. We are concerned with making sure that Kagame’s regime is well
planted and can survive.”
A former U.S.A.I.D.
official, Mr. Harald Marwitz writes, “As early as 1989, U.S. Embassy reported to the State Department
from reliable sources in Rwanda such as foreign
military observers, confirming Ugandan involvement in incipient border skirmishes and the subsequent invasion of
Rwanda.” He further reveals
that, “Between 1989
and 1992, the U.S. alone provided almost $183 million in economic aid enabling Uganda to finance the invasion. This sum
was as much as all the U.S. aid to Uganda in
the previous 27 years.”
Asst. Secretary of State
for Africa, George Moose, informed the Africa Subcommittee of the U.S. House of
Representatives on May 4, 1994, that, “In conformity with our policy of promoting democratization, we shall never
recognize a government which takes power by
force.” A few weeks later,
the same Mr. Moose was in Kigali raising the U.S. flag onto a building that was
to house the U.S. Embassy in Rwanda. Ms. Bushnell was promoted to the Ambassadorship
in Kenya.
The old Entebbe Airport
became an American military base. Locals who lived in nearby homes were driven
out and replaced by either U.S. military personnel or NRA officers.
Was this intended to cover
up the trafficking of weapons that the US military was giving to Museveni and
RPF, which were then used in the invasion of Rwanda and Congo/Zaire?
The U.S. participation in
the RPF invasion of Rwanda reached the highest offices of government. In a Memo
of May 5, 1994, written by Frank G. Wisner, titled:
MEMORANDUM FOR DEPUTY
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS, NSC
Subject: RWANDA, JAMMING
CIVILIAN RADIO BROADCASTS.
It explained a discussion
that took place between NSC and Secretary of Defense William Perry about the
feasibility of jamming the civilian radios of Hutus.
The Pentagon has been
heavily behind RPF as shown in numerous correspondences between Secretary of
Defense William Perry and Paul Kagame. On August 7, 1995, Defense Secretary
Perry wrote:
I am pleased with the progress
you have made and I am especially happy that the U.S. has been able to play a role in that
reconstruction. When we met in August and again when you visited me last December, I said that I would do
what I can to help. You asked me
to assist you in winning support within my government for lifting the arms
embargo. I have done so.
I said that I
understand and strongly support your request for training to help professionalize and downsize your
country’s army. Our training of your soldiers at Newport and soon in Kigali regarding the role of militaries
in civil societies is an important
first step.
I fully agree with
Ambassador David Rawson’s request for training in such areas as intelligence, counterinsurgency,
leadership development, logistic, management and administration. I intend to advocate initiating such
training as soon as possible. The next logical
step to this training would be a series of combined exercises and I will pursue
that with General Joulwan at the
appropriate time.
On November 6, 1995, Mr.
Perry sent another letter to Mr. Kagame saying:
Over the past several
months, we have worked very hard with our colleagues both in the Executive Branch and in Congress on the
resumption of a formal IMET program this coming
year. I am confident that Rwandese officers and soldiers will enjoy the fruits
of formal training alongside
American soldiers at U.S. military schools next year. We have also arranged for our European Command to
offer you a Joint Combined Exercise for Training
(JCET) for next year in Rwanda.
It is important to
remember that this military preparation and support preceded Rwanda’s and
Uganda’s invasion of Zaire. When RPF victory was consolidated and US commando forces
were sent to assist the Tutsi junta, some U.S. leaders were calling for the
virtual extermination of Hutus. Congressman Harry Johnston, D-Florida, who was
Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee commented on the Hutu refugees in Congo as
follows:
Stop feeding them, move
your feeding facilities back within the borders, try to get the Rwandan and Tanzanian armies to insert
discipline, a security force that will personally escort the refugees across the border back to the feeding
station.
Many Hutus, who were lured
back into Rwanda from Goma by radio announcements and pamphlets distributed in
refugee camps, were slaughtered by RPF soldiers soon after they entered the
country. Others who made it to their original homes found their houses occupied
by Tutsis and were forced to be slaves or servants of the new owners. At Kibeho
in southern Rwanda, many returning refugees were slaughtered by the RPF under
the command of James Ruzibiza, who later went to Congo with Kabila and headed
the Agence Nationale de Renseignement, a death squad that massacred thousands
of Hutu in refugee camps in Eastern Congo burying them in mass graves.
Such mass killing of
civilians continued during the period of invasion while the world community,
and especially Uganda, the USA and Britain, were amassing more support, training,
arms, funds, and favorable propaganda and a disinformation campaign for RPF.
The U.S. Committee for
Refugees Inc. (a misnomer) based in
Washington DC, run by Roger Winter, became a virtual command post for the RPF’s
external operations. It conducted logistical management, disinformation, propaganda,
and all sorts of political intelligence activities for the RPF with almost
unlimited funds from dubious sources in the USA. Professional liars, such as
Ms. Alison Des Forges were constantly paraded before the public by this agency
of deception. Another person with excellent connections was Catherine Watson,
who wrote beatifying articles for RPF. The RPF propaganda arsenal included Ms.
Monique Mujawamariwa, who was seconded to Roger Winter by the RPF high command.
She was launched on speaking tours by Winters, culminating in an audience at
the White House on April 22, 1994, with Mr.
Anthony Lake, National
Security Advisor to President Clinton. She used to show a scar on her face
which she got some years back as a result of a car accident. She claimed that
is was caused by a machete attack by Hutu killers that she had survived!
CREMATORIUMS IN
RWANDA
In April of 1996, a
British investigative journalist and the author of Murders in the
Mist , Nick Gordon, revealed that the
RPF regime of Paul Kagame was operating petroleum-fueled crematoriums at
several locations in Rwanda. The victims were Hutu men women and children. This
revelation was later confirmed by a highly placed official in Kigali, when I
asked him during his visit to the USA later that year.
Unfortunately that person
was later killed by RPF because he was a high ranking official in the
Judiciary. They were incinerating over 2000 bodies a day. The U.S. military,
which is stationed nearby, knew of it but kept silent. What is even more
frightening is the revelation that the crematorium in Nyungwe forest is run by
a garrison who were trained by U.S. military officers. It is further alleged
that the crematorium at Byumba, which is disguised as a Water Supply and a
Refugee Rehabilitation Project, was built by Americans, as was the one at
Gabiro. In an interview, a former prisoner who escaped from Kami military
prison said that soon after he escaped, he hid in the homes of local people who
told him of the horrible stench of
burning flesh was in the air daily.
Consequently, the Clinton
Administration proposed setting up a so-called RAPID DEPLOYMENT FORCE (RDP), a roving army of foot soldiers from various African countries
who would be trained, armed and commanded by Americans. This force was intended
to remove undemocratic dictators and those brutes who violate human rights.
Who would decide which
dictators to remove and on what basis such a determination would be made?
Whatever the case may be, this was a similar situation to what Amin Parsha and
Capt. Lugard had at the time of the colonization of Africa.
While the RDF did not
receive the wide acceptance it had anticipated, the Tutsi Armies of Uganda,
Rwanda and Burundi, which derive their survival from America’s support, are playing
the same role for which the RDF was intended. They were deployed into Congo to
serve American interests. They were sent to Iraq when most nations of the world
felt there was no justification for war. Recently Rwandan troops were sent to
the troubled region of the Sudan purporting to be peace-keepers. A Human Rights
investigator from Canada informed me that Rwandese troops posing as
peace-keepers in the Darfur region raided refugee camps in the night killing
people and putting the blame on the Sudanese army.
The U.S. sent a Commando
Force of about 800 soldiers to assist the RPF army in consolidating and
pacifying Rwanda. We also learned that U.S. soldiers stationed in Rwanda are
not supposed to inform their families where they are stationed. The ones who
have died in action in Rwanda and Congo are reported as having died
accidentally in military exercises at U.S. bases in Italy or other countries.
The American
corporate/military role in the criminal cabal operating in Africa has been wed
in a marriage of convenience to the Tutsi junta. Each side is vehemently protecting
the other, manipulating the media and international organizations, including the
UN. They distort facts and truth to cover up their criminal actions, and also
carry out joint adventures, as we have mentioned above.
Case in point is the USA’s
putting a $25 million bounty on the head of Mr. Felicien Kabuga, using American
tax payers’ money for no other reason than to serve Kagame’s criminal
interests, and possibly American interest, in looting Kabuga’s property in Kigali.
Mr Kabuga owns a nice five-storey office building in Kigali that houses the
U.S. Embassy, as well as the offices of the UN and other international
organizations. It is indicated that the U.S. Embassy wants to own the entire
building and has no intention of paying rent to a Hutu who is disliked by the
Tutsi regime they came to protect at all cost. They falsely accused Kabuga of
financing Hutu resistance and exile political opposition to RPF regime.
At the same time, the USA
has Mr. Valens Kajeguhakwa in a Florida prison on charges of financing a rebel
group called the RPF with funds from his former commercial activities and
recently from a commercial bank he controlled in Kigali. Interestingly, Mr. Kajeguhakwa
is a rich Tutsi who was a close friend of President J. Habyarimana. Mr. Kajeguhakwa’s
business interests included a major feul importing operation in Rwanda in competition
with BP-FINA. He controlled one of the Commercial Banks that invested heavily
in Kigali real estate. Hence many posh homes in Kigali were financed by this
man’s bank, and most of them were not paid for by their original owners.
Those owners are either
dead or in exile, which caused the titles to revert to the bank that held the
mortgages. Mr. Kajeguhakwa also used his friendship with President Habyarimana
to feed the RPF invaders valuable information on the Kigali regime. Upon the RPF
victory in 1994, many of those Tutsis took those nice homes without paying for them.
The owners tried to reclaim what was lawfully theirs but to no avail. One of
those houses was taken by Mr. Kagame’s mother. The owner of that property fled
Rwanda because he insisted on his lawful rights from Kigali’s rulers whom he
accuses of embezzling his properties. In turn the USA has silenced him with
fraudulent charges of stealing money
from a commercial bank in Kigali and financing a criminal organization called the RPF .
If indeed the US court in
Florida believes that financing the RPF was a crime, then the guilty should
include American officials, themselves, along with Museveni of Uganda, for
their extensive support of the RPF’s
criminal organization. Their
contribution to the crime includes training, arming, supporting in every way
including sending their own soldiers to assist in carrying out criminal acts
jointly with RPF.
CONCLUSION
I commend the UN for
establishing this Tribunal for the purpose of seeking the truth and rendering
justice in the Rwanda tragedy. In a country like Rwanda that has been torn apart
by ethnic violence, any attempt to find a lasting solution cannot hope to
succeed without revealing the whole truth.
In pursuit of this noble
mission, it is not only fair not only to the people of Rwanda but also to the whole
world and Africa, in particular, to admit that the first crime committed against
the country of Rwanda and her people was the RPF invasion which started on October
1, 1990. The people who carried out that invasion, along with the Ugandan
leaders who supported it and the United States who collaborated substantially
in this criminal act, must answer for their actions. The world community and
UN, in particular, should have responded to this invasion in the same way they
did to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait if they were to live up to their mandate from
the peoples of the world.
Otherwise, the UN is like
what I read in that old book Animal Farm: “All comrades are equal, but some are
more equal than others.”
Thousands of innocent
civilians were slaughtered by RPF invaders, particularly in Northern Rwanda,
between October 1990 and April 1994. The killers cannot and should not be
exempted from facing justice.
We have seen intricately
fabricated and orchestrated systems of lies concocted by men and women in high
positions of leadership with a chorus of field operatives whose sole objective
has been to sodomize the truth, protect the criminals and demonize the victims.
The true culprits who
should be prosecuted here are the members of the criminal cabal, namely:
Museveni and his NRM government, Kagame and his RPF junta, the United States
Government under President Bill Clinton and his operatives, including William
Perry, Madeleine Albright, former Congressman Harry Johnston, Roger Winter,
Alison Des Forges, their Senior Propagandist.
________________________________________
Mr. Remigius Kintu
P.O. Box 8174
Langley Park, MD 20787
USA
1 UDC Newsletter, Vol. 4, No.3, 1994
Elizabeth Liagen, Excessive Force, Power,
Politics and Population Control, (Washington DC, 1996) 12-
The insatiable greed of U.S. corporations to
control and loot Africa’s enormous natural resources is very much at the heart
of this tragedy as the unfolding events have subsequently proven. Prior to the
fall of President Mobutu, American corporations were already inside rebel-controlled
eastern Zaire devouring large tracts of mineral-rich areas. Neither the survival nor the welfare of
the African people have ever been considered.
UDC Newslletter, November 1997.
