Thursday, October 11, 2012

A History of the Central African Troubles--by Remigius Kintu

[The text below came to us in an email.  It was nearly illegible, i.e., unreadable, incomprehensible, seemingly a translation from the French or Kinyarwandan by a non-native English speaker.  But the history it described, the information it contained, was so important as to merit the great deal of time and effort that was spent rendering it into something like idiomatic English.
Let it be noted that Mr. Kintu's history of the Central African troubles has direct bearing on the current US presidential election--as much in what it says as in what it leaves out.  The militarized chaos that is currently consuming Africa and the Middle East is not a recent phenomenon, not an evil-minded caprice of the Obama Administration.  One need only read those bits of Pierre Péan's and Charles Onana's reportage translated elsewhere on this blog to get an idea of just how far back into the history of these regions extends the bloody and brutalizingly decisive role of Western military imperialism.
And while you're at it, you might want to join with Péan and Onana in reflecting on just how significant has been the intervention of Western Intelligence, especially on the parts of the CIA, MI6, DGSE and the Mossad, in promoting, protecting and maintaining the destructive and far too often deadly political confusion, fear and outrage that have marked the discussion of recent events like Waste Stage Capital's global wars for privatization, the 'Arab Spring,' and the current American presidential campaigns.  –mc]

Mr. Remigius Kintu
The Following Document was prepared upon request and presented to the U.N. Tribunal
on Rwanda, Arusha, Tanzania

March 20, 2005

I come before you, Ladies and Gentlemen of this noble Tribunal, which was instituted to search for the truth behind the heinous crimes committed in Rwanda. And to you was charged the noble responsibility of dispensing justice where it is due. If I could borrow from the wisdom of great men and women of long ago, truth is not a function of public opinion or majority vote, nor does it stem from the wishes of the mighty and powerful, but rather it stands in its absolute properties regardless of opinions, purposes or values of anyone and transcends time and space.
I want to borrow from the Greek play OEDIPUS REX by Sophocles. King Oedipus was disturbed by the immense suffering taking place in Thebes. The calamity in that land was caused by the shedding of the innocent blood of its King Laisos, who was killed many years before. Kreon, ruler pro-temp of Thebes in Laisos’ absence, told Oedipus that he had heard from Delphi that the gods demanded the expulsion of an old defilement [the Sphinx] that was being harbored in Thebes.
As a result, Oedipus made the following pledge: If any man knows by whose hand king Laios, son of Ladbakos, met his death, I direct that man to tell me everything no matter what he fears for having so long withheld it. Let it stand as promised that no further trouble will come to him but he may leave the land in safety. And for the criminal, I pray to God that that man’s life be consumed in evil and wretchedness. And as for me, this curse applies no less.
He further stated that the god Apollo sent us word that this great pestilence would be lifted, only if the identity of those who murdered Laios were established clearly. None of the wise men and priests could reveal the secret of the calamity that befell the land of Thebes.
Choragos suggested that there was one man who might detect the criminal. This was Teirsias, a blind holy prophet in whom, alone of all men, truth abided.
Teirsias was brought before the throne and revealed to Oedipus: I say that you are the murderer whom you seek. I say you live in hideous shame with those most dear to you. You cannot see the evil. 
It is the truth that sustains me.

The Hutu vis-à-vis Tutsi Relations
Tutsi-Hutu relations in Rwanda have been marred by gruesome human rights violations committed and perpetuated by Tutsis for centuries. Belgian colonialism did very little to alleviate the brutality, enslavement, dehumanization and all sorts of suffering that Hutus endured for centuries at the hands of the Tutsi minority who controlled that country with an iron fist. Hutus were nothing but the slaves of the Tutsis. Each Hutu was obliged to perform UBURETWA, labor performed by Hutus that symbolized the most degrading and humiliating form of servitude. Hence, a Hutu was required to put in a day’s work at the property of a Tutsi master without pay. The harvest of the land belonged to Tutsis who had the right and privilege of enjoying whatever Hutu labor produced. But the Hutus could only use leftovers at the discretion of the Master Tutsis. Needless to say, land belonged to Tutsis, and Hutus had one duty:  to work that land for the benefit of their masters.
Such institutionalized impoverishment forced many Hutus to seek paid employment in Uganda. Others sought work in Congo. Whenever a Hutu slave/servant failed to perform his duties on the Tutsi master’s property, the punishment was eight lashes with a kiboko (a whip made out of the dry skin of a hippopotamus).
Educational opportunities went only to Tutsis, thus creating a mass of ignorant and uneducated Hutus. Only at the discretion of a Master could the child of an extraordinarily obedient and docile Hutu slave be permitted to attend school, and only up to a certain level, also at the whim of the masters. Government positions, from the King down to the lowliest level, were exclusively for Tutsis.
The brutality of Tutsis toward Hutus had no limits. It became second nature that neither human decency nor moral/spiritual values could influence the way Tutsis treated Hutus. For instance, Umwami’s (the king) official drum and the symbol of royalty, called KALINGA, was decorated with the dried penises of Hutu men. The Queen Mother, who wielded significant power, had her two spears, the symbols of her authority, planted in the bodies of two Hutu infants or adults.
A Tutsi had the right to kill a Hutu for any reason, including simple displeasure at a Hutu’s looks. Sometimes such killings would be carried out by parents to please their children, who might have expressed dislike of a particular Hutu for some reason.
The dehumanization process reached such a terrible depth that Hutus were barred from crying if and when such atrocities befell them. The consequences of shedding tears at the presence of such brutal injustices were mortal. As a result of centuries of dehumanization and odious brutalization, Hutus no longer cry but, instead, freeze or become petrified and weep internally. These are but a few examples of the brutality Tutsis have shown toward Hutus for centuries.

In 1948, the UN reports expressed shock at the inequalities in Rwandan social and political structures and called upon the Belgian colonial administration to prepare the population for self-government. The Tutsi did not agree with the UN recommendations and wanted to keep their superior status to the Hutus.
The first blows of the Hutu revolution were struck in 1959 when a gang of Tutsi youths attacked one of the few Hutu sub-chiefs. The news of his death spread across the country and Hutus moved to retaliate. The Hutu uprising of 1959 was important because it demonstrated the depth of rural discontent with the Tutsi domination and mistreatment of Hutus. This revolution ended in 1961 when democratic elections and a referendum on the monarchy were held under UN supervision. The Hutus won the vote by an overwhelming majority. The referendum delivered a decisive rejection of the monarchy. Under the leadership of a charismatic Gregoire Kayibanda, democratically elected Hutus took control of the government and Parliament.
That revolution, which abolished the monarchy, established for the first time in the history of Rwanda a government run by the Hutu majority. As a result, thousands of Tutsis who were members of the repressive regime, including the Umwami (King), fled to neighboring countries like Uganda, Congo, Tanzania and beyond.
In the late 1950s the Catholic Church in Rwanda played a significant role in abolishing the Tutsi enslavement of Hutus. Tutsis, regardless of their religious affiliations, have harbored a deep resentment against the Church since then. In particular, retired Archbishop Andre Perraudin, who in 1959 wrote a pastoral letter in which he asked, in the name of charity, that an end be put to the privileges of one ethnic group over another, suggested social reforms and greater democracy. Prior to his becoming a Bishop, Fr. Perraudin had been one of a few missionaries who taught, believed, and lived the doctrine of social justice in Rwanda.
That diabolical hatred of the Church by Tutsis was vividly demonstrated by the RPF when they accused Bishop Augustin Misago of the so-called genocide of 1994. Bishop Fokas of Ruhengeri was taken away by police and presumed killed. A government-sponsored campaign to demean the Catholic Church in Rwanda has been going on at the highest levels of the RPF administration. What is even more shameful is seeing how Tutsis demonstrated on April 4, 1999,  at a church in Veyras, Switzerland, when the retired Bishop was celebrating his 60 years in the priesthood. They accused him of the 1994 genocide. The Bishop served Rwanda for 38 years and retired to his home country of Switzerland on September 15 1993. His legacy of emancipating Hutus from Tutsi enslavement is the real crime for which the Tutsis can never forgive him.

Soon after they arrived in Uganda in 1960, the UNHCR set up refugee camps for Tutsis at Rwimi and Base Camp Kasese in Toro, Kamuhingi and at Rukinga Valley in Ankole. Rukinga Valley was a sparsely populated area. It provided excellent grazing land for those who came with their livestock. The UN agency took full responsibility for those people. Uganda, as a young nation, had never experienced such an influx of refugees and did not know how to handle such problems.
It is important to remember that Tutsis made no secret of their intentions to return to Rwanda as rulers. “We cannot accept to be ruled by Hutus who are supposed to be our slaves,” they declared. Soon after they settled in those camps, they devised plans for taking back power in Rwanda through force. In the 1960s, Tutsi refugees made several attempts to capture power by force. There were about five separate attacks during Kayibanda’s rule, when Tutsi militant groups made unsuccessful attempts to attack Rwanda from Uganda and Congo. At the same time they were accusing Rwanda of being undemocratic. They continued waging a two-pronged attack: accusing the Hutu regime in Kigali of being undemocratic and repressive, while at the same time mobilizing an armed invasion of Rwanda. Still under the UNHCR supervision in Uganda, those refugees tried to mobilize their youth into an armed guerilla group. The militant group was called THE BANYRWANDA YOUTH ASSOCIATION. Milton Obote’s first regime prevented them from using Uganda as a military base for an attack on a neighboring country because it was a violation of both the U.N. and OAU Charters. That did not go well in the minds of a people who were obsessed with taking power at any cost. They worked around it by undermining the very country that had given them refuge.
At that time their efforts were thwarted, their conviction to regain power in Rwanda was undiminished. They continued to use other avenues including negotiating with the Kigali regime for their return to Rwanda, which might give them an opportunity to maneuver in regaining power, by any means, from inside the country. There were several negotiations sponsored by OAU and UN to work out a compromise for returning refugees to their country. Each time a compromise was reached, the Tutsi side undermined its implementation and quickly blamed the Hutu side for the apparent failure. It was self evident that the Tutsis wanted nothing short of seizing full control of the country and returning to the old ways of Tutsi domination and the enslavement of Hutus.
They resented the fact that Rwanda was under the control of a majority of the people they deemed unfit to rule. That sentiment was confirmed many years later when Paul Kagame’s junta officially condemned retired Archbishop Andre Parraudin for his pivotal role in the emancipation of Hutus in 1950s. The, then, Fr. Parraudin (who was a missionary teacher at a seminary in Rwanda during the 1950s) expounded to his students the Catholic doctrine of SOCIAL JUSTICE and HUMAN RIGHTS. On that basis the Diocesan newspaper called Kinyamateka was entrusted to Gregoire Kayibanda, an exseminarian, who wrote extensively on social reform, condemning Tutsi brutality against the Hutus. Kayibanda, backed by the Church through Bishop Parraudin, vehemently preached justice and human rights for all. It was from that standpoint that Hutu liberation blossomed and formed a political party, PARMEHUTU, which waged a victorious campaign against the Tutsi dynasty, overthrowing the monarchy and deposing all Tutsi rulers in 1959/60.

Under the influence of some powerful Hima politicians from the Ankole District, namely Grace S. Ibingira, C.B. Katiti and W.W. Rwetsiba, who were intimately involved with Tutsi refugees, Ugandan President Milton Obote was persuaded to undermine the UNHCR and closed the camps. Many refugees left UNHCR sponsorship much to the dismay of UN officials. The Uganda government, working in conjunction with local authorities, settled many Tutsi families at Namutamba, Kiboga, Mawogola, and many parts of Ankole.
Obote recruited many of the young men and women to serve in his newly created, Gestapo-like spy and torture group, the GENERAL SERVICE UNIT (GSU). They had over the centuries perfected the skills of spying, torturing and brutally subjugating Hutus in Rwanda. Such work was second nature to them. They learned quickly the Bantu languages of southern Uganda, particularly, Runyankole, Rukiga, Luganda and Lusoga. Obote's regime was destined to survive many years in power because it had monopoly-control of the military, using his northern tribesmen along with an effective but dreaded spy and torture network manned by Tutsi mercenaries, who had no loyalty to any tribe and could intermingle freely and effectively with the Bantu tribes of the south, where opposition to his regime was strongest. Many girls. including Tutsis, were deployed to work as spies in bars, hotels, and restaurants, or even as wives.
Many GSU agents were deployed in various ministries and state controlled corporations from which they spied on civil servants and the general public. Among GSU agents of Rwandese extraction was Yoweri Museveni, who, as a young boy lived in the family of Boniface Byanyima and attended Ntale High School, and went on to work in the Prime Minister's office. Chris Katsigazi joined the Foreign Affairs Ministry and served in many posts overseas, including in Washington DC and New York.
GSU became a notorious and dreaded agency that caused Obote's regime to be hated. Many people, especially from the opposition Democratic Party, were tortured and imprisoned by GSU agents. Most of those atrocities were committed by Tutsi agents purporting to be Banyankole. That insecurity created a paralysis in the country and disrupted political, social and economic progress.

General Idi Amin overthrew Obote on January 25, 1971. The population was jubilant because they expected to see an end to GSU spies. Idi Amin tried to rid Uganda of those dangerous elements, but unfortunately that was not to be. Many GSU personnel fled the country, but a significant number of them remained and eventually infiltrated Amin's regime, serving as spies and killers under a new organization called the STATE RESEARCH BUREAU (SRB).

Those GSU Tutsis who fled Uganda after Idi Amin took over, organized an exile group named FRONASA.  Its leader was Yoweri Museveni, and it was based in Dar es Salaam. Although that group attracted a number of hardcore leftist UPC supporters, their main objective, according to an ex-wife of one of the inner-circle, was to consolidate Tutsi power. A network of Tutsis purporting to be Banyankole or Bakiga used that organization to mobilize and crystallize their political agenda for the entire region.
Within FRONASA a group of militant Tutsis working jointly with Himas was formed to organize and carry out a grand plan of taking power in countries of the Great Lakes Region, starting with Uganda, which was to be used as a base and spring board. That group included the following members: Yoweri K. Museveni, Fred Rwigyema. Paul Kagame, Ezra Bunyenyezi, Emmanuel Bunyenyezi, David Tinyefunza, Jimmy Muhwezi, Otafire, Barihona, Rwandali, Rwehibanda, Keitonga, Ghashizi, Ezra Suruma, Muchunguzi, Kaharwa, Ruhakana Rugunda, Mathew Rukikaire, Perez Kamunanwire, and many others. Ahmed Sseguya, a Muganda, led the FRONASA military trainees at Nachingweya. He was later killed at the order of Yoweri Museveni in Luwero during the war. The people he ordered to kill Sseguya were Muchunguzi, Julius Ayime and Mugume.
The political disintegration in Uganda, to which those death squads contributed significantly, opened up new opportunities for Tutsis to take advantage of the situation in their long term plan of taking political power, commencing with Uganda, which they were to use as a staging point to capture neighboring countries. Under the banner of FRONASA, Tutsis purporting to be Banyankole or Bakiga, participated in the Moshi Conference, which created Yusuf Lule's regime after the fall of Idi Amin in 1979. While in a Dar es Salaam hotel, Yoweri Museveni gave Yusuf Lule a list of 18 people from whom he could pick 14 Ministers; all names were of purported Banyankole. His justification for that glaring bias was, “Those are the only people I know.” Subsequently Museveni became Minister of Defense, a position he used to place his fellow Tutsis in positions of control.  But he was quickly disarmed by a stronger Nilotic power clique led by Oyite Ojok.
It is important to remember that soon after Idi Amin was overthrown in 1979, Yoweri Museveni became Minister of Defense. His FRONASA clique in the National Liberation Army (NLA) recruited many Tutsi/Hima from the Ankole and Kigezi areas. Those were strategically stationed at Lubiri Army Barracks and Makindye Military Police Barracks from where Rwandali and Rweibanda conducted a random killing rampage of civilians. They utilized a bus which was called Mpawo Atalikaaba in which the killers rode every night, picking up their victims and smashing their heads with hoes and littering the surrounding areas with corpses.
Although Museveni was removed from the Ministry of Defense, his other comrades, who had infiltrated other newly formed security organizations, remained and continued their acts of sabotage which undermined and weakened Yusuf Lule and G.L. Binaisa regimes. Those crimes of random killings of civilians terrorized the country while at the same time discrediting and weakening Binaisa rule.
In 1980 Baganda political militants started a guerrilla war that eventually overthrew Obote's second regime. At that time Museveni was Vice Chairman of the ruling Military Commission. Repressive policies of terrorizing and torture, mysterious and random killings of civilians, robbing and stealing from the public were daily occurrences. Forcing people onto trucks (Panda Gali) to be taken to be tortured and others killed was common in and around Kampala under the watchful eyes of a consenting Museveni. In 1981, Museveni was ousted by the Muwanga/Obote/Oyite Ojok camp. He, together with a number of Tutsis whom he had groomed joined the ongoing bush war which had started a year earlier.
Their first action was to steal weapons from other fighters by pretending to join together and share whatever equipment they had. They then started killing the leaders and finally took over the operation. That is why Museveni has always lied that the bush war started in 1981, when it had actually started in 1980. That war against Obote's repressive regime was very popular among Ugandans. Tutsis saw this as a golden opportunity to take over the liberation struggle and eventually claim to be the ones who saved Uganda from Obote. Then they could rule Uganda and eventually use it to conquer other countries, starting with Rwanda. They made no secret of their regional plan to dominate and control the entire Great Lakes Region. People who were with them during the fighting recall that the Tutsi/Hima High Command frequently discussed plans to invade Rwanda after having taken over Uganda. After that, Congo/Zaire was next and would be followed by Tanzania, in that order. Among their objective was to eliminate or reduce the numerical superiority of Hutus through mass killings and any other means, to wipe out the Nilotics of Northern Uganda, whom they called Obusoro (little animals), and turn all other Bantu tribes into a controlled mass of servants or slaves. The plot against Nilotic tribes was also revealed to me by the late Grace Ibingira in 1986 just before he joined NRM's regime as Special Advisor to Museveni.

Uganda has always been a country founded on an unwritten policy of inclusion; not exclusion. Museveni's era has forced many Ugandans to wonder what went wrong. Tutsis were well received by the people and were rendered assistance and acceptability more than any immigrant group could ever expect. They quickly established themselves, acquired land for settlement and intermarried. Educational and employment opportunities were open to all without any discrimination whatsoever. Some attended Makerere University in Uganda and other universities in Kenya and Tanzania and abroad as Ugandans camouflaged as Banyankole or Bakiga. A case in point is Edith Ssempala, now Ugandan Ambassador to USA. She studied Engineering at Lumumba University in Moscow on a Ugandan scholarship. Yet when she was in Moscow, she did not want to identify herself as a Ugandan but rather as a Rwandese.
There were many Tutsi families who came to Uganda prior 1959. Many of those families had established themselves among Ugandans. Teacher Karugendo of Kyakanyomozi village comes to my mind. He was my schoolmate at Busubizi Teacher Training College from 1955 till 1958. His children participated in the RPF invasion of Rwanda in 1990.  Mr. Nyakamwe raised livestock at Kasali village where he lived till his death. His children were also among those who invaded Rwanda in 1990. Why should their children, who were borne in Uganda, whose parents migrated before the Kayibanda revolution, join the RPF in the invasion of Rwanda?
The integration of Tutsi refugees was thorough and comprehensive. Each person had an opportunity to make the most out of life according to his/her ability. There were many refugees who had good education and training. Among them was Mr. Avigimana who later shortened his name to Avigima and taught at numerous Secondary schools in the Masaka area starting at Bikira Junior Secondary School. He later became Headmaster of Kabwoko and Kyamulibwa Junior Secondary schools. Mr. and Mrs. Leo Magulu are rural people who obtained land at Bikira village where they live up to now in total harmony with the local Baganda.
There is a Tutsi I met in Boston, MA, who had a good job with the Uganda Coffee Marketing Board. He purchased a profitable ranch in Mawogola. He is among those who invaded Rwanda in 1990 together with his children and relatives. At the request of Fred Rwigyema, his ranch was used as military training and supply base for RPF. The Catholic Bishop of Kigezi, Rt. Rev. Barnabas Halem imana used his residence as a safe haven for the officers of the RPF during the invasion of Rwanda and also as a training camp for RPF spies and torture agents. One of the people who trained at the Bishop’s residence informed me what she witnessed. She narrated about their evening discussions with the Bishop and other RPF officials discussing the glory and destiny of Tutsis and why they must struggle hard to regain power, not only in Rwanda but throughout East and Central Africa, because they were destined to be rulers. Hutus and other Bantu people, according this doctrine, were created to be servants. The people of Kigezi were angry at the Bishop when they found out his involvement with the RPF. First, there were clandestine letters from priests and lay people complaining to high Church officials in Uganda and to the Vatican. That was followed by a popular revolt that drove him out of the Diocese for his own safety, and he sought refugee in Kampala from where he officially requested the Pope to accept his resignation from the post of Bishop of Kabale. His request was granted.
Obote’s regime in the 1960s needed the Tutsis to carry out the bulk of its secret agency work because of their callousness, adaptability and propensity for brutality with a straight face. Obote recruited many of them into the infamous GENERAL SERVICE UNIT, a spy and torture arm of his regime similar to the GESTAPO of Adolph Hitler. Tutsi girls together with numerous Ugandan girls, who were selected for their loose morals or wickedness, were deployed in strategic places to spy on the public. Others were assigned to foreign visitors and diplomats.

Uganda has had her share of political upheavals since independence. Human rights violations in that country have received worldwide publicity until Museveni came to power. There have been more heinous crimes during Museveni’s rule than during Amin and Obote combined and yet the self-appointed policemen of the world keep silent. Is this an accident or intentional?
In the mid-1960s, Obote’s regime established a spy and torture organization called GENERAL SERVICE UNIT (GSU) headed by his cousin Akena Adoko and mostly staffed with Tutsi men and women who could easily mingle with the Bantu tribesmen and speak their languages. Their lack of loyalty to any tribe and a deeply rooted second-nature for brutality peculiar to them made the Tutsis the best choice to employ in that new GESTAPO. Many Ugandans, particularly those belonging to the opposition Democratic Party were tortured and/or imprisoned. Properties were looted. Many people were unfairly fired from their jobs because GSU spies found them not to be UPC supporters.
Those acts of sabotage and brutality which Obote introduced into the Ugandan body politic caused his regime to be abhorred. By 1970, the country had come to a virtual standstill, polarized by terror, insecurity and tribal hatred. During all that time, Tutsis in GSU were camouflaged as Hima of Ankole, others as Bakiga. Little did the world know that on August 6, 1962, a TUTSI DYNASTY PLAN was made to colonize the Central African countries.[1]
Idid Amin overthrew Obote on January 25, 1971, in a coup. Many Ugandans were exuberant because they anticipated the end of the GSU terrorists. Obote and his men fled to Tananzia. Among the many that fled with him were GSU agents, including Yoweri Museveni. However, many other Tutsis did not leave the country but rather joined Amin’s new and notorious STATE RESEARCH BUREAU (SRB). It came to light much later that many bizarre atrocities which took place during Amin’s reign were carried out by the SRB under directives from FRONASA without Amin’s knowledge and consent, according to well placed sources in Amin’s regime.
There was a Tutsi man who lived at Bayitababiri on the Entebbe-Kampala road. He went by the Baganda name of Mukasa. He also claimed to be a Munyoro. He was an officer in Amin’s SRB and was implicated in numerous murders including those of Anglican Archbishop Janan Luwum and Mr.Oboth Ofumbi. He sarcastically told some neighbors about the death of Archbishop Luwum on February 17, 1977, less than an hour after the crime was committed and before anybody knew of it. He further bragged that he was going to State House to report the matter to Idi Amin. Many Tutsis were active in the State Research Bureau. Many atrocities were carried out without Amin’s knowledge, according to one former Advisor to the dictator. Frank Kalimuzo was close to a Tutsi SRB agent who is presumed to have received orders from FRONASA. The same agent is also known to have been the driver who took Ben Kiwanuka from the High Court building to Makindye Barracks where he was killed. The same former advisor to Amin identifies a technical officer in the SRB responsible for bombs, poison, etc., was a Frank Terpil who had connections with the CIA.
During that era, many people especially prominent politicians, professionals and businessmen were killed by SRB Agents. Among them were Ben Kiwanuka, Joseph Mubiru, Frank Kalimuzo, Rev. Fr. Clement Kiggundu, and Rev. Fr. Clement Mukasa.
This era will always be remembered as the dark ages when Uganda was deprived of her trained and experienced personnel. A well-known lawyer and politician Mr. Abubaker K. Mayanja was picked up by those killer squads. One of his wives immediately rushed to the house of Umwami Kigyeri, who was by then a refugee in Uganda. She tearfully pleaded to Kigyeri for the life of her husband. In a telephone call, Kigyeri ordered the immediate release of Mr. Mayanja. The question which one would ask is how could an exiled king of the Tutsis have known who had taken Abubaker Mayanja and where he currently was in order for him to make a phone call to secure his release? Amin’s personal friend, Aneil Clarke, vanished without a trace. All the blame fell on Idi Amin, but Mrs. Mayanja knew better where the real cobra was.
One of the Tutsi tactics was to infiltrate the regimes of Obote and Amin, creating havoc by committing crimes against the people and then blame the government leaders for those crimes. Such activities weakened the regimes creating an easy way for the Tutsis to emerge later as liberators of the masses. Mr. Paul Kagame, as Director of Military Intelligence, ran a notorious slaughter house where hundreds of Ugandans were tortured and brutally killed. His headquarters was at Basiima House near Mengo. The death of Andrew L. Kayiira on March 7, 1987, falls squarely into the hands of Paul Kagame and his killer squad from Basiima House, according to informers who were in the intelligence service at the time. A Ugandan Army officer, registration number R00007, Paul Kagame, must be Court Marshaled for the death and torture of many people in Uganda and Rwanda.
David Tinyefunza was Commander of Eastern Region and slaughtered many people during his stay in Eastern Uganda. The most pronounced incidence of his brutality was the roasting of people in train wagons in Teso in 1987.
Bayingana, who was in charge of Prison medical services, was responsible for the killing of many prisoners at Luzira between 1986 and 1990. Hundreds of people, particularly from Buganda and the northern region, were detained as squatters and many did not come out alive. He was among the invaders of Rwanda under the RPF banner. Bayingana was responsible for injecting political prisoners with slow killing poison. Such prisoners would be released only to die a few days or weeks later. Consequently, they would claim death as being due to natural causes. That poison was imported from Cuba and Rumania, according reliable sources. Among such victims were Lt. Namiti, Paulo Muwanga, Col. Otto, Henry Bwambale, A. Bazira.
One of the greatest lies of the 20th century was that those Tutsis were refugees in Uganda. They ceased to be refugees in the mid-1960s when the camps were closed and UNHCR pulled up stakes. Those people were integrated thoroughly into Ugandan society. Refugees do not hold ministerial posts in their host country as Rwigyema did. When Paul Kagame traveled to the USA for military training, he did not use a U.N. Refugee Pass, but a genuine Ugandan passport. He is a genuine Uganda military officer with registration number R00007. It has been recently revealed that Paul Kagame used to visit his aunt in Butale during the Habyarimana reign. He traveled as a Ugandan of Rwandan extraction.


FRONASA Group and mobilization of Tutsis in Uganda
Soon after the political turmoil, from its lowest levels Obote’s group stole the elections, Ugandans waged an armed struggle and a civil war broke up. At that time Yoweri Museveni was co-chairman of the ruling Military Commission, which in turn paved the way for the second return to power of Milton Obote. In 1981, Museveni and his Tutsi clique, which was hatched in FRONASA and later merged with UPM, infiltrated the ongoing armed struggle against Obote’s forces. They joined the fighting with the hidden agenda of taking over and killing off its original leadership. Indeed the Tutsi clique successfully carried out their dual plan. Over the course of 5 years of fighting Obote’s regime, the original, true Ugandan leaders were systematically killed off. Among those they murdered were Robert Sserumaga, Bazil Mumanya, George Nkwanga, Bernard Buzabo, Kiwanuka, Waswa, Yusuf Lule, among others. One unique case in their killing strategy is the death of Ahmed Sseguya, a Muganda. Sseguya led the FRONASA military group that trained Nachingwera in Tanzania. He was a staunch supporter of FRONASA, and a well trained military commander. He stayed with the Tutsi/Hima group not knowing their secret plans. Museveni ordered Muchunguzi, Julius Ayime and Mugume to kill Mr. Sseguya so as not to allow a Muganda in their midst.
Museveni and the clique of Tutsi/Hima tribesmen he established named itself THE NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT/ARMY and monopolized the bush war that ousted Obote in 1986. The following were its members: 
The High Command were: Yoweri Museveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Eri Tumwine, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Mugisha Muntu, Kiiza Besigye.
Senior Officers were: Kahinda Otafire, Benon Tumukunde, P. Kutesa, Julius Ayine, Mugume, Frank Guma, Stephen Kashaka, John Kyaakuta, Barihona, Rwandari, Rweyibanda, Muchunguzu, Gasinzi, Amanya Mushega, Amama Mbabazi, Fenehams Katirima, Mathew Rukikayire, Eriya Kategaya, Byemalo, Shef Ali, Kasigazi, Kihanda, Sande Mukulu, Monday, James Kazini, Makanga Bogere, PeterKerimu Kazora, Ruhakana Rugunda, Stephen Kwiringia, Kasula Kyomuhendo, Kashilingi Lubaramira, David Ndyayondi, Fred Kagonyera,, Kyakabare, Samuel Kaka and many others.
As soon as they started fighting in the Luwero triangle, their first strategy was to kill as many civilians as they could and destroy their properties, and put the blame on Obote’s soldiers. They often bragged about this trick as one they learned when training with FRELIMO of Mozambique.

In 1979, another development was taking place in Rwanda. A group of Rwandese (mostly Tutsis) in Rwanda launched an opposition party named RWANDESE ALLIANCE FOR NATIONAL UNITY (RANU) calling for national unity and the return of exiled Rwandese. That party was forced to go underground and was maintained by Rwandese exiles. In 1987, a year after Museveni took power; it changed its name to the RWANDESE PATRIOTIC FRONT (RPF). It enjoyed support from many Tutsis in Museveni’s regime who were at the same time camouflaged as Banyankole or Bakiga.
Tutsis occupied strategic and controlling positions in Museveni’s regime, thus achieving their primary objective: controlling Uganda and using it as a staging ground to take over other countries. Fred Rwigyema (first leader of the RPF) was Ugandan Minister of Defense; Paul Kagame was Director of Military Intelligence, and responsible for exterminating Ugandans who could be a real or imagined opposition. He operated his death camp in Basiima House at Mengo and at various other locations. Another Tutsi in the control of Uganda was Pierre Kabatzi. Peter Bayingana was Chief of Medical Service for Ugandan Prisons. Chris Bunyenyezi was Administrative Chief at Army Headquarters.
Soon after Museveni took over, he lured the Rwandan leader J. Habyarimana to accept the lifting of travel document requirements for citizens of Uganda and Rwanda. A special bus service between Kampala and Kigali was established by Tutsis in Museveni’s government. Its daily runs from Kampala, in most cases, ran half full and always returned full of people from Kigali. This activity went on till shortly before October 1, 1990, when the RPF commenced their invasion.
It later became evident that the bus passengers coming from Rwanda to Uganda were recruits for military training for the eventual invasion of Rwanda in 1990. The recruits mostly came from Tutsi families. Others were from various parties opposed to the Habyarimana regime. The destination was Kabamba Military Training Camp, while others were sent to a secret training camp at Karugutu in the Rwenzori Mountains. Its Chief Commander was Mr. Biganja.
Among the many recruits brought in from Rwanda was a young lady I interviewed. She was brought first for military training and then she underwent Intelligence Work training at the residence of the Catholic Bishop of Kabale, The Right Rev. Barnabas Halem imana. That lady informed me that many recruits had had their initial training in spy work and other related activities at the Bishop’s residence. The instructions included RPF plans and dogma which emphasize, among other things, that Tutsis, not Hutus, were destined to be rulers of Rwanda. They also undertook training in espionage and torture techniques. After graduating from there, they were sent to another location on the Uganda-Zaire border near Kasese to the home of a wealthy Tutsi trader. There, they had additional training before deployment. That lady recalled many conversations in the evenings with the Bishop as he sipped Scotch whisky, telling the young recruits that Tutsis were created to be rulers. The RPF officers were free to use the Bishop’s vehicles.
One morning, those guys returned from their night expedition in the Bishop’s pick-up truck. It was stained with blood. The people of Kabale recognized the Bishop’s vehicle being driven by strange faces. The information became known among the people. Secret letters of complaint to the higher authority in the Church were written by priests and laity alike to no avail. The Catholic population of Kabale revolted forcing him to run for his life to Kampala, where he requested the Pope accept his resignation as Bishop of Kabale Diocese, a request which was immediately granted. We have learned that Museveni rewarded him with the political post of Director of the HIV/AIDS Prevention Program. This organization is charged with, among other things, the distribution of condoms.

The decision to invade Rwanda was made soon after Tutsis were dethroned in 1959/60 and arrived in Uganda as refugees thereafter. From that time, they carried out numerous attempts to take over power by forces. At the same time they tried galvanizing public opinion against the Hutu dominated regime, but yield limited results. The FRONASA groups which was formed in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, was the one to come up with a winning strategy when it took advantage of political anarchy, to which they significantly contributed, in Uganda and thus opted for taking over that country and in turn using it as a staging ground to invade Rwanda.
The actual preparation for the RPF invasion of Rwanda started in 1985 while NRM was still fighting in Luwere before taking power in January 1986. The NRA High Command composed of Yoweri Myseveni, Salim Sareh, Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Moses Kigongo, Kiiza Besigye, Kahinda Otafire, formed a committee which would organize the invasion of Rwanda soon after NRM/NRA took over Uganda. That committee included the following: Fred Rwigyema, David Tinyefunza, Mugisha Muntu, Jim Muhwezi, Paul Kagame, Shef Ali,Matteka, Byensi, and Biganja. By the end of 1985, more than 3,000 Tutsi/Hima had completed their military training at Mulima Barracks, a secret place in the Rwenzori Mountain.
After Museveni took power, he invited President Habyarimana to be the guest of honor at a military ceremony where ranks were to be awarded to senior NRA officers.  During that meeting, Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow three senior NRA military officers to join the Rwandan Army, but that request was rejected. The officers were Fred Rigyema, Mugisha Muntu and Paul Kagame. Museveni further requested Habyariman to allow ordinary Tutsi soldiers from the NRA to join the Rwandan Army; that too was turned down. Finally Museveni asked Habyarimana to allow ordinary Tutsi civilians to return to Rwanda on a gradual basis. That was accepted on the basis that that those returnees have no criminal record.
Towards the end of 1986, Museveni deployed into Rwanda the 3000 soldiers who were trained in Mulima Barracks. They were disguised as civilians and each one was given 300,000 Uganda Shillings as a resettlement fund. This advance team was constantly sending back information about the Rwandan Army and Government.
In 1987, Jim Muhwezi, Director of Internal Security Organization (ISO), appointed Mr. Stehen Ndawula Ssennoga, a Kyambogo Technical College graduate in Communication, to recruit former Kyambogo students into ISO. All recruits were sent to East Germany and Cuba for training in how to operate sophisticated spy equipments. Mr. Kibuka was the leader of those who went to East Germany and Mr. Kayemba led the team that went to Cuba. The two groups returned after 6 months of training and with them brought lots of spy equipment which was stored at the ISO headquarters, Nakasero. Stephen Nadura, S. Kweringira, David Kasula and Bosco Kiviri were in charge of those equipments. In December of 1987, ISO bought twelve (12) mobile radios and the IFA vehicles that carried them. They also bought 20,000 walkie-talkies and bugging equipment from East Germany plus 20,000 pistols, 6.71 mm. All that equipment was destined for Rwanda. In early 1987, a Bulemezi farmer who had been put in charge of NRA farms was ordered by Fred Rwigyema to buy machetes, axes, hammers, hoes, spades, slashers and knives from Jinja Steel Mills, Ssembule Investments and Uganda Bati Co., LTD, with labels reading Made in Rwanda. He was also ordered to hand all the purchases over to Paul Kagame and Mugisha Muntu. Byemalo and Kalyegyeya took charge of the delivery.
In 1987 Jim Muhwezi and Moses Kigongo started a clandestine program of recruiting Tutsis and Hima from Bulemezi, Singo, Gomba, Butambala, Mawogola and other areas of Buganda who were trained at the ISO school near Entebbe. At the same time, Kahinda Otafire, Kiiza Besigye, Amanya Mushega and Kale Kahihura were recruiting Tutsis and Hima in Bushenyi, Ntungamu, Mbarara, Rukungiri and Kabale and training them at the Mirama Hills Detach Center where Mr. Fuluma was in charge of training.
In 1987, the NRA High Command gave two buses to a Mr. Samuel Black, a Kasese businessman, to transport all the trainees from Milima Barracks of Rwenzori Mountain to Kabale where they were received by Mr. Batuma to distribute them in different places inside Rwanda. Another Kasese businessman, Mr. Katoto, was given two buses by the NRA to transport trainees from Milama Hills into Rwanda with the help of Mr. Batuma.
Between 1987 and 1989, Moses Kigongo, Mathew Rukikaire, Kakwano and Kaka were authorized by Uganda Government to transport people, weapons and all equipment which was kept at ISO stores and at Basiima House from Uganda to Rwanda. That equipment were distributed to their men, who were already stationed inside Rwanda.
Museveni took power in 1986. He placed Tutsi men in total control of the Ugandan military which was going to be used as staging ground. They control numerous other strategic and powerful positions in Uganda, so that neither political nor military opposition could rise up against their sinister plans. On the military side, many of their commanders received advanced military training abroad, particularly in the USA and the UK.  The RPF collaborating with a cadre of Tutsis inside Rwanda scouted the countryside. They took young Tutsi kids out of school and brought them to Kigali for the purpose of agitating for jobs. Those kids were anywhere between 11 and 17 years old. They were promised, according to eye witnesses, to be returned to their schools after the RPF takes power.
Those young people terrorized Kigali in many ways demanding employment which the Habyarimana Government could not offer. That gave the Tutsi political opposition more ammunition against the Hutu leadership for having failed the economy.

The reign of Idi Amin exasperated a political decadency that had started in the 1960s. It exploded with the fall of Amin’s regime. A country cannot experience stability and progress when ruled by a minority regime. The Tutsi planners knew this very well, and, indeed, one could argue that their effort to contribute to internal insecurity, political murders, and polarization of the general population against the ruling groups of Obote through the GSU and Amin’s State Research was towards this aim.
Some people have claimed that Museveni volunteered to fight for FRELIMO in Mozambique and later underwent military training in North Viet Nam. While this might make him look like a macho fighter, there is no concrete evidence to support the claim.
We know from first hand witnesses that President Nyerere was a strong supporter of FRONASA and so permitted them to send their trainees to Nachingweya Military Training Camp in southern Tanzania where FRELIMO trained their men. The team which went there for training included:
Ahmed Sseguya (leader)
Sallim Sarey, Fred Rwigyema, Jim Muhwezi, Muchunguzi, Kihanda, Rwandali Keitongwa, Rweibanda, Muwanga Jackson, Yoweri Museveni, Kashaka Shaban.
Could this have been part of the Tutsi Dynasty Plan of 1962 to train their youth in military tactics for the eventual take over of the Great Lakes Region?
One of the strategies that the NRA used extensively and effectively in Uganda’s bush war against Obote was to kill thousands of civilians at night and by daytime fabricate stories that Obote’s soldiers massacred innocent civilians. Such a trick caused the civilian population and world community to turn their sympathy from Obote’s government to the rebel group. In 1983 a German Journalist, Mark Schumdt, went to the war zone in Bulemezi to investigate what was going on as news of mass killings in the Luwero triangle were spreading worldwide. Mr. Schumdt met with Museveni and his high command who told him what they wanted him to hear. They then chose David Tinyefunza and Jim Muhwezi to escort him to places where they had piled up dead bodies of civilians whom the NRA themselves had killed. The same killers blamed Obote’s soldiers for their crimes. When Mark saw those bodies, he became suspicious and asked:  Why would Obote’s army collect dead bodies and not bury them knowing this could implicate them in the killing of innocent people? He also asked them how they knew that dead bodies are collected in that place since there was nobody in that area other than the NRA soldiers. He insisted that he wanted to interview civilians in the area so as to get their views about these killings. Museveni’s officers did not like Mark’s approach because he had become suspicious that Obote’s army may not have killed those civilians, but that the NRA had done the killing for the purpose of tarnishing Obote’s image with the population and the international community.
Hence, they ordered that Mark Shumidt be sent back immediately. While on his way back, they killed him and confiscated his camera and notes.
In 1984, the NRA got a British reporter, William Pike, who is suspected of having more connections than a telephone line and was also broke and had all the tendencies of a mercenary journalist to NRM. NRM cut a deal with Mr. Pike to run their propaganda in the world media. He was willing to do anything for money. He successfully used his journalistic skill to fabricate favorable reports for the NRA, galvanizing tremendous sympathy for Museveni and his men.
Upon NRM/NRA victory, William Pike was awarded the position of Managing Editor of NRM government newspaper, The New Vision. That paper became the mouthpiece of the NRM/NRA regime in the same way that PRAVDA was to the Soviet Union, and Mr. Pike’s fortune skyrocketed.
We see a parallel in later years when the RPF invaded Rwanda, killing people by the hundreds in the northern part of the country. Alison Des Forges, Catherine Watson, Colette Braeckman and Roger Winter were the most notorious propagandists for the RPF, fabricating favorable stories and covering up RPF crimes. Alison Des Forges in particular crisscrossed the English-speaking world spreading the RPF’s mendacious flatteries.
During the bush fighting to overthrow Obote, Tutsis, including Museveni, used to brainstorm their plan of taking control of Uganda, first using it as a staging ground to take over Rwanda and other neighboring countries. They used to claim that only Tutsis were destined to rule and despised Hutus and other Bantu tribesmen as inferior objects whose role in society was but to follow orders. This same sentiment was to be echoed later at the RPF training of their intelligent operatives in the Catholic Bishop’s house in Kabale, Kigezi, some years later.
Soon after Museveni took over power in 1986, he imposed on the people of Uganda the nonsectarian law which forbids calling any person by his tribal affiliation. It was later discovered that such law was intended to forbid Ugandans from complaining about the excessive number of Tutsis in high positions of government. Fred Rwigyema was Minister of Defense and the entire Command and control of that ministry was in the hands of a Tutsi/Hima clique. Uganda Commercial Bank under a Hima, Frank Mwine, was totally bankrupted; so were all the parastatal corporations. The funds that were channeled through fictitious personal loans may have ended up in financing RPF operations. The Uganda Treasury accumulated foreign loans supposedly for development projects which are non-existent in Uganda.
Perez Kamwinanwire became Ambassador to the U.N. and later to Germany. Ezra Surumana, alias Suruma, was Deputy Governor of the Bank of Uganda. Emmanuel Ndungutse headed the Uganda Investment Authority, an agency he mismanaged and robbed thoroughly. With millions from the UIA, he went to Rwanda after the RPF conquest and invested in a number of business ventures in addition to serving RPF regime.
It is important to recall that the bulk (80% to 90%) of the fighting force which toppled Obote’s regime were Baganda. By the time they had captured Kampala and taken over the reins of power, most Baganda fighters of officer caliber had been killed under mysterious circumstances. Hence, the control of the NRA was in the hands of Museveni’s Tutsi men.  He further purged the disproportionate number of Baganda in the military by dismissing hundreds of them in order to create room for other tribesmen. While that move gave him temporary political credit, the actual results were different. Instead, he recruited thousands of people from the Ankole and Kigezi areas to the total exclusion of the entire northern region and other areas of the country.

In an ethnic conflict such as the one in Rwanda, truth is the first victim, especially with regard the accused. We do not have to wait hundreds of years like Oedipus Rex to be told the bitter truth.
Thousands of innocent people were killed in Rwanda after October 1, 1990, when the RPF invaded thecountry from Uganda. Between October 1, 1990, and April 1994, over 140,000 people were systematically killed by the RPF/NRA in northern Rwanda, and over a million people were displaced, rendering them into excruciating suffering without help from anywhere. That baleful killing of the innocent has continued until today, and has also expanded into Congo, where the RPF/NRA, assisted by US Commandos, invaded Zaire slaughtering thousands of refugees in camps. The cabal went to great length to cover up their crimes, as has been demonstrated over the years. Their lies have fooled the entire world community up to this very day, including the UN. Nobles, intellectuals and commoners, alike, have come to believe the fabrications generated purposely to give legitimacy to a criminal gang dressed in the banality of evil so as to give them legitimacy, sympathy and acceptability, while covering up their heinous crimes against humanity which surpassed those of Pol Pot of Cambodia and Salvadore Allende of Chile.
The evidence, based on revelations from NRA military and intelligence officers, plus interviews of peasant refugees that our organization has collected, point to Tutsis. The RPF, together with the NRA and the United State are implicated very clearly as the greatest criminals in the Rwanda genocide.
Because of the lies and cover-ups which have been thoroughly concocted and orchestrated since the invasion of October 1, 1990, the victims have been made to look like the criminals. This criminal cabal has utilized tactics common to compulsive liars. The former UN Secretary General, Butros Butros Ghali, has often lamented the fact that on many occasions he wanted to convene the Security Council to look into the Rwanda Crisis as it was unfolding in order to protect the lives of innocent civilians. Each time his efforts were thwarted by the USA and UK for reasons only known to their leaders. The USA went as far as training, arming, financing, and manipulating the international media in order to make the cabal’s criminal agenda prevail and succeed.
One does not have to graduate from a Military Academy to know that in war, the victors win if they kill more of the enemy. If the RPF and NRA defeated the Rwandese army, it goes without saying who killed more of whom.
Regarding this theory of winning a war, General Patton said, “Let the other son of a bitch die for his country.”  How can then any person be fooled into believing that the defeated Hutus killed that many Tutsis and still lost the war?[2] The campaign to demonize all Hutus as genocidaire,s an accusation that was never applied to Germans after WW II has been effectively applied to Hutus and has demonized an entire ethnic group, including those who lived abroad during those years. This kind of blanket accusation intended to protect the true criminals in this horrendous crime of invasion and mass murders and ethnic cleansing, which Tutsis are still committing in Rwanda today, paints a an unbelievable picture of Hutus as being sophisticated in the art of war and so highly organized that they had the capability of amassing their enemies and slaughtering them in a matter of days. Not even a fool could believe that. It is sad to admit that Hitler’s and Goebbel’s ingenuity in twisting facts and truth has made believers in today’s world’s greatest democracies.
Secondly, we look at the population of Rwanda which was about 7 million people at that time. Tutsis were about 10% of that population, or about 700,000 people. Is the cabal’s propaganda machine trying to convince us that all Tutsis in Rwanda were mobilized to be in accessible locations so that murderous thugs could butcher them in a matter of days? Depicting Hutus as a collection of murderous thugs, when in fact they are the victims, and yet the German population was not so depicted after WWII, is not only a skillful cover up of the truth but also an abomination of human reasoning. The Tutsis were always a minority in Rwanda. During the Hutu rule of Kayibanda and Habyarimana, there were many Tutsi attempts to invade and take power by force. There was no single time when Hutus ordered their army of civilians to butcher Tutsis. Yet in neighboring Burundi, where a Tutsi minority have controlled the country since 1960, there have been numerous pogroms of Hutus by the ruling Tutsis that have claimed thousands of innocent Hutus. The UN has done nothing to bring the killers in Burundi to justice. Why?
Now we know what the NRA did in Uganda during the war that ousted Obote’s regime and brought Museveni to power. The same tricks were repeated in Rwanda when the same group  of NRA/RPF invaded Rwanda and overthrew Habyarimana’s government and established a Tutsi dominated junta. Former NRA intelligence officers reveal that in January1994, the NRA deployed 950 soldiers from Uganda to Kigali in civilian clothes to take up positions in preparation for the planned mass killings that were to take place soon after the Rwandese President was killed by the NRA/RPF in collaboration with Belgian troops, both of which had full control of the airport. They later sent another force of 5000 soldiers into other localities in the country to carry out the same job simultaneously. We have also learned that machetes, pangas, axes, as well as mobile radio transmitting units, were brought in from Uganda to be used in the mass murder of civilians who happened to be Hutus, not Tutsis as the cabal wants us to believe. Those tools were returned to Uganda as soon as the job was finished. Could this have been a nasty way of paying back the Hutus for their 1959/60 overthrow of the Tutsi monarchy, in which no guns were used?
The same tactic has been effectively applied in northern Uganda where for nearly 20 years, the NRA’s original goal of wiping out the Nilotic tribes is pursued with impunity. It is inconceivable that the Lord’s Resistance Army or Lakwena, which does not exceed two thousand, could prevail over the NRA for all these years when operating inside Uganda under Museveni’s full controls. The NRA successfully invaded Rwanda and Zaire and also gave the Sudanese army a hard time, but could not clean up an area as narrow as Acholi?
According to local people in northern Uganda as well as people inside the NRA, there are reports, suppressed by the Western media, to the effect that the so called crimes of mutilating people in Acholi, abducting children, etc., are all the work of the NRA intended to justify their ethnic cleansing in northern Uganda.
The Tutsi controlled radio MUHABURA was spreading ethnic hatred of Hutus and never received criticism from either the USA or the UK. The Voice of America also set up a special Kinyarwanda Broadcast reporting the Tutsi side of the Rwanda crisis. The game of demonizing Hutus as mass killers was orchestrated at maximum speed by the Western media, utilizing reporters and human rights watchers who were censored by the USA or UK and had to go through Uganda to reach Rwanda. Roger Winter of the U.S. Committee for Refugees, along with another hired gun, William Pike, played a key roles that made those two white men look like the twin sons of Joseph Goebbels. We learned later that the RPF/NRA had portable radio transmitters which broadcast their messages over the same channels as Hutu radio and spread murderous messages as part of the wider scheme to demonize Hutus. For outside listeners, all that sounded like the work of a highly organized Hutu killing machine. Yet, the Hutus, as a people, were in total disarray and confusion at that time. This assertion does not deny the fact that Hutus killed Tutsis. However, the organized killing of thousands of innocent civilians was the work of Kagame and Museveni. The vast majority of victims were Hutus and not Tutsis as the propagandist cabal would want us to believe. The USA had already supplied the RPF with radio jamming technology to block Hutu broadcasts to the masses. This was confirmed by a State Department person at a meeting of The Rwanda Forum that I attended in Washington DC in 1993.
If, in fact, the death toll was anywhere between 500,000 and 1,000,000 people, and most of that killing took place in and around the city of Kigali, it is absolutely impossible to have had that many Tutsis in the area. I personally visited Kigali and Ruhengeri twice in March and August of 1993. I drove through the markets, hospitals, public car parks and around town. I could barely count ten (10) Tutsis among those crowds even though Tutsis are very conspicuous when among Hutus. The Hutus who reacted and indeed did kill some Tutsis could have responded to the misleading radio massages given out by the RPF killing machine I have outlined above. Others may have reacted in anger in a manner no different from that of Black Americans after the killing of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968 or the barbaric treatment of Mr. Rodney King on April 29, 1992, in Los Angeles. We cannot blame the US government for those riots because they were natural reflexes to a provocative tragedy. Besides, how would anyone expect people to react when they are slaughtered by invaders and their government leaders are killed by the enemy who is clearly known?
As soon as the RPF came to power, they exhumed the skeletons of their victims from where they had hidden them. They collected the skeletons and paraded them all over Kigali and on roadsides throughout Rwanda to impress outside investigators so as to justify their criminal invasion of a Free State and murdering its citizens.
Foreign journalists, human rights investigators and foreign policy makers who went to Rwanda during the fighting and after the RPF had taken over had to go through Uganda from where they were escorted by NRA or RPF agents. They were managed thoroughly as to which places they could visit, whom to interview, etc. In of those interviews that were broadcast abroad, the local people who were interviewed spoke English with a Ugandan accent, while others could be overheard speaking broken Swahili. We already know that Tutsis from Uganda, Congo, the USA, Tanzania, Belgium and elsewhere flocked back to Rwanda after the RPF conquered the Hutu army. They took over homes, farms and other properties that belonged to Hutus who were either killed or fled into exile. There are cases where Hutu families who returned home to find their homes occupied by Tutsis were permitted to build grass shanty nearby instead of reclaiming their nice original houses they had built with their own labor. Their only role in life is to be slaves to the Tutsis.
No one has ever questioned what might have motivated an entire population to run off from their land into exile, as was the case in Rwanda during those dark days. The cabal’s propaganda has blinded people to make them believe what is plainly unbelievable. Only a fire under everyone’s rear end could force a people to flee for their lives in such huge numbers. I find it very difficult to believe that all those skulls are what they are claimed to be. After all, no one can tell the difference between the skull of a Tutsi and that of a Hutu, or a Chinese or German for that matter. This trick of fabricating facts to favor the NRA in Uganda was pulled to the maximum and served Museveni very well in convincing the world that the Luwero Triangle skeletons he paraded were victims of Obote’s soldiers, while in actual fact it was the NRA who killed the citizens of that area and put the blame on Obote’s government. The same people who did that in Luwero repeated it in Rwanda, and, unfortunately, it worked for them both times.
The cabal fabricated and carried out a well-managed media campaign to demonize the Hutu people as murderers while covering up the crimes of the real murderers. The crimes of the NRA and RPF, beginning with the foreign invasion of another country, have been swept under the rug for all these years. Yet, when Iraq invaded Kuwait a few years ago, the USA and Britain mobilized other nations to drive the invaders out of Kuwait. The RPF/NRA crimes of murdering thousands of innocent civilians and displacing nearly a million people from the day of the invasion of 1990 to April 1994 have been tactfully ignored.
Contrary to public lies which have been spread all over the world that Hutus massacred nearly a million Tutsis right after the RPF killed President Habyarimana, we have information from people who were inside Museveni’s military/security system bringing new revelations that the so-called genocide was planned by the Museveni/Kagame group to justify their attack on Kigali and win sympathy for their monolithic Tutsi regime, while enabling them to mobilize foreign aid without anyone questioning their barbaric brutality and gross human rights violations.
Kagame and Museveni knew about and planned the mass killings of innocent people who were predominantly Hutus, right after the President’s plane was shot down by the RPF.  Kagame is quoted as saying that about 500,000 people will be slaughtered during that period of confusion. Those people who did not know that Kagame was behind the planned genocide have accused him of being callous because he did not take steps to protect those many innocent lives, but rather was merely interested in taking power. We can now understand why he was not concerned about the loss of innocent lives if, in fact, he was responsible for these deaths. Second, the people who were killed were predominantly Hutu civilians, as they had been in Northern Rwanda since October 1990, and especially in Byumba and Ruhengeri in February 1993. However, this time around Kagame had already set in motion media propaganda to claim that the people hacked to death were Tutsis and their killers were Hutu thugs.
In March of 1994 a team of Tutsi/Hima soldiers from the NRA were sent into Rwanda in civilian clothes. They went into Kigali proper. Their mission was to carry out mass killings of civilians in Kigali and the surrounding areas. Another group of 5000 soldiers, all in civilian clothes, were subsequently sent into other populated areas of Rwanda to carry out the same mission of mass murder soon after President Habyarimana was killed. Kagame armed all those men with machetes and pangas delivered to them directly from Uganda, their supply headquarters. In addition to those tools, they had portable radios and broadcasting units that transmitted their messages onto the regular radio channels of Rwanda. The message was for Hutus to kill the Tutsis who had killed the president. To any outsider monitoring those radio broadcasts, the killers seemed obviously to be Hutus, while, in actual fact, it was Tutsis and Himas from Uganda who were carrying out the killings so as to tarnish the image of Hutus in the world community.
Soon after the killings had been done, all the equipments (radios, pangas and machetes) were returned to Uganda, lest they be noticed by investigators since they were all brand new and had markings identifying them as coming from Uganda.  For any person to claim that between 800,000 and 1,000,000 Tutsis were slaughtered begs the question. Most of that killing was in the city of Kigali. What was the population of Kigali and how much of that number were Tutsis? Interviews with refugees tell stories of many Hutus lost their family members, and those were not necessarily opposition party members.
Another area of concern for any person who wants to obtain the hidden truth would be to ask RPF leaders what may have caused a whole population to run away into exile as the Rwandese did. There must have been a thorough and well-organized attack on the entire population to cause them take flight. The only force that could possibly have done that was the RPF invaders. In September of 1992, I received information from sources in the Ugandan military stating that Tutsis were planning to bulldoze Hutus off the land and replace them with Tutsis. I shared that information with some people, but they responded with laughter and scorn saying that it was impossible to bulldoze an entire population from their land, especially since the targeted population was the majority. The RPF crimes against the population have tactfully been swept under the rug for all these years.
In January of 1990 a team of 150 mostly Tutsi men from the NRA and ISO were sent to Rwanda to survey (in military terms WRECK) the situation prior to the proposed invasion which took place on October 1 of the same year.
The RPF has been committing genocidal atrocities in Rwanda from the day they invaded that country, October 1, 1990, up to the present, and this has been ignored by the biased Western media for reasons known only to them. The U.S. government, Britain and Belgium are equally guilty for the crimes of genocide in Rwanda. The participation of the USA in the crimes of the  RPF deserves that its leaders to be tried before an International Court of Justice, if there is any such court in this world.

The RPF massacre of innocent people in northern Rwanda in February 1993 claimed over 25,000 civilian lives and displaced more than 100,000 people from their home area.  At one location near Byumba, in a football stadium built by Mr. Kabuga, the RPF massacred about 2000 people, cutting off their heads which they then buried in pits. After the conquest of Rwanda, the RPF junta dug out all the skulls of their victims and paraded them in Kigali and everywhere as the skulls of Tutsis who were killed by Hutus.
Such calculated and blatant lies horrified the local people who had witnessed those crimes being committed and also witnessed the actual unearthing of the skulls and skeletons for display in Kigali and on roadsides for the world further to condemn the Hutus en masse.

The RPF has become a master of deception with lies that have gone on unabated for years.  One should look at the way the RPF entered Rwanda in two columns. One column followed eastern route along the Rwanda-Tanzania border. That area was already under RPF control. It is through that swampy area that the Kagera river passes, and there is a bridge that crosses it into Tanzania. During that time many Hutu civilians fled their homes and country as RPF invaders were on a wild rampage of killing any person in sight. Those who attempted to enter Tanzania via the only crossing there is met the RPF invaders waiting for them at the bridge. Thousands of Hutus were thrown into the raging river by the RPF troops. Others drowned attempting to cross the river away from the bridge where certain death awaited them. It is important to emphasize that all those corpses that floated into the river and eventually reached Lake Victoria were Hutus and their killers were the RPF.
Tutsi propaganda twisted the facts claiming those floating corpses were Tutsis killed by Hutu extremists. The world community and you here in this Tribunal have been swallowing those fabrications to this very day.  How could intelligent people in the UN and Western governments be so myopic and not ask a simple question: if Hutu rioters in Kigali were killing people--I am not denying that killings took place mainly in Kigali—what reason or means did they have to transport their victims and dump their bodies in this river where there were columns of invading RPF on the move towards the capital?
Now we know who was killing and who was being killed. It is obvious that the people being killed were the ones on the run for their lives. That is why a horrified world witnessed a tremendous exodus of Hutus fleeing toward Congo, Burundi and Tanzania, but not to Uganda where the killers were coming from.

If this Tribunal and/or any other Court of Law is seriously committed to seeking the truth and justice, the crimes committed in Rwanda starting on October 1, 1990, and, indeed, in the entire region must be fully and thoroughly investigated and their perpetrators brought to justice. The U.N. and O.A.U. Charters both declare it illegal for one country to invade another, except under specific circumstances. None of those specific circumstances ever existed as far as Uganda-Rwanda relations were concerned. There were no Tutsi refugee camps in Uganda, as defined by the UNHCR, since all former Tutsi refugees had been settled and integrated into Ugandan society. Some Tutsis were already holding high government positions in their newly adopted country. Therefore, President Museveni bears full responsibility for allowing his army to invade a sovereign nation without provocation. When Iraq invaded Kuwait, the world community rightfully amassed troops to repel the invaders. Unfortunately, that was not the case for Rwanda. Instead, the so-called defenders of peace and democracy (the USA and UK) were sending more than a bravo message to the invaders of Rwanda.
There was no time when the United States and Britain ever condemned Uganda for invading Rwanda or Congo/Zaire. Instead, every year, the United State, in particular, increased her military training of the so called Ugandan officers, who ended up beefing up the troops that were involved in the invasion. The invaders continued to milk Uganda for her meager resources, equipment, funds and manpower throughout the invasion. World Bank and IMF loans to Uganda skyrocketed purportedly for development projects that never existed. All that money went into financing the invasion of Rwanda. Every aspect of War is expensive, and not many countries, especially in Africa, can afford such a costly undertaking.
It is now coming to light that the then UN Secretary General tried on many occasions to convene the Security Council to discuss Rwanda during the invasion, but was repeatedly blocked by the United States and British Ambassadors to the UN.
The United States played a significant role in the Rwanda tragedy and therefore cannot and should not be overlooked if justice is earnestly to be sought. The triad of murderers is none other than: the RPF leaders and Museveni’s government and the USA.
The American plan to control Africa’s resources is well documented. When Africa was getting out from under European colonialism, America was plotting to take over.
Various strategy planning meetings took place in Washington DC. At the January 14, 1960,  meeting of the U.S. National Security Council, it was discussed,
. . . [S]ince we must have strong men of Africa on our side, perhaps we should develop military strong men. A special Africa Fund for Technical Assistance was set up to finance those who were anxious to establish control of Africa through military dictatorships. . .[3]
A new program called IMET (International Military Educational Training), solely for training African military officers in America, was introduced in the 1970s. This training was designed to be similar to that done by the infamous School of the Americas. The main purpose was to groom African military dictators in the same way that the SoA did in Latin America.  At the core of this was what Zbigniew Brzezinski noted in a secret memo to President Jimmy Carter on March 17, 1978, “The mineral resources of the area continue to be of great value to the normal functioning of industries in the United States and allied countries.” He goes on to express serious concerns over the growth of African nationalism and its potential effect on American interests, particularly in Zaire, about which he cautioned that the U.S. administration would have to take specific steps to stabilize the situation .
Specific steps take different forms of operation since the Washington planners had already outlined the strategies when they agreed that, “Sensitive operations would be disguised as multilateral programs or even private activities, and eventually the most objectionable of these actions would come to be conducted in such a secretive way as to conceal the fact that they ever existed at all. . .” [4] 

US Training of RPF Officers.
It has been expounded time and time again that the United States was involved in training the RPF invaders long before 1990. A colleague and I went to the Pentagon and met with Major Tony Marley who was in charge of IMET training for RPF/NRA. We informed him of what was taking place in Rwanda, and he promised to relate the matter to the appropriate officials. We learned later that the training had grown since our visit and more money was being allocated to Uganda, presumably to finance the invasion.

Lies and Cover-ups
In early March of 1994, a team from the U.S. Administration went to Uganda and met with Museveni and RPF leaders. According to intelligence sources, their mission was to tell Museveni to convince Tanzanian President Ali Hassan Mwinyi to convene a conference of regional Heads of States to discuss the Rwanda crisis.
That resulted in the fateful Summit conference from which Rwandan President Habyarimana was returning when he met his death.  A U.S. team including Ms. Prudence Bushnell, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Africa; Ms. Arlene Render, Director of the Central African Affairs Bureau at the State Department; and Ms. Patricia Irvin, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Humanitarian Affairs, also visited Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire.
The meeting of regional leaders took place in Dar es Salaam as planned, and President Habyarimana attended as expected. His plane was shot down by the RPF, in collaboration with Belgian troops, as it was about to land at Kigali Airport on its return from that meeting. We learned later that General I. Kombe, head of Tanzanian Intelligence who was privy to the fateful events surrounding the shooting down of the airplane carrying the Rwandan and Burundian Presidents, told his subordinate officers that these orders came from high up and there was only one thing to be done and that was to carry out the technical work. One of the junior officers expressed a feeling that this might ignite a fire in the region that we could not be extinguished. Presidents Moi and Mobutu were also invited to the Conference but declined to attend after receiving warnings of impending danger. Nevertheless, US war ships with hundreds of Marines were already standing by near Matadi, Zaire, and near Mombasa, Kenya, just in case of such a fire the local puppets could not extinguish.[5]
In June1994, a reporter asked Ms. Bushnell if the State Department knew about the RPF invaders, where they were trained, who financed and armed them? Her answer was, “We do not have that information.” The same person who had met with RPF leaders and President Museveni only 3 months earlier was denying knowledge of the RPF. As a high ranking official in the U.S. State Department’s Africa Bureau, Ms. Bushnell was privy to the information that her government was heavily involved in the training of the RPF and was arming them from their stockpiles in Europe. U.S. military C130 transport planes used to make regular landings at Entebbe Airport every night.
After the RPF took power in Kigali, a U.S. Commando force of bout 800 men was secretly stationed in Rwanda, where they have jointly participated with RPF soldiers in military and criminal activities. According to one U.S. soldier from Texas who was stationed in Rwanda, they are not supposed to let their families know they had been sent to Rwanda.
Another soldier who served there and now lives in Connecticut said, “Human Rights and Democracy are none of our concerns. We are concerned with making sure that Kagame’s regime is well planted and can survive.”
A former U.S.A.I.D. official, Mr. Harald Marwitz writes, “As early as 1989, U.S. Embassy reported to the State Department from reliable sources in Rwanda such as foreign military observers, confirming Ugandan involvement in incipient border skirmishes and the subsequent invasion of Rwanda.” He further reveals that, “Between 1989 and 1992, the U.S. alone provided almost $183 million in economic aid enabling Uganda to finance the invasion. This sum was as much as all the U.S. aid to Uganda in the previous 27 years.”
Asst. Secretary of State for Africa, George Moose, informed the Africa Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives on May 4, 1994, that, “In conformity with our policy of promoting democratization, we shall never recognize a government which takes power by force.” A few weeks later, the same Mr. Moose was in Kigali raising the U.S. flag onto a building that was to house the U.S. Embassy in Rwanda. Ms. Bushnell was promoted to the Ambassadorship in Kenya.
The old Entebbe Airport became an American military base. Locals who lived in nearby homes were driven out and replaced by either U.S. military personnel or NRA officers.
Was this intended to cover up the trafficking of weapons that the US military was giving to Museveni and RPF, which were then used in the invasion of Rwanda and Congo/Zaire?
The U.S. participation in the RPF invasion of Rwanda reached the highest offices of government. In a Memo of May 5, 1994, written by Frank G. Wisner, titled:
It explained a discussion that took place between NSC and Secretary of Defense William Perry about the feasibility of jamming the civilian radios of Hutus.
The Pentagon has been heavily behind RPF as shown in numerous correspondences between Secretary of Defense William Perry and Paul Kagame. On August 7, 1995, Defense Secretary Perry wrote:
I am pleased with the progress you have made and I am especially happy that the U.S. has been able to play a role in that reconstruction. When we met in August and again when you visited me last December, I said that I would do what I can to help. You asked me to assist you in winning support within my government for lifting the arms embargo.  I have done so.
I said that I understand and strongly support your request for training to help professionalize and downsize your country’s army. Our training of your soldiers at Newport and soon in Kigali regarding the role of militaries in civil societies is an important first step.
I fully agree with Ambassador David Rawson’s request for training in such areas as intelligence, counterinsurgency, leadership development, logistic, management and administration. I intend to advocate initiating such training as soon as possible. The next logical step to this training would be a series of combined exercises and I will pursue that with General Joulwan at the appropriate time.
On November 6, 1995, Mr. Perry sent another letter to Mr. Kagame saying:
Over the past several months, we have worked very hard with our colleagues both in the Executive Branch and in Congress on the resumption of a formal IMET program this coming year. I am confident that Rwandese officers and soldiers will enjoy the fruits of formal training alongside American soldiers at U.S. military schools next year. We have also arranged for our European Command to offer you a Joint Combined Exercise for Training (JCET) for next year in Rwanda.
It is important to remember that this military preparation and support preceded Rwanda’s and Uganda’s invasion of Zaire. When RPF victory was consolidated and US commando forces were sent to assist the Tutsi junta, some U.S. leaders were calling for the virtual extermination of Hutus. Congressman Harry Johnston, D-Florida, who was Chairman of the Africa Subcommittee commented on the Hutu refugees in Congo as follows:
Stop feeding them, move your feeding facilities back within the borders, try to get the Rwandan and Tanzanian armies to insert discipline, a security force that will personally escort the refugees across the border back to the feeding station.
Many Hutus, who were lured back into Rwanda from Goma by radio announcements and pamphlets distributed in refugee camps, were slaughtered by RPF soldiers soon after they entered the country. Others who made it to their original homes found their houses occupied by Tutsis and were forced to be slaves or servants of the new owners. At Kibeho in southern Rwanda, many returning refugees were slaughtered by the RPF under the command of James Ruzibiza, who later went to Congo with Kabila and headed the Agence Nationale de Renseignement, a death squad that massacred thousands of Hutu in refugee camps in Eastern Congo burying them in mass graves.
Such mass killing of civilians continued during the period of invasion while the world community, and especially Uganda, the USA and Britain, were amassing more support, training, arms, funds, and favorable propaganda and a disinformation campaign for RPF.
The U.S. Committee for Refugees Inc. (a misnomer) based in Washington DC, run by Roger Winter, became a virtual command post for the RPF’s external operations. It conducted logistical management, disinformation, propaganda, and all sorts of political intelligence activities for the RPF with almost unlimited funds from dubious sources in the USA. Professional liars, such as Ms. Alison Des Forges were constantly paraded before the public by this agency of deception. Another person with excellent connections was Catherine Watson, who wrote beatifying articles for RPF. The RPF propaganda arsenal included Ms. Monique Mujawamariwa, who was seconded to Roger Winter by the RPF high command. She was launched on speaking tours by Winters, culminating in an audience at the White House on April 22, 1994, with Mr.
Anthony Lake, National Security Advisor to President Clinton. She used to show a scar on her face which she got some years back as a result of a car accident. She claimed that is was caused by a machete attack by Hutu killers that she had survived!

In April of 1996, a British investigative journalist and the author of Murders in the Mist , Nick Gordon, revealed that the RPF regime of Paul Kagame was operating petroleum-fueled crematoriums at several locations in Rwanda. The victims were Hutu men women and children. This revelation was later confirmed by a highly placed official in Kigali, when I asked him during his visit to the USA later that year.
Unfortunately that person was later killed by RPF because he was a high ranking official in the Judiciary. They were incinerating over 2000 bodies a day. The U.S. military, which is stationed nearby, knew of it but kept silent. What is even more frightening is the revelation that the crematorium in Nyungwe forest is run by a garrison who were trained by U.S. military officers. It is further alleged that the crematorium at Byumba, which is disguised as a Water Supply and a Refugee Rehabilitation Project, was built by Americans, as was the one at Gabiro. In an interview, a former prisoner who escaped from Kami military prison said that soon after he escaped, he hid in the homes of local people who told him of the horrible stench of  burning flesh was in the air daily.[6]
Consequently, the Clinton Administration proposed setting up a so-called RAPID DEPLOYMENT FORCE (RDP), a roving army of foot soldiers from various African countries who would be trained, armed and commanded by Americans. This force was intended to remove undemocratic dictators and those brutes who violate human rights.
Who would decide which dictators to remove and on what basis such a determination would be made? Whatever the case may be, this was a similar situation to what Amin Parsha and Capt. Lugard had at the time of the colonization of Africa.
While the RDF did not receive the wide acceptance it had anticipated, the Tutsi Armies of Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi, which derive their survival from America’s support, are playing the same role for which the RDF was intended. They were deployed into Congo to serve American interests. They were sent to Iraq when most nations of the world felt there was no justification for war. Recently Rwandan troops were sent to the troubled region of the Sudan purporting to be peace-keepers. A Human Rights investigator from Canada informed me that Rwandese troops posing as peace-keepers in the Darfur region raided refugee camps in the night killing people and putting the blame on the Sudanese army.
The U.S. sent a Commando Force of about 800 soldiers to assist the RPF army in consolidating and pacifying Rwanda. We also learned that U.S. soldiers stationed in Rwanda are not supposed to inform their families where they are stationed. The ones who have died in action in Rwanda and Congo are reported as having died accidentally in military exercises at U.S. bases in Italy or other countries.
The American corporate/military role in the criminal cabal operating in Africa has been wed in a marriage of convenience to the Tutsi junta. Each side is vehemently protecting the other, manipulating the media and international organizations, including the UN. They distort facts and truth to cover up their criminal actions, and also carry out joint adventures, as we have mentioned above.
Case in point is the USA’s putting a $25 million bounty on the head of Mr. Felicien Kabuga, using American tax payers’ money for no other reason than to serve Kagame’s criminal interests, and possibly American interest, in looting Kabuga’s property in Kigali. Mr Kabuga owns a nice five-storey office building in Kigali that houses the U.S. Embassy, as well as the offices of the UN and other international organizations. It is indicated that the U.S. Embassy wants to own the entire building and has no intention of paying rent to a Hutu who is disliked by the Tutsi regime they came to protect at all cost. They falsely accused Kabuga of financing Hutu resistance and exile political opposition to RPF regime.
At the same time, the USA has Mr. Valens Kajeguhakwa in a Florida prison on charges of financing a rebel group called the RPF with funds from his former commercial activities and recently from a commercial bank he controlled in Kigali. Interestingly, Mr. Kajeguhakwa is a rich Tutsi who was a close friend of President J. Habyarimana. Mr. Kajeguhakwa’s business interests included a major feul importing operation in Rwanda in competition with BP-FINA. He controlled one of the Commercial Banks that invested heavily in Kigali real estate. Hence many posh homes in Kigali were financed by this man’s bank, and most of them were not paid for by their original owners.
Those owners are either dead or in exile, which caused the titles to revert to the bank that held the mortgages. Mr. Kajeguhakwa also used his friendship with President Habyarimana to feed the RPF invaders valuable information on the Kigali regime. Upon the RPF victory in 1994, many of those Tutsis took those nice homes without paying for them. The owners tried to reclaim what was lawfully theirs but to no avail. One of those houses was taken by Mr. Kagame’s mother. The owner of that property fled Rwanda because he insisted on his lawful rights from Kigali’s rulers whom he accuses of embezzling his properties. In turn the USA has silenced him with fraudulent charges of stealing money from a commercial bank in Kigali and financing a criminal organization called the RPF .
If indeed the US court in Florida believes that financing the RPF was a crime, then the guilty should include American officials, themselves, along with Museveni of Uganda, for their extensive support of the RPF’s criminal organization. Their contribution to the crime includes training, arming, supporting in every way including sending their own soldiers to assist in carrying out criminal acts jointly with RPF.

I commend the UN for establishing this Tribunal for the purpose of seeking the truth and rendering justice in the Rwanda tragedy. In a country like Rwanda that has been torn apart by ethnic violence, any attempt to find a lasting solution cannot hope to succeed without revealing the whole truth.
In pursuit of this noble mission, it is not only fair not only to the people of Rwanda but also to the whole world and Africa, in particular, to admit that the first crime committed against the country of Rwanda and her people was the RPF invasion which started on October 1, 1990. The people who carried out that invasion, along with the Ugandan leaders who supported it and the United States who collaborated substantially in this criminal act, must answer for their actions. The world community and UN, in particular, should have responded to this invasion in the same way they did to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait if they were to live up to their mandate from the peoples of the world.
Otherwise, the UN is like what I read in that old book Animal Farm:  “All comrades are equal, but some are more equal than others.”
Thousands of innocent civilians were slaughtered by RPF invaders, particularly in Northern Rwanda, between October 1990 and April 1994. The killers cannot and should not be exempted from facing justice.
We have seen intricately fabricated and orchestrated systems of lies concocted by men and women in high positions of leadership with a chorus of field operatives whose sole objective has been to sodomize the truth, protect the criminals and demonize the victims.
The true culprits who should be prosecuted here are the members of the criminal cabal, namely: Museveni and his NRM government, Kagame and his RPF junta, the United States Government under President Bill Clinton and his operatives, including William Perry, Madeleine Albright, former Congressman Harry Johnston, Roger Winter, Alison Des Forges, their Senior Propagandist.
Mr. Remigius Kintu
P.O. Box 8174
Langley Park, MD 20787

[1] 1 UDC Newsletter, Vol. 4, No.3, 1994
[2] It should be noted before carrying this allusion any further that in WWII, the Axis powers killed far more of their European, Soviet and East Asian ‘enemies’ than were killed by the Allies and eventual victors in that conflict. [ed. CM/P]

[3] Elizabeth Liagen, Excessive Force, Power, Politics and Population Control, (Washington DC, 1996) 12-
[4] The insatiable greed of U.S. corporations to control and loot Africa’s enormous natural resources is very much at the heart of this tragedy as the unfolding events have subsequently proven. Prior to the fall of President Mobutu, American corporations were already inside rebel-controlled eastern Zaire devouring large tracts of mineral-rich areas.  Neither the survival nor the welfare of the African people have ever been considered. 
[5] WHO IS BEHIND THE RWANDA CRISIS, UDC News Release, April 12,1994.

[6] UDC Newslletter, November 1997.

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