tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-60874184400100953642024-03-04T20:11:53.147-08:00CirqueMinime/ParisFrom 3 October 2011, this will become the principal site for CirqueMinime/Paris.
Here's How It Is--In Hopes That It's Not Too Late!!CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.comBlogger126125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-58475250090961005772018-08-14T07:10:00.001-07:002018-08-14T07:12:11.300-07:00Here's Why Trump (like all his predecessors) Wants No Part of 'International Justice' and Why 'Russia-gate' is Just a Dodge & Distraction<br />
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<span style="letter-spacing: inherit; margin: inherit; padding: inherit;">Saturday, November 14, 2009</span></h2>
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History Will Judge the ICTR - by Bernard Lugan</h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiX8aJGxkaXsRVeb8J_Dzr-lr69pxk-wtgP_BHQHTzsj5p3ylvsrE3xRqCXHXCb0Pp0wWzcIb_YgeAewODUdljjnusKb_BTXCg_X0H6TtNjQBIoV77MkV9zep8hlJ4fOH5D6BdKO0jHY7o/s1600-h/kkkarla.jpg" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5404105594540947490" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiX8aJGxkaXsRVeb8J_Dzr-lr69pxk-wtgP_BHQHTzsj5p3ylvsrE3xRqCXHXCb0Pp0wWzcIb_YgeAewODUdljjnusKb_BTXCg_X0H6TtNjQBIoV77MkV9zep8hlJ4fOH5D6BdKO0jHY7o/s320/kkkarla.jpg" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.0980392) 1px 1px 5px; background-color: white; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.0980392) 1px 1px 5px; cursor: pointer; float: left; height: 320px; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; padding: 5px; position: relative; width: 224px;" /></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";">KKKarla by Duci Simonovic</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "helvetica"; font-size: small;"><span style="color: navy;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">The black dog in front is Zoran Djindjic. In the time when I made the poster he was alive.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: navy;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">The dog down with the mustache is the (Djindjic’s) police chief Mihajlovic.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: navy;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">The dog with the big nose is the (Dj…) minister of justice Batic.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: navy;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">The dog with the glasses is the (Dj…) minister for Kosovo Covic.</span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: navy;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "times new roman";"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">The dog who is fucking Covic is one of lieder of Albanian UCK Hashim Taschi.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: small; font-weight: bold;">History Will Judge the ICTR -- by Bernard Lugan</span></div>
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[So, I’m on the train to The Hague for this Conference thrown by the Defense Lawyers at the ICTR in Arusha, and this at the very moment that The General’s case is winding to a close--or so one hopes. I’ve just finished six-weeks’ work translating an extraordinary book by the former-Rwandan Ambassador to France, Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana: ‘How General Paul Kagame Sacrificed the Tutsis.’ And, with still a slight jones from watching the Situation Room at midnight over the top of my MacBook, my face full of French and my head full of English writerly affectations, I decided I’d just get right back on to translating this Lugan piece about how History will judge the ICTR. Bernard Lugan is a French scholar who’s done a passel of good writing on Central Africa.<br />
<br />
If you make it past this intro and actually read the Lugan article, I’m betting you won’t be able to stop scratching your head as to just how and why these ad hocs (primarily the ICTR and ICTY, though there are a bunch more now, like for Sierra Leone and Lebanon) are still standing. The original idea of International Justice was--as Ramsey Clark put it Saturday morning at the Conference--to limit power in pursuit of Truth and Justice in bringing an end to intra-State violence. But since these Tribs were the extra-legal spawn of the UN Security Council and, in practice, are so undisciplined, so unscrupulous, so judicially unethical and immoral in any human sense, that they have gone quite a ways in turning their putative purposes inside out and upside down. In fact, these two wings of the Western Vulture Culture (feeding on that smoldering putrescence left by the Globalization Hawks), can really only maintain a light-operatic gentility while continuing to lay waste to the rights, unto the very lives, of the superfluous (i.e., powerless) peoples of planet earth.<br />
<br />
When the ICTY made the mistake of trying Slobodan Milosevic for whatever they thought they could get on him--and, of course, this changed from month to month, from amended indictment to amended indictment, until in desperation over ever being able to convict him of anything, they just had to have him murdered in his cell--the Yugoslav President characterized his Tribunal tormentors as ‘a farce.’ Way too kind, you ask me, considering what this ‘farce’ did to him, his family, his party and his country.<br />
<br />
Currently in the box in The Hague, Dr Seselj, leader of the Serbian Radical Party, had a take that was a little more along the lines of what I’ve always felt about these Gilbert ‘n’ Sullivan Guignols: Dr. Seselj, charged primarily with Hate Speech, whatever that means, said simply, “This Tribunal can suck my dick!”<br />
<br />
But the Conference--and this post--are not primarily about Yugoslavia--though the two wars, the two Tribunals are as inseparable as Tweedle Dum and Tweedle Dummer. (The ICTR and ICTY share the same appeals chamber--like in a cheap hotel--and that’s the appeals chamber that told the ICTR that they should take ‘judicial notice’ of the Rwandan genocide: meaning they should recognize it as a natural fact of Jesus, even if they can’t prove it!).<br />
<br />
Lugan, like so many ‘experts’ seems pretty careless about what he knows and what he thinks we know. He gets names wrong (he has ‘Harbour’ for ‘Arbour’)--or maybe he’s just being anecdotal here, sketchy--but, hey, I don’t wanna nit-pick, piss off another ‘expert’--so let me just fill in a few spaces he left when it came to The General’s case--that’s General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Chief of the Rwandan National Gendarmerie during the troubles, whose back we’ve had here at CM/P for some time now.<br />
<br />
Sure, the Tribs are all about false witnesses giving scripted and rehearsed testimony as part of some plea deal with the DAs in Arusha or Kigali--and the rules of evidence and procedure (like the bad Joint Criminal Enterprise joke) are pretty much cooked down to allow the Prosecutor, who is indistinguishable from the Court, which is indistinguishable from NATO (which is indistinguishable from al Qaeda), to have it his way without breaking a sweat. But to be complicit in this shit, to dignify this grotesquery with your participation, is not without lethal side effects--Milosevic turned out so many prosecution witnesses in his court that Judge Richard May got brain cancer and died. So to see all these Canadian shysters in Arusha actually organize to fight against the essential injustice at the stinking heart of International Justice is a singularly gratifying surprise.<br />
<br />
But more on the ADAD Conference anon (post hoctor proct, as Maitres Derek and Clive would have it)--after I recule my cul back to Paris. For now let Chris and Bernard Lugan have the parole:<br />
<br />
Chris Black:<br />
<br />
The latest development in the trial is the episode re the recanting prosecution witness, GFR. I can't remember if I told you. GFR was a major witness against The General re alleged crimes committed by gendarmes in his home town, including an allegation that they took part in a massacre at Kansi Parish church.<br />
<br />
GFR contacted me by letter the day we made our oral argument, stating he wanted to recant as he had been forced to lie by the regime (he had escaped from prison in Rwanda and fled to Burundi). I raised it in court and asked for a meeting with the judges about what to do, as I knew if I raised it in court without seeing the judges first, the prosecutor would accuse me of fabricating the letter.<br />
<br />
So I gave it to the judges in chambers with the prosecutor present. The prosecutor quickly accused me of fabricating the letter and being in cahoots with the witness. The judges, who have been fairly sympathetic to us the last year or so, rejected that suggestion and told me I could raise it in court, read the letter openly, so it is on the record, and ask for a remedy. They told the prosecutor that he could say what he wanted, but when I asked for a remedy they were going to do something.<br />
<br />
So in open court I stood up, said this and that, read the letter and demanded that it be admitted as an exhibit, and that the judges throw out GFR's testimony and call for an investigation into how Rwanda fabricates witnesses and the prosecution’s role in it.<br />
<br />
The Prosecutor accused me of fabricating the whole thing.<br />
<br />
The Judges told me to file a written motion asking for a remedy. I did. The Prosecutor replied that I better be careful as an investigation could lead to my arrest. I protested that threat. The Judges reprimanded the prosecutor for those remarks.<br />
<br />
The judges then appointed in August an amicus curiae to try to contact GFR and see if he really wrote the letter and if he was telling the truth about its contents. That lawyer did meet with GFR in Burundi in mid-September and filed his report which we were finally given in late October.<br />
<br />
He confirmed that in his opinion GFR was truthful and that GFR explained how he had been forced to lie against The General on threat of death and that one of the ICTR prosecution lawyers knew about this and he gave the name.<br />
<br />
The Judges then asked what I wanted, so I asked that his testimony be thrown out and that they do the same with the entire group of witnesses from that town as they were all linked and that they consider a deeper investigation. However, that could take years and I don’t want The General rotting in prison until that takes place, so I asked that if they call for an investigation he be released on bail. If not, then to just throw out the charges related to that witness (they are the worst charges against him). We are waiting for their decision.<br />
<br />
--mc]</div>
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<br />
And here’s Bernard Lugan:<br />
<br />
<br />
The ICTR Faces the Judgement of History<br />
<br />
by Bernard Lugan<br />
Expert witness before the ICTR<br />
From B. Lugan's official Blog<br />
<br />
<br />
To a professional historian the methods of the ICTR are unacceptable for at least six important reasons:<br />
<br />
--Its refusal to consider the evolution of knowledge<br />
--Its obstinate refusal to investigate the attack of 6 April 1994<br />
--The unethical manipulations of the Prosecution<br />
--Its resort to false witnesses<br />
--Its suppression of witnesses for the defense and its rejection of evidence benefitting the defense<br />
--Its violation of the neutrality principle<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
1-Its refusal to consider the evolution of knowledge<br />
<br />
At no time has the Prosecution considered the new facts that have<br />
developed over the course of the Tribunal's existence. Quite the contrary,<br />
it remains grounded, even mired, in by-now obsolete assumptions, based<br />
primarily on Alison Des Forges, the Prosecution's expert whose constant<br />
parti pris, pseudo scientific presentation, confused reasoning and fuzzy<br />
methodology have allowed the Prosecution to construct a false history of<br />
the genocide from which the Tribunal's judgements have been rendered.<br />
<br />
Compared to what we knew right after the assassination of President<br />
Habyarimana, what new knowledge do we have in 2009, 15 years later and<br />
never considered by the ICTR?<br />
<br />
-The attack of 6 April 1994 that took the life of Rwandan President<br />
Habyarimana was not carried out by so-called 'Extremist Hutus,' but<br />
rather by the Tutsi leadership of the faction currently in power in Rwanda<br />
(Bruguière 2006; Merelles 2008)<br />
<br />
-Between 1991 and 1994, several important so-called 'moderate' Hutus,<br />
notably Félicien Gatabazi and Emmanuel Gapyisi, were assassinated,<br />
which, at that time, brought on the condemnation and sanctioning of the<br />
Habyarimana regime, accused of having ordered these crimes. But,<br />
these murders were also carried out on the orders of the clique currently<br />
in power in Kigali. The investigations of French judge Jean Louis<br />
Bruguière (2006) and Spanish judge Fernando Andreu Merelles (2008)<br />
have even yielded the names of the shooters, the drivers of the vehicles<br />
and motorcycles, etc., used in these attacks.<br />
<br />
-In 1991 and 1992, dozens of blind attacks (mines, grenades, etc.,)<br />
exacerbated ethnic hatred. When they happened they were credited<br />
to President Habyarimana's henchmen, his famous 'death squads.'<br />
Today, Judges Bruguière and Merelles contend that these attacks<br />
were carried out by members of the RPF and that they were part of<br />
a strategy of heightening tension to provoke sufficient chaos to allow<br />
the RPF to seize power. (Bruguière, 2006; Merelles, 2008).<br />
<br />
-The Interahamwe, whose name is associated with the Tutsi genocide,<br />
was created by a Tutsi who later became a Minister in the government<br />
of General Kagame (Anastase Gasana). The president of this militia in<br />
Kigali (Robert Kajuga) was, himself, a Tutsi, as were many of those who<br />
infiltrated important positions in the organization and who were later<br />
made known to us by name and sometime by nickname. (Bruguière,<br />
2006; Merelles, 2008).<br />
<br />
-Trial after trial, in spite of all its efforts, the Prosecution of the ICTR was<br />
unable to show that the genocide was programed, even if it did, in fact,<br />
take place. With the accumulation of countervailing evidence, Alison<br />
Des Forges was forced to admit that with the convoluted presentation of<br />
events that had become her trademark, she was never able to prove the<br />
intention to commit genocide:<br />
<br />
"(. . .) everything about the existence of a clear plan, I don't have any<br />
way, any method to establish that people who took part in this plan<br />
had the intention to commit a genocide" (ICTR-97-31-T, Monday<br />
5 March 2007, Des Forges)<br />
<br />
In 2000, with a great sense of immediacy, the OAU (Organization of<br />
African Unity) had this to say about this subject:<br />
<br />
"(. . .) There is no document, no transcript of any meeting and no other<br />
evidence that puts a finger on the precise moment when certain<br />
individuals, within the cntext of an organized plan, decided to eliminate<br />
the Tutsis (. . .) What we know (. . .) is that after 1 October 1990, Rwanda<br />
went through three and a half years of violent anti-Tutsi incidents, any<br />
one of which could have been interpreted in retrospect as a deliberate<br />
stage of an elaborate conspiracy which would end up with the shooting<br />
down of President Habyarimana's plane and the triggering of the<br />
genocide. However, all these interpretations remain mere speculation.<br />
No one knows who shot down the plane, no one can prove that the<br />
innumerable demonstrations of anti-Tutsi sentiment over those years<br />
were part of a grand diabolical plan." (OAU, report 2000, 7 January)<br />
<br />
At no time has the Prosecution at the ICTR acknowledged these very<br />
essential pieces of new information, and, quite to the contrary, it continued<br />
to designate the so-called 'Extremist' Hutus as the only ones responsible<br />
for this tragedy. While the indictment remains frozen in these outdated<br />
assumptions, the defendants suffered and they continue to suffer through<br />
a process that violates their rights while they are being tried for charges<br />
that are now obsolete.<br />
<br />
<br />
2- Its refusal to investigate the attack of 6 April 1994 against the life of then<br />
Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana that is the origin of everything . . .<br />
<br />
The ICTR has constantly claimed and tried to make us believe that the<br />
attack of 6 April 1994 and the genocide that it led to are unconnected.<br />
<br />
With the exception of the 8-year investigation led by French anti-terrorist<br />
judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, there has been no inquiry into this international<br />
terrorist act which was the spark that set off the genocide. On the other hand,<br />
it is possible to demonstrate constant obstruction to the search for the truth<br />
by the UN as well as by the ICTR.<br />
A review of some dates and other facts is necessary here:<br />
.<br />
-On 7 April 1994, the day after the attack that cost the lives of two sitting<br />
heads of state, the President of the UN Security Council invited the<br />
Secretary General of the United Nations to gather all relevant information<br />
concerning this terrorist act and to compile a detailed report on it for the<br />
Security Council.<br />
-The Secretary General's response was silence. So, on 21 April 1994,<br />
the Security Council once again asked the UN Secretary General to<br />
deliver to it all the information on the subject of this attack, but again<br />
without success.<br />
-On 27 May 1994, the Security Council reiterated its earlier demands, and<br />
once again received no satisfaction.<br />
-On 28 June 1994, Mr. René Degni Segui, UN Special Envoy to Rwanda,<br />
admitted that the attack of 6 April was most certainly the cause of the dramatic<br />
events that followed, that is, of the genocide. But after he demanded the<br />
formation of an investigatory commission, he was told that the UN did not<br />
have the budget for that..<br />
-Nevertheless, in the Autumn of 1994, a commission of experts submitted<br />
a report to the UN Secretary General demanding the creation of an<br />
International Tribunal whose mission would be "to investigate, among<br />
other things, the events that led to the current situation, especially the attack<br />
on the airplane carrying the presidents of Burundi and Rwanda."<br />
<br />
<br />
Effectively created on 8 November 1994 by UN Security Council Resolution<br />
955, with authority over events between 1 January and 31 December 1994,<br />
to judge the alleged organizers of the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the ICTR<br />
(International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) was set up in Arusha, Tanzania.<br />
<br />
So the attack of 6 April 1994 is unquestionably included within the<br />
time-window of the Tribunal's authority. Yet, with great consistency, the<br />
ICTR has refused to investigate this attack. However, in February 1997,<br />
certain evidence gathered by ICTR investigators working in Kigali, Michael<br />
Hourigan chief among them, established the responsibility of the RPF in this<br />
attack.<br />
<br />
These investigators were acting under the authority of the ICTR Chief Prosecutor<br />
Mme Louise Arbour who, at that time, considered the attack against the Rwandan<br />
president's plane to be well within the authority of the ICTR.<br />
<br />
On 1 August 1997, a report establishing the responsibility of the RPF in<br />
the attack of 6 April 1994 was submitted to the ICTR, which did not<br />
follow-up on it. The existence of this document was disclosed in March<br />
2000 by a Canadian newspaper. Forced to react, on 27 March 2000,<br />
UN Legal Services acknowledged the reality of this report, specifying<br />
that it had been directly sent to the Chief Justice of the ICTR in Arusha.<br />
<br />
The ICTR refused to furnish this document to Judge Bruguière who was<br />
investigating the attack of 6 April 1994:<br />
<br />
--"(Considering) That an international rogatory letter was delivered<br />
on 23 May 2000 to the authorities of the I.C.T.R. requesting a<br />
copy of this report and of the ‘internal memorandum’ that was<br />
sent to Mme Louise ARBOUR; and<br />
That though Madame Navanethem PILAY, President of the Tribunal,<br />
let it be known in response to this judicial inquiry that she, in fact,<br />
was in possession of the document in question, she said it was<br />
impossible for her to respond favorably to the French request;"--<br />
(the Report of Jean-Louis Bruguière, The Superior Court of Paris,<br />
17 November 2006, ¶s 123 & 124, CM/P translation at<br />
http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2007/9/30/3262522.html)--<br />
<br />
<br />
Fortunately for the progress of the investigation, the 'Hourigan Report' got<br />
to Judge Bruguière despite the letter of refusal from the ICTR:<br />
<br />
--"(. . .) on 31 August 2000, the Court of Paris, on the instructions of the<br />
Minister of Justice, passed on a copy of said report, which was attached<br />
to the current with a view toward its future use; and<br />
That the documents thus sent by the Court of Paris were authenticated<br />
by Mr Michael HOURIGAN, (. . .) at the time of his testimony in Paris on<br />
29 December 2000;"--<br />
(the Report of Jean-Louis Bruguière, The Superior Court of Paris,<br />
17 November 2006, ¶s 125 & 126, CM/P translation at<br />
http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2007/9/30/3262522.html)--<br />
<br />
Mr. Hourigan gave very important information to Judge Bruguière:<br />
<br />
--"(. . .) with regard to his mission for the I.C.T.R., Michael HOURIGAN<br />
stated that the investigators on his team, empowered by their superiors<br />
to investigate the attack, considered themselves to be entering a field<br />
of inquiry within the authority of the Tribunal, never found any tangible<br />
evidence implicating the Hutu extremists, but, on the contrary, were<br />
drawn to an evidentiary trail leading directly to the R.P.F.;<br />
(. . .) That on a secure telephone line from the U.S. Embassy in Kigali,<br />
he had, on or about 7 March 1997, a conversation with Madame Louise<br />
ARBOUR and that in the course of their exchange she told him that she<br />
had received, through other channels, intelligence that backed up his own<br />
and that at no time had she told him that the investigation into the attack<br />
was not within the authority of the I.C.T.R.;"--<br />
(the Report of Jean-Louis Bruguière, The Superior Court of Paris,<br />
17 November 2006, ¶s 129 & 133, CM/P translation at<br />
http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2007/9/30/3262522.html)--<br />
<br />
Later under questioning by Judge Bruguière, Michael Hourigan stated<br />
that Mme Arbour had, at that time, suddenly changed her opinion. Contrary<br />
to what she had told Hourigan before, Arbour now criticized him for having<br />
conducted his investigation, which, she said was outside the authority of the<br />
ICTR, and then she told him to break off all relations with his informants.<br />
This position was confirmed by at least one other investigator.<br />
(the Report of Jean-Louis Bruguière, The Superior Court of Paris,<br />
17 November 2006, pp 22 in Fr original, CM/P translation at<br />
http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2007/9/30/3262522.html)--<br />
<br />
<br />
A decade earlier, on 7 February 1997, Maitre Tiphaine Dickson, the<br />
defense lawyer for Georges Rutaganda at his trial before the ICTR,<br />
made a request that bench order the Prosecutor to make public all<br />
the evidence that he had on the subject of the attack against the<br />
president's plane, as well as to initiate an investigation on this subject.<br />
The response she received was, in its own way, stupefying:<br />
<br />
--"Our responsibility is not to conduct an investigation into a plane crash (sic!!!),<br />
this is not our job. So, I am going, in the most categorical way, to set this<br />
question aside. And, first of all, I will say that we don't have to conduct such<br />
investigations, we don't have to report on such investigations either.<br />
Secondly, it is not our role, it is not our mission to conduct investigations<br />
into the crash (sic!!!) of a plane carrying some presidents or vice-presidents.<br />
This question does not fall within our authority."--<br />
(ICTR 96-3-T, Prosecutor v Rutaganda, 7 February 1997).<br />
<br />
<br />
In December 1999, without fear of contradiction, and completely turning<br />
the truth inside out, the Prosecutor, Mme Carla Del Ponte, stated with<br />
serene confidence:<br />
<br />
--"If the Tribune doesn't do anything about it (the attack), it is because it<br />
does not have jurisdiction in the matter. It is quite true that this is the<br />
event that triggered everything. But as such, the act of attacking an<br />
airplane and killing the president does not fall within the articles that<br />
define our jurisdiction."--<br />
<br />
So, if we follow Mme Del Ponte's reasoning, everything that contributed to<br />
the 'preparation' of the genocide is within the authority of the ICTR, but not<br />
the attack, itself, which, she tells us, is the 'event that triggered it all,' and<br />
that she, furthermore, considers one of the elements in the planning of<br />
the genocide.<br />
Special justice allows the taking of liberties with logic, history and, especially,<br />
the law. . . .<br />
<br />
<br />
3- The Prosecution and its manipulations<br />
<br />
Captain Innocent Sagahutu, who commanded Squadron A of the<br />
Reconnaissance Battalion (Recce) of the old Rwandan Army (FAR), is a<br />
prisoner of the United Nations being held in Arusha since February 2000<br />
because of an incredible manipulation by the Prosecutor. In his indictment<br />
dated 20 January 2000, the Prosecution wrote, in effect, that Capt. Sagahutu<br />
was the 'second in command' of the Reconnaissance Battalion (Recce).<br />
that due to this fact he had authority over the whole battalion, and that he<br />
was thus responsible for all crimes committed by any of the members of<br />
this unit.<br />
<br />
The improbability of such a charge did not escape the Court which:<br />
<br />
--"(. . .) invited the Prosecutor to verify the official post he (Capt. Sagahutu)<br />
occupied in the Reconnaissance Battalion of the Rwandan Army at the<br />
time of the facts in the case and failed to correct the information provided<br />
in the indictment. (ICTR-Decision of 25 September 2002, ¶ 30)--<br />
<br />
But, in the modified indictment of 23 August 2004, the Prosecutor did<br />
not follow the orders of the Court, and even dared to write the following<br />
lines:<br />
<br />
--"At the time of the events cited in the present indictment, Innocent Sagahutu<br />
was assigned as the second in command of the Reconnaissance Battalion<br />
(Recce) of the Rwandan Army and was responsible for Company A of said<br />
battalion. He held the rank of Captain. In his position as second in command<br />
of the Reconnaissance Battalion or in his duties, Innocent Sagahutu was<br />
given authority over every unit of the battalion."--<br />
(ICTR-00-56-1, Modified Indictment, 23 August 2004, ¶s 11 & 12).<br />
<br />
Not having verified if Captain Sagahutu was, or was not, "the second in<br />
command" of the Reconnaissance Battalion known as Recce, the Prosecutor<br />
maintained his suppositions, even adding, peremptorily, the qualification<br />
"or in his duties." But, the Prosecutor added, in a totally and intrinsically<br />
fantastic way, that the duties of the "second in command" assigned to<br />
Capt. Sagahutu were mentioned only as a way to save an indictment<br />
from perdition because of its total disconnect with the facts.<br />
<br />
<br />
It is painful to have to mention that the Prosecutor did not even make the<br />
effort to verify the grounds for his accusations when he had in his possession<br />
the official documents that indicated the innocence of the defendant, in this<br />
case, the schedule of postings of the officers of the Rwandan Army in<br />
1 January 1993 and 1 March 1994, a document that was not unknown to him<br />
because it is referred to by the ICTR as K0078420-K0078512. But, this<br />
document shows that "the second in command" did not exist within the FAR,<br />
and neither did the "officers performing these duties," other than for some<br />
duly specified exceptions, none of which exist in the present case.<br />
<br />
So the Prosecutor not only hid the evidence that would acquit the<br />
defendant, but even more, he invented and promoted the opposite with<br />
full knowledge of what he was doing. Before any other court but the ICTR,<br />
we could be talking here about a mistrial with all that that implies.<br />
<br />
<br />
4- Its resort to false witnesses<br />
<br />
The witnesses at the ICTR come in large part from Rwanda where they<br />
are imprisoned or 'free,' but always held accountable for their statements<br />
and their testimony when they return to Kigali. So their honesty is subject<br />
to question.<br />
<br />
One example among many will illustrate my point: heard in closed session<br />
by the ICTR, an anonymous witness for the prosecution who is identified as<br />
"XXQ" stated under oath that on 15 February 1994, at 10 am, Colonel--today<br />
General--Gratien Kabiligi (ICTR-97-34), came to Ruhengeri by helicopter on<br />
orders from the Operations Section, and that he presided over a meeting<br />
there, telling those officers present that the "genocide had to begin on 23<br />
February 1994 and everywhere in Rwanda at the same time (. .)."<br />
<br />
Throughout this testimony, the Prosecution reinforced its assumption which<br />
is, let's remember, that the genocide was programmed and that the<br />
assassination of President Habyarimana on 6 April 1994, that is, less than<br />
two months later, had nothing to do with it.<br />
<br />
Since the ICTR works on the Anglo-Saxon system of Common Law, no<br />
examining judge, in pre-trial, to accuse or acquit, or to 'weed out' the<br />
fantasists or the liars, before testimony is admitted; but this was an<br />
actual instance of a false witness.<br />
<br />
Testifying before the ICTR, Belgian Colonel Luc Marchal, former commander<br />
of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR) section in<br />
Kigali, explained that:<br />
<br />
--conforming to the Arusha Accords and the agreement for the Arms<br />
Consignment Zone in Kigali, the FAR's helicopters were at that time placed<br />
under the control of UNAMIR in the hangars at the International Airport at<br />
Kanombe. Under 24-hour surveillance, they were disarmed and their<br />
weapons were stocked in separate hangars;--<br />
<br />
--every flight plan was submitted for strict and obligatory authorization to<br />
the UNAMIR which could then warn the RPF that the flight was authorized<br />
and for a very good reason. But, with supporting documents, Col. Marchal<br />
demonstrated that on 15 February 1994, no flights took place and that,<br />
consequently, Col. Kabiligi could not have gone to Ruhengeri by helicopter;--<br />
<br />
--furthermore, on this day, 15 February 1994, Col. Kabiligi could not<br />
have physically been in Ruhengeri because of what had just taken<br />
place in Kigali, the inspection of the Belgian contingent of UNAMIR<br />
by Lt. General Uttyerhoven, Inspector for the Belgian Army on a special<br />
mission from Europe. But, between 10 am and 3.30 pm, Col. Kabiligi<br />
took part in the whole inspection, which brought this from Col. Marchal:--<br />
<br />
-- --"I can confirm to you that on this day and at the hour that you have<br />
mentioned, Colonel, now General Kabiligi was in my presence."<br />
(ICTR-98-41-T, Marchal, 20 November 2006, p. 14.)-- --<br />
<br />
So, "XXQ" gave false testimony. Sure, General Kabiligi was eventually<br />
acquitted, but he spent 10 years in prison on the strength of this testimony<br />
which was unverified by the ICTR, but so useful to the Prosecutor.<br />
<br />
<br />
5- Witnesses for the defense are disqualified and evidence for acquittal<br />
is rejected. . .<br />
<br />
Before the ICTR, it often happens that witnesses for the defense are<br />
disqualified and that evidence for acquittal is rejected. The case of<br />
Ndindabahizi (ICTR-2001-71-T) is indicative in this regard because<br />
it presents several properly hallucinatory examples.<br />
<br />
Emmanuel Ndindabahizi, Finance Minister of the GIR (Interim Government<br />
of Rwanda) was charged with genocide and murder. At his trial, the<br />
Prosecutor presented 14 witnesses accusing him. The "honesty" of 11<br />
of them being considered questionable, the judges removed them straight<br />
away and only three witnesses for the prosecution were kept, and it is only<br />
on their testimony that Emmanuel Ndindabahizi was convicted.<br />
<br />
These three anonymous witnesses, whose code names were CGY, CGN<br />
and CGC, began by stating that they knew the accused very well because<br />
he was the manager of the Trafipro peasants' cooperative store in Kibuye.<br />
CGM added that he knew Emmanuel Ndindabahizi in 1966-67 as a teacher<br />
in Nyarutovu. But, as was established, Emmanuel Ndindabahizi was never<br />
the manager of a Trafipro store and also never a teacher. . . . A 'normal' court<br />
would have understood from the evidence that it was in the presence of<br />
'dubious' witnesses, but the trial chamber at ICTR where Emmanuel<br />
Ndindabahizi was tried could not disqualify them for the simple reason that<br />
with 11 other witnesses already having been disqualified, the Prosecutor<br />
might well have found himself completely empty handed. And without<br />
prosecution witnesses, how do you continue to develop the case against<br />
the accused?<br />
<br />
But the most incredible is still to come. The jurisprudence of the ICTR allows<br />
non-corroborated witnesses to be accepted, and so it is only on the testimony<br />
of CGY that Emmanuel Ndindabahizi was found guilty of genocide on the hill<br />
at Gitwa on 23 April 1994, and only on the testimony of CGC that he was found<br />
guilty of murdering one Mr. Nors, a mixed race Belgian Rwandan.<br />
<br />
But, in another trial before the ICTR, involving the same Prosecutor,<br />
Me Philips Adeogun, the witness CGY stated under oath that no massacre<br />
took place on the hill at Gitwa between 20 and 26 April 1994. In the<br />
Ndindabahizi trial, once again under questioning by Prosecutor Philips<br />
Adeogun, and still under oath, CGY calmly confirmed that Emmanuel<br />
Ndindabahizi took part in the genocide of the Tutsis at Gitwa between<br />
23 and 25 April 1994 and that he had witnessed it. These two suspect<br />
testimonies were allowed by the Court to stand.<br />
<br />
On the other hand, three witness for the defense were disqualified:<br />
<br />
-the witness DC, sentenced to life in prison in Rwanda, totally exonerated<br />
the defendant but the Court rejected his testimony.<br />
<br />
-a Tutsi legislator who lost his family during the genocide in the region<br />
where Emmanuel Ndindabahizi was supposed to have committed these<br />
murders which had been investigated for a long time, questioned the<br />
survivors and the inhabitants of the hill at Gitwa to know how, by whom<br />
and where his loved ones had been massacred. Before the Court he<br />
stated that the name of Ndindabahizi was never spoken by anyone he<br />
interviewed. This testimony was not considered in the judgement.<br />
<br />
-the witness DX, former investigator for the ICTR who had interrogated<br />
Emmanuel Ndindabahizi before his arrest, declared to the bench that<br />
Ndindabahizi was only charged because he refused to "make a deal"<br />
with the ICTR. In reality, he declined "the offer" that the Prosecutor<br />
made him to become a snitch for the ICTR in exchange for dropping<br />
the charges against him. His testimony was rejected.<br />
<br />
<br />
A document entitled "The Preliminary Report Identifying the Sites of the<br />
Genocide and of the Massacres from April to July 1994" put out in February<br />
1996 by the Rwandan Ministry Higher Education on Research in Science<br />
and Culture, is used by the ICTR which has made of it a judicial notice<br />
because it collects all the places where the genocide happened, the<br />
number of victims and the names of the killers or those who ordered the<br />
killings. The name of Emmanuel Ndindabahizi is nowhere in this report.<br />
The Court refused to consider this fact as a means of defense for the<br />
accused. But, at the same moment, this document was presented and<br />
accepted as evidence for the prosecution in another trial, that of the<br />
so-called "members of the government."<br />
<br />
Before the ICTR, when the same document was presented by the<br />
Prosecutor, it was accepted as evidence of guilt, but when it was<br />
presented by the Defense, it was rejected.<br />
<br />
Finally, regarding Emmanuel Ndindabahizi being charged with the<br />
murder of Mr. Nors: the daughter of the murdered man testified before<br />
the ICTR, claiming that Ndindabahizi had nothing to do with murder of<br />
her father, who had been killed over a private disagreement by<br />
someone named Nkubito, who was later tried and convicted of this<br />
murder by the court in Kibuye, and has since died in prison. For the<br />
sake of justice, the charges against Ndindabahizi should have been<br />
dropped at this point, but nothing at all was done.<br />
<br />
On 15 July 2004, the ICTR convicted Mr. Emmanuel Ndindabahizi and<br />
sentenced him to life in prison for genocide on the hill at Gitwa and the<br />
murder of Mr. Nors!!!<br />
<br />
<br />
6- Its violation of the neutrality principle<br />
<br />
<br />
On 23 November 2006, reacting to the Bruguière report's charges that<br />
the RPF was responsible for the assassination of President Habyarimana,<br />
Mr. O'Donnell, then the spokesman for the ICTR, was clearly out of his<br />
realm when he claimed he had documents that proved the FAR was in<br />
possession of SAM 16 missiles, something which was unbeknownst to<br />
Judge Bruguière, and that, under these circumstances, the French judge<br />
had been premature in his charging the RPF.<br />
<br />
As Colonel Bagosora was accused by Mr. O'Donnell, on 25 November 2006,<br />
his Defense team wrote to the Clerk of the Court to ask him to retract these<br />
"erroneous and false" statements. On 30 November 2006, the Public Affairs<br />
and Information Unit put out a less than subtle communiqué in which the<br />
ICTR Administration acknowledged that their spokesman had repeated<br />
information coming from the Prosecutor's office.<br />
So, Mr. O'Donnell:<br />
<br />
willfully 'tricked out' the reality of the evidence file, in hopes of limiting<br />
the range and effects of the Bruguière Report, deliberately violated<br />
the principle of neutrality to which he is sworn, and made the spokesman<br />
a de facto member of the Prosecution's team.<br />
<br />
But, these false claims should not have been made in any case. A little<br />
more than a month before Mr. O'Donnell's unfortunate inventions, the<br />
Tribunal had examined at great lengths the information to which he<br />
alluded and that the Prosecution tried to pass off as evidence that the<br />
FAR possessed SAM 16 missiles.<br />
<br />
To understand this manipulation, it is important to have a sense of<br />
the chronology:<br />
<br />
-In the Summer of 1991, Col. Laurent Serubuga, Chief of Staff of the<br />
Rwandan Army (FAR), asked the Egyptian government, which had<br />
been a principal arms supplier to Rwanda, to send him a pro-forma<br />
invoice for the eventual purchase of SAM 16 missiles.<br />
<br />
-On 2 September 1991, the Egyptians sent this document to<br />
Col. Serubuga.<br />
<br />
-On 17 January, after having studied it thoroughly, Col. Serubuga sent<br />
it to the Minister of Defense asking him to give it his approval.<br />
<br />
-In April 1992, a coalition government led by the opposition to<br />
President Habyarimana was put in place.<br />
<br />
-In June, Col. Serubuga was replaced as Chief of Staff of the FAR by Col.<br />
Déogratias Nsabinmana. The opposition government known as the<br />
'Coalition,' and whose Prime Minister was Mr. Nsengiyaremye of the<br />
MDR, did not follow-up on this request so as not to inconvenience the<br />
RPF, on whom it was depending to defeat President Habyarimana.<br />
<br />
So the record could not be clearer: there was no order, thus no purchase<br />
and furthermore no delivery of the SAM 16 missiles by Egypt. So the FAR<br />
did not have these anti-aircraft missiles, which was formally confirmed<br />
before the ICTR by Belgian Col. Luc Marchal, at that time the Chief of the<br />
UNAMIR section in Kigali and in charge of the inventory of confiscated<br />
war materials from the FAR.<br />
(ICTR-98-41-T, Marchal, 30 November 2006, p. 30).<br />
<br />
Under such circumstances, how could Mr. O'Donnell have referred to<br />
these documents? It was at the trial of Col. Bagosora that the Prosecutor<br />
presented the pro-forma Egyptian invoice and the technical notes that<br />
were annexed to it to be used against the defendant. He thus associated,<br />
in a totally convoluted way, the name of Col. Bagosora to this file solely<br />
because the defendant was at that time Commander of Camp Kanombe<br />
and had full control of the anti-aircraft units of the FAR. The implication<br />
was quite clear: the 'brains behind the genocide' had control over the<br />
SAM 16 missiles bought from Egypt, so it was Col. Bagosora who shot<br />
down President Habyarimana's plane. QED!<br />
<br />
So the Prosecutor's argument rested on the manipulation of a pro-forma<br />
invoice that he tried to pass off as an actual bill(!!!). In the face of such<br />
enormous 'evidence tampering', the Tribunal was bound to react because<br />
it would go to its credibility, and on 17 October 2006, it set aside all<br />
responsibility on the part of Col. Bagosora in the attack against President<br />
Habyarimana:<br />
<br />
"No allegation implicating the Accused (Bagosora) in the<br />
assassination of the President is to be found in the indictment, the<br />
Pre-Trial Brief or any other Prosecution communication. Indeed, no<br />
actual evidence in support of that allegation was heard during the<br />
Prosecution case.” ( TPIR- Decision on Request for Disclosure and<br />
Investigations Concerning the Assassination of President Habyarimana<br />
(TC) 17 October 2006)<br />
<br />
Before the Tribunal, the neutrality principle has been flouted, and there is<br />
even, perhaps, a sort of understanding between the Prosecution, and the<br />
ICTR's Communication Unit, that is, Mr. O'Donnell. Why would the<br />
Prosecution and the ICTR's spokesman take such huge risks? The answer<br />
is clear: the official thesis shared by the regime in Kigali and the Prosecution<br />
at the ICTR is broken to bits because of the evolution of historiography. The<br />
Prosecutor who saw, in session after session, his indictments dissolve like<br />
popsicles in the desert sun, had no alternative strategy to shift to. He was left<br />
totally without a case, which is why he resorted to the incoherences, the<br />
evidence tampering and the manipulations of documents and facts like those<br />
we have just entered into evidence.<br />
<br />
The judgement of history will be very severe toward the ICTR. A half century<br />
after the Stalinist trials in the USSR, we ought to be able to think that such<br />
aberrations are no longer possible. Especially as the ICTR is a creature of the UN. . . .<br />
The Stalinist Tribunals at least had the advantage over the ICTR of not being meant<br />
to work for the 'reconciliation' of communities. . . . It is further legitimate to wonder if<br />
such violations of the most elementary principle of the law, if such an absence of any<br />
of the exigencies of the Scientific Method, would have taken place if the ICTR had<br />
been trying Whites and not Blacks, and if the trials had not been held in Arusha, in<br />
a veritable closed session to the media.<br />
<br />
*****************************************<br />
<br />
<br />
Bernard Lugan was an Expert Witness in the cases of Emmanuel Ndindabahizi<br />
(ICTR-2001-71-T), Théoneste Bagosora (ICTR-98-41-T), Tharcisse Renzaho<br />
(ICTR-97-31-I), Protais Zigiranyirazo. (ICTR-2001-73-T), Innocent Sagahutu<br />
(ICTR-2000-56-T) , Augustin Bizimungu (ICTR- 2000-56-T). Commissioned<br />
in the cases of Edouard Karemera (ICTR-98-44 I) et J.C Bicamumpaka.<br />
(ICTR-99-50-T). A synthesis of these reports and work of the ICTR Bernard<br />
Lugan (2007) Rwanda : Contre-enquête sur le génocide. Paris.<br />
<br />
A. Des Forges was the Prosecution's Expert Witness in the trials of Akayezu (ICTR-<br />
96-4-T), Gacumbitsi (ICTR- 01-64-T), MEDIA compiles the cases of<br />
Nahimana Ferdinand (ICTR-96-11), Ngeze Hassan François (ICTR-97-27) and<br />
Barayagwiza Jean Bosco (ICTR-97-19). In the case of Emmanuel<br />
Ndindabahizi (ICTR- 01-71-T) , in the Butare trials Butare combining the cases of<br />
Kanyabashi Joseph (ICTR-96-15),Ndayambaje Elie<br />
( ICTR-96-8), Nsabimana Sylvain (ICTR-97-29), Ntahobali Arsène<br />
(ICTR-99-21),Ntaziryayo Alphonse (ICTR-97-29) and Nyiramasuhuko Pauline<br />
(ICTR-99-21), in the cases of Bizimungu Casimir (ICTR-99-45),<br />
Mugenzi Justin (ICTR-99-47), Bicamumpaka Jérôme (ICTR-99-49),<br />
Mugiraneza Prosper (ICTR-99-48), in the case known as MILITAIRES I<br />
combining the cases of Colonel Bagosora Théoneste (ICTR-96-7) of Général<br />
Kabiligi Gratien (ICTR-97-34), of Lt Colonel Nsengiyumva Anatole<br />
(ICTR-96-12) and of Major Ntabakuze Aloys (ICTR-97-30), as well as in the cases of<br />
Rwamakuba, (ICTR- 98-44-T) and Renzaho (ICTR- 97-31-I).<br />
Bruguière J-L ( 2006) Judgement of Jean-Louis Bruguière, Tribunal de<br />
Grande Instance de Paris, Paris, 17 November 2006.<br />
<br />
But only the Hutus were tried while the ICTR constantly refused to go after<br />
the Tutsis, beginning with those who are known to have ordered or executed<br />
various crimes and attacks some of which have been noted here.<br />
<br />
Report of the International Group of eminent individuals for leading an<br />
investigation into the genocide of 1994 in Rwanda and its consequences<br />
on the region of the Great Lakes. Addis-Abeba, July 2000, 600 pages.<br />
<br />
In June1994, in Tunis, the members of the OAU demanded the creation of an impartial commission of inquiry.<br />
The General Prosecutor at the ICTR was Mr. Richard Goldstone (Nov. 1994 to<br />
Sept. 1996), Mme Louise Arbour (Sept. 1996 to Sept. 1999), Mme Carla Del<br />
Ponte (Sept. 1999 to Aug. 2002) and Mr. Hassan Bubacar Jallow from Aug.<br />
2002 to the present.</div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-7521112999121699942018-06-02T15:53:00.002-07:002018-07-17T12:38:41.710-07:00IATROGENOCIDE [ACT I]--Greatest Reign of Terror in History, carried out by the Healthcare Industry<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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[Because of the invasion, occupation and domination of modern consciousness by (Waste-induced and -inducing) Pathology and Morbidity, creating what is arguably the Greatest Reign of Terror in Human History, enslaving all mankind: CM/P thought it apt to dust off a copy of its last Paris play, <i>Iatrogenocide</i>. When a play has lain fallow for 20 years, it's easy enough to imagine that something was missed first time around. Who's to say that Terrorism, like Love or Youth, is better the second time around? But, let's see.--mc]<br />
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<h2 class="date-header" style="font-family: "Trebuchet MS", Trebuchet, Arial, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 10.140000343322754px; font-stretch: normal; letter-spacing: 0.2em; line-height: 1.4em; margin: 1.5em 0px 0.5em; text-transform: uppercase;">
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 200</h2>
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<span style="font-family: "trebuchet ms" , "trebuchet" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: 18.200000762939453px; letter-spacing: 0.2em;">IATROGENOCIDE by Mick Collins</span></h2>
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* * *<br />
[Because of the horrors experienced in the translation of WinoTime into French (La quille est bordel?), this last CM/P play, written in 1999, was conceived in both French and English as a way to make it translation-proof--however, this type of bilingual dramaturgy seems to have guaranteed that it will also be audience-proof.<br />
<br />
Should you have access to a polyglot public and be interested in producing "<i>Nitro</i>,"<br />
contact:<br />
<br />
cirqueminime@gmail.com<br />
<br />
Bon courage!--mc ]<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<Ιατρογενοσιδε><br />
a new play<br />
<br />
<br />
by<br />
Mick Collins<br />
<br />
*<br />
<br />
Cirque Minime<br />
130 Forest St., #3</div>
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Montclair, NJ 07042</div>
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USA</div>
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*<br />
Copyright 9/9/99<br />
All Rights Reserved<br />
<br />
<br />
<Ιατρογενοσιδε><br />
<br />
A play in two acts & coda<br />
<br />
by<br />
Mick Collins<br />
<br />
* * *<br />
<br />
Characters<br />
<br />
Yvonne Weston<br />
~ A handsome woman in her late sixties.<br />
<br />
Philly Weston<br />
~ Very pale, very thin. Yvonne’s son in his late thirties.<br />
<br />
Karl<br />
~A clochard in his late fifties.<br />
<br />
Crossley Hollis<br />
~A small, dark, very pretty woman in her late twenties.<br />
<br />
* * *<br />
Time:<br />
Beginning the evening of 15 April 1999 - Ending New Year’s Day 2000.<br />
<br />
Place:<br />
An apartment on the outskirts of Paris, and a nearby métro station.<br />
<br />
<br />
The playwright would like to acknowledge his great debt to the<br />
following writers, without the pillaging of whose brilliant artistic<br />
and scientific works, this play would not have been possible:<br />
<br />
Marcel Proust for À la recherche du temps perdu;<br />
Celine for Mea Culpa; Jean Cocteau for Opium; and<br />
Neville Hodgkinson for AIDS, The Failure of Contemporary Science.<br />
Je veux remercier Marianne L’Henaff pour tous les magazines sur VIH.<br />
<br />
***<br />
<br />
Cette pièce est enfin pour Bettina, qui me dirige toujours vers la vie.<br />
<br />
* * *<br />
<br />
The departmentalization of mind is a means of abolishing<br />
mind where it is not exercised ex officio, under contract.<br />
It performs this task all the more reliably since anyone<br />
who repudiates the division of labour -- if only by taking pleasure in his work -- makes himself vulnerable by its standards in ways inseparable from elements of his<br />
superiority. Thus is order ensured: some have to play<br />
the game because they cannot otherwise live, and those who<br />
could live otherwise are kept out because they do not want<br />
to play the game. It is as if the class from which<br />
independent intellectuals have defected takes its<br />
revenge, by pressing its demands home in the very<br />
domain where the deserter seeks refuge.<br />
<br />
Theodor Adorno on Proust-- Minima Moralia<br />
<br />
* * *<br />
<br />
<br />
La liberté d’expression est née sur les murs<br />
<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
31 Janvier 1999<br />
Journée Mondiale des Lépreux<br />
<br />
N’attendez plus.<br />
<br />
Donnez.<br />
<br />
<br />
Fondation Raoul Follereau, BP 79 -- 75015 Paris</div>
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ACT I<br />
<br />
LIGHTS UP: The Stage is divided into Two Areas:<br />
<br />
Larger Area SR is a bright, handsome old Paris apartment, on the rez-de-chaussée. A tall double window is UR; in front of it is a dining table set for three. DS of the table is a divan and an easy chair with a low coffee table between them. There are a lot of small objets d’art on the bar complex and bookcases UR & UC. The entrance to the rest of the apartment is DR, and the entrée is SL through the smaller area. The iron gate to the street is not seen but can be heard OSR, its loud clang announcing people’s entrances before they pass in front of the tall windows and go to the front door. The double window, with both panels open, looks out on a courtyard with several great trees. It is a Spring evening, and the light is that soft, chalky Parisien light. In the background can be heard street noises: evening traffic, kids horsing around. Inside the apartment a radio plays pop music, French and American, but mostly American, with an occasional interruption for news of ‘l’OTAN et Serbie’ and traffic reports mentioning the Périphérique and places like Porte des Lilas, Le Pré St Gervais, Porte d’Ivry, and Place d’Italie.<br />
<br />
The Smaller Area SL is a métro platform with an uncomfortably configured metal bench. Above the bench is a long, dark-blue sign with white letters reading PIERRE CURIE. The light is much dimmer SL. R of the bench is one of those tall vending machines selling candy or soft drinks. L of the bench on the wall is a giant poster showing a young woman her face badly scarred by leprosy, and proclaiming, ‘31 Janvier--Journée Mondiale des Lépreux’. The bench has some junky-looking shit on it: couple plastic shopping bags from LeaderPrice or ED’s, a nasty plastic sheet, and a piece of white paper with scraps of tobacco and cheese and baguette on it. On the ground in front of the bench are a broken-down pair of hard brown shoes and a nearly empty 2 liter plastic bottle of vin ordinaire.<br />
<br />
Occasionally the lights on the SL area begin to flicker and then go to black indicating arrival of a train. After several moments they flicker back up as the train leaves. But there should not be the sound of the trains.<br />
<br />
[YVONNE, a woman in her 60s, URC, standing motionless: She is tall, well turned out, even elegant. She is dressed to receive company in a very full, floor-length dress. But there is an imperceptible quavering, a trembling about her or within her that undermines her apparent poise--as if she were on the verge of spontaneous combustion.]<br />
<br />
[A NON-SPECIFIC SOUND is heard: high-pitched, about one second in duration. It might be the phone ringing, it might be a car alarm, it might be a kid squealing, or it might be an electronic medical monitor.]<br />
<br />
Train arrives SL. Lights flicker out.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne does not react, does not move for SEVERAL BEATS after the high-pitched sound. Then she looks off R and holds the look for a TEN-COUNT, then returns to her original pose.]<br />
<br />
[Voices are heard shouting outside in the street, but no words can be made out. Yvonne holds her original pose for a DOUBLE-TEN-COUNT, while--<br />
<br />
Lights flicker back up SL.<br />
<br />
--then she moves DS a couple steps and speaks:]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
For a long time I used to go to bed early. . . . For a long time,<br />
I used to go to bed early. For a long time I used to go to bed<br />
early. . . Longtemps, je me suis couché de bonne heure.<br />
Go to bed. . . .--Sometimes, when I had put out my candle,<br />
my eyes would close so quickly that I had not even time to<br />
say “I’m going to sleep.” . . . Parfois, à peine ma bougie<br />
éteinte, mes yeux se fermaient si vite que je n’avais pas<br />
le temps de me dire: ‘Je m’endors.’ . . . For a long time I<br />
used to go to bed early. Sometimes, when I had put out<br />
my candle, my eyes would close so quickly that I had not<br />
even time to say “I’m going to sleep.” For a long time,--<br />
Sometimes, when . . . I used to go to bed. (Pause) Go to bed<br />
for a long time, sometimes,--early,--de bonne heure,--il n’y<br />
aura plus de bonheur. (Pause) My eyes would close so<br />
quickly . . . so quickly . . . so quickly that . . .--that I had not<br />
even time . . . to say . . . “I’m going to sleep.” . . . “I’m going . . .”<br />
Oh, my god. . . . “I’m going to sleep.” For a long time, a long,<br />
long time . . . now. . . . My eyes would close so quickly--that!--<br />
there was no time to say anything. . . . But you had no children.<br />
No wife. You were as much alone at the end as at the beginning.<br />
--More? . . . And you were a man,--are a man. God, why?<br />
My memories come, unsought, in the night, on two legs, with<br />
hard shoes, to kick in my door. No tea taken. No madeleines.<br />
Thick arms to throw me against the wall, pin me to the wall,<br />
breathe that soupy stink-breath in vile, crapulous word-lettes<br />
that pucker your mouth. . . .--Awaiting your mother’s kiss--<br />
<br />
<br />
Lights flicker out SL. <br />
<br />
<br />
[OSR a PHONE RINGS once, and again, then is answered mechanically. We can make out neither the announcement nor the message being left. Yvonne does not react in any way. She waits until the call is finished, takes a TEN-COUNT, then continues.]<br />
<br />
<br />
Lights flicker back on SL.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Most annoying of all: their tardiness. Never arrive when they<br />
say they will. . . . So often unexpected . . . unwanted. Peut être<br />
s’il me tuerais, je vais dormir bien enfin. Mon fils. Mon petit gosse.<br />
Mon bébé. Mon chameau. Mon salaud. Ma vie d’enfer. . . .<br />
Pourquoi le supplice? Il me tourmente? Je ne lui donnais<br />
que la vie. Et maintenant, il veut éteindre la mienne.<br />
Je ne peux pas imaginer comment c’est arrivé. Je<br />
me rend folle--vachment dingue! Tous comme un rêve de<br />
feu. --Et après une demie heure la pensée qu’il est à l’heure<br />
de s’endormir m’aurait réveillé. . . La pensée qu’il me faut<br />
dormir . . . la rêve du sommeil . . . le sommeil des rêves . . .<br />
Il n’y aura plus du bonheur. . . La rêve, ce qu’était le grand<br />
mensonge. . . . His French so much smarter than mine. Can<br />
no longer hide there. . . . --From him, --with him from them.<br />
The way we did. . . . ‘It’s just a corruption of an earlier language,<br />
corruption of an older tongue.’ . . . I had to un-learn so much.<br />
You were far ahead of me from the beginning. You knew the<br />
Pont Neuf wasn’t the ninth bridge,--even when I insisted.<br />
--Knew not to pronounce the E-N-T’s. You must have learned<br />
from my mistakes. You must have depended on me once--<br />
for something--things--you must have . . . must have, ah,--<br />
must . . .--<br />
<br />
[OSR the same non-specific, high-pitched ELECTRONIC SOUND is heard. Instantaneously, Yvonne runs OSR. As soon as she is OS, it stops. There are SEVERAL BEATS; then the SOUND begins again and continues for a TEN-COUNT. After it stops, Yvonne begins to scream with great anger and pain.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
Nom de fucking nom. Tuez-moi! Just fucking kill me!<br />
Come on! Come on! . . . On y vas! Je m’en fous de tes<br />
conneries.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne rushes back on stage, and goes directly R of the dining table and stares out the tall double window toward the street-gate (OR). After several beats, she takes a fork from a place setting at R of the table and begins to play with it: She runs it across a window pane; she runs it through her hair, and scratches herself with it. She bends it in half and replaces it on the table. She continues to stare out the window, not seeming to watch anything in particular.]<br />
<br />
POP MUSIC ON THE RADIO CONTINUES UNDER THIS.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne returns RC and resumes her original position.]<br />
<br />
[After a TEN-COUNT, she speaks. As she speaks she moves DCR.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Bringing the mind to stillness. (LONG PAUSE) Stillness.<br />
(LONG PAUSE) Be still. . . . Still . . . still. . . . You can’t<br />
touch me here. This is my place. (LONG PAUSE)<br />
My private place. . . . Here I rest. . . . Je me respose là.<br />
Ici . . . ici . . . ici . . . ici, ici,--Il faut que j’aille me reposer . . .<br />
Ici. . . . Ici. . . . Ici . . . ici . . . ici, ici, ici, . . . ici . . . ici . . .<br />
ici . . . ici. . . .--Ici! Ici! --ici . . . ici, ici, ici, . . . ici . . . ici . . .<br />
ici . . . ici . . . ici . . . ici . . .--<br />
<br />
Lights flicker off SL.<br />
<br />
The PHONE RINGS. [Yvonne stops DRC and SCREAMS immediately. She does not move, but joins her scream to the ringing phone. Her scream continues into the SECOND RING and the announcement of the répondeur and stops to hear the message, which is immediately covered by the ELECTRONIC SOUND. Yvonne stands very still for a TEN-COUNT, then falls to her knees, her head bowed.]<br />
<br />
SEVERAL BEATS.<br />
[Yvonne does not move.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, . . . no.<br />
<br />
[PHILLY, a very pale and very thin man in his late thirties, enters SR and stands just inside the door. He is smartly dressed in loose-fitting café au lait slacks, a sheer silk shirt with diamonds in two vertical rows on the front and cream-colored Italian loafers. He has beautiful shoulder-length brown hair pulled back into a pony tail, with a stud in his left ear. He looks at Yvonne, and his eyes never leave her.]<br />
<br />
[At the same moment, Lights flicker on SL to reveal KARL, a filthy, broken-down clodo of about 55, pulling at his crotch as if he is trying to dry the piss inside his trousers. He is in stocking-feet, wearing a soiled, tattered grey suit, a filthy white shirt with a badly broken collar, and a tie with ducks on it. He is standing DL facing front, framed by the Leprosy poster. He addresses the folks on the opposite platform. His speech is so impaired by drink and chronic dementia that he is barely understood.]<br />
KARL<br />
AAAAAAAAARRRRRRrrrrrgggg! YYYYYYYAAAAAAAAaaa-<br />
aaaarrrrrrrrggggggggg! Mutilé moi. . . . Moi. . . . Quelles cons<br />
là. . . . Ch’uis mutilé. . . . AAAAAARRRRRrrgh! AAAAAAARR-<br />
RRRRR! . . . De guerre. Ch’uis mutilé moi. . . . MUTILÉ!<br />
<br />
[He crosses to the bench to check on his shit. He continues to ‘act out’ his anger and hostility with a schizoid minimalism, sometimes to the opposite platform, sometimes to whomever is on his side of the tracks, and sometimes to the back wall, all punctuated with brief slashes from the plastic wine bottle. All this is contrapuntal to the action SR.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
(Quietly, but in great pain)<br />
Aaaaahoooooowww. Not yet.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne has curled up tight on her knees, in an ‘egg’ position, and she does not respond to anything. Philly slowly circles Yvonne.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(This is under Philly’s next speech)<br />
(Chanting like a gypsie beggar) S’iiiiiiiiiiiil voooooooouuuus<br />
plaaaaaaîîîîîîîîîîîîîît. S’iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiil voooooooouuuuuuus<br />
plaaaaaaaaîîîîîîîîîîîîîît. ‘Scuuuuuuuuuuuusez-moi pooour<br />
voooooooouuuuuuuus déééééééééranger--AAAAAAARR<br />
RRRRRRRGGGGGGGER!--S’iiiiiiiiiiiiil voooooouuuuuus plaît--<br />
uuuuuuuuuuuuuneeeee petiiiiiiiiiiiiiteeee pièce, meeees<br />
camarades-- (Falls silent)<br />
<br />
[Philly has returned UR of Yvonne.] (Note: Philly never touches Yvonne, nor goes close enough to her that physical contact might accidently occur.)<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
I oughta kick your fuckin’ face in. . . . Huh? You want that?<br />
Kick your ugly fuckin’ old face in. . . . Useless fuckin’ bitch.<br />
. . . You’re a stinking old cum-bag. I oughta tear your<br />
slobberin’, dick-suckin’ lips off. Pull your lyin’ tongue so<br />
far out I can stick it up your blown-out, festering shit-hole.<br />
All the filthy cocks you’ve had spewing in you, no wonder<br />
you’re this pus-yellow bag of rotten meat--your heart pumps shit.<br />
<br />
[He moves in closer to her carefully.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
I’m just going to open you up. . . . Gut you like the<br />
bottom-feeding wang fish--the sewer carp you are.<br />
I’ll carve your stinking heart out and show it to you--<br />
feed it to you, make you eat that sump pump.<br />
You are a shit-stinking sorry excuse for a woman.<br />
<br />
[He opens his trousers and takes out his dick.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Ejaculation) Ch’uis mutilé moi.<br />
<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
I’m gonna hose the fleas off your mangy ass, bitch.<br />
Clean you up before I cut you up. Piss on you.<br />
Piss on your ugly fucking mug. Your saggy tits.<br />
Useless fucking whore. Stinking cunt. . . .<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Ejaculation) Ch’uis mutilé de guerre moi.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne begins to raise her head slightly.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
(Putting his dick away)<br />
Fuck it! Waste of good piss.<br />
<br />
[He begins walking away from her, but never takes his eyes off her.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Fuck you. I wouldn’t walk across the street to piss up<br />
your cheesy ass if your guts were on fire. . . . Just . . .<br />
fuck you. Fuck you. Fuck you. Fuck you. Fuck you.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Quieter) Quelles cons là.<br />
<br />
[As Yvonne raises her head more and more, Philly exits DR.]<br />
<br />
Lights flicker out SL.<br />
<br />
After SEVERAL BEATS, the PHONE RINGS. [Yvonne gets up, as the répondeur answers the phone. Yvonne exits DR and picks up the phone, interrupting the announcement. We can barely make out what she is saying.] <br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
Oui, allô--qui est-ce?. . . . Oui, oui, . . . Ça va, ça va, oui. . . .<br />
Non, pas du tout. . . . Oui, oui, allez-y. . . . Je vous en prie.<br />
<br />
SEVERAL BEATS.<br />
<br />
Lights flicker up SL. [Karl has exited, but all his shit remains on bench.]<br />
<br />
[Yvonne enters DR, she’s trying to compose herself. She goes to the radio and turns it off. As a second thought she turns it back on and changes the station to one playing classical music (Mozart). She checks out the dining table, going to L of table and taking the fork she bent and straightening it. She then stares OSR out the window. She turns back into the room, moves a few steps DS and holds for SEVERAL BEATS. She puts POP MUSIC back on the radio. She then turns and stares at the door SR. After SEVERAL BEATS, Philly enters just barely into the room and stares at Yvonne. The moment is held for a DOUBLE-TEN-COUNT, during which--]<br />
<br />
Lights flicker out SL.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Quand la présence de quelqu’un te fait mal comme t’as<br />
perdu un litre de plasma, evites-la cette présence.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Yeah? Fucking Burroughs, huh? Over-privileged<br />
cocksucker--don’t care if he was a friend of yours.<br />
How ‘bout Genet? Try, ‘J’encule La Mère de Dieu’.<br />
<br />
[Philly and Yvonne hold on each for a long moment.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
You know what you need? . . . I know what you need.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne breaks the hold and TURNS UP the radio. Then she locks back on Philly.]<br />
<br />
Lights flicker back up SL. [Karl has re-entered and is standing by his shit. He stares down the platform directly at Philly and Yvonne. And CROSSLEY stands facing L working on a Palm Pilot. She is maybe 27 or 28, very small, thin, and pretty in a dark, Semitic way. She wears tight black slacks with a smartly cut velvet jacket with a red Aids ribbon pinned on the lapel, and carries a book bag on her shoulder. She also has a rather full backpack slung awkwardly across her chest.]<br />
<br />
[Philly and Yvonne continue locked on each other--Yvonne’s face blank with terror.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Only you know and I know. . . . I know . . . you know . . .<br />
(while turning and exiting) I know . . . you know . . . I<br />
know . . . you know . . . I know . . . you know . . .<br />
<br />
SOUND of ‘THE MÉTRO MUSIC’ (Little glissando that precedes announcements) :<br />
<br />
RATP VOICE (OS)<br />
Votre attention, s’il vous plaît. Suite à un mouvement<br />
social, le service sur la ligne une est interrompu entre<br />
Charles de Gaulle-Etoile et La Défense. Merci de votre<br />
compréhension.<br />
<br />
[Crossley starts working the electronic agenda more vigorously.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY (OS)<br />
(Enraged) MAMAN!!!<br />
<br />
[Crossley suddenly makes an error that, perhaps, dumps all her information.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
AAAAAAH,--Oh, merde alors! Putain de truc. . . . Espèce de--<br />
putain-- . . . de toxicomane-- . . . de motherfucking truc là!<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Continuing to stare off R) Doucement, doucement là!<br />
On n’ peut pas concentrer là.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Continuing to fuck with the agenda)<br />
Oh, quelle putain de bordel de merde là.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne slowly exits DR. Her expression does not change.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY (OS)<br />
(Even more enraged) MAMAN!!!<br />
<br />
[Crossley fumbles her portable phone out of her backpack and starts punching it up. Karl continues to stare off R--He doesn’t look at Crossley.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Ce genre d’appareil là ne marche pas dans métro, quoi?<br />
Les portables ne sont pas bien sensible dans métro, quoi?<br />
<br />
[Crossley ignores him and continues to work the cell phone.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Pas possible d’attrapper un reseau dans métro. Les ondes<br />
ne peuvent pas penetrer là dedans, quoi? Dans sous sol là.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Giving up on phone and gathering her things)<br />
Fuck this bullshit.<br />
<br />
[Karl now turns toward Crossley.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Vous êtes ricaine, pas vrai? On peut parler ricaine?<br />
‘motherfucker? . . . bullshit, hein, motherfucker . . . ?’<br />
Ça va? Ça va, Ma’m’selle bullshit motherfucker?<br />
<br />
[Crossley exits hurriedly L. Karl follows for one or two steps, then turns to his audience on the other platform.]<br />
<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Cette jolie fille là, c’est la princesse de AAAAAAAARRRR-<br />
RGGH. Une véritable princesse là. La petite fille de mon très,<br />
très cher ami le Baron ChaaaaAAARRRRRLLLLAA-<br />
AARRRRGGGHHHH. . . . C’est pas des conneries. Vous<br />
crétins. C’est pas de ‘motherfucker bullshit’ là. Du côté de<br />
chez AAAAAAAAAAAARRRRRRRRRRRGGGGGGHHHH.<br />
. . . Mon camarade le Baron, il est aussi mutilé de guerre,<br />
comme moi. Il a perdu les deux jambes et les deux bras<br />
et les deux oreilles et les deux yeux. Mais seulement<br />
une couille. Il a eu de la chance là? Non? Il a eu une sacré<br />
chance pendant la grand guerre de AAAAAAAAAAAAA-<br />
RRRRRGGGGGGHHHHHHH. . . .<br />
<br />
Karl returns to his shit and takes up his bottle of wine and the nasty plastic sheet. He wraps the sheet around him like it’s the Pope’s cape, and waves the bottle around like he’s Lenny Bruce blessing the audience. He begins to work the room--taking the whole stage. We now notice he too is wearing a red Aids ribbon.<br />
<br />
Et voilà, voilà . . . (he sticks out his hand with the thumb<br />
raised and the fore finger extended, like a pistol) Qu’est-ce<br />
que c’est ça? On voit, on voit. Qu’est-ce que c’est que ça?<br />
Oui bon. Celui-ci, c’est un nain qui a pris du Viagra. On sait?<br />
Un nain qui a pris du Viagra? Voilà, qui a pris du ViaAAAAAAAA<br />
GGGGGGGGRRRRRRRAAAAAAAHHHHHHH. Pas mal,<br />
hein? On sait, on sait. Bon ben, ben ouais, ben entendu.<br />
Ouais, ouais. Voilà, voilà. Vous savez la différence--en France,<br />
en France--On sait la différence entre un intellectuel et<br />
un homosexuel? Entre l’intellectuel et le pédé en France?<br />
Bon ben, l’intellectuel a un Robert directement dans cul et le pédé<br />
a--non, non, le pédé a--non, non, l’intellectuel a un Robert<br />
EN TÊTE, ben ouais, en tête, et l’homosexuel, l’espèce<br />
de pédé, il a un Larousse dans cul--non, non, ça ne va pas ça.<br />
C’est l’intellectuel qui avait le Larousse et le salaud de gourmande<br />
de merde de pédé qui avait le . . . quoi? Le Robert dans cul--<br />
DIRECTEMENT DANS CUL--Vous êtes tous pédés, pas vrai?. . .<br />
Vous comprennez? Vous entendez? . . . Nous deux, le Baron et<br />
moi, nous avons donné nos corps dans une guerre hideuse pour<br />
vous tous, vous, vous minable connards, vous lâches, vous<br />
lèches-culs, vous qui--qui n’pouvez pas vous trouver le kiki sans,<br />
eh, sans--AAAAAAAAAARRRRRRRRGGGGGGGGHHHHH--<br />
Vous tous, vous . . . vous . . . (the Gypsy beggar’s chant) S’iiiiii-<br />
iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiil voooooooooouuuuus plaaaaaaaaît,<br />
s’iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiil vooooooooooooouuuuuus plaaaaaa-<br />
aaaaît, chuis muuuuuuuutiiiiiiiiiiilééé, pardoneeeeeez-moi<br />
pour vous déééé--(ranger)<br />
<br />
Lights flicker out SL as train arrives.<br />
<br />
SEVERAL BEATS, then the GATE clangs open and crashes shut.<br />
<br />
[Crossley passes the window UR.]<br />
<br />
After SEVERAL MORE BEATS, a BUZZER is heard.<br />
<br />
Lights come up on SL. [The métro station has become the entrée to Yvonne’s apartment. The bench has been stood on end to become a sculpture, the ‘PIERRE CURIE’ sign has become a modern painting, and the vending machine and Lutte contre Lèpre poster remain, (re-lighted) as pieces of pOp art.]<br />
<br />
[Yvonne enters from DR, crosses to the vending machine and takes an answer phone from inside it.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Âllo, oui. . . . Yes, dear. Come in. It’s the rez-de-chaussée,<br />
door on the right.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne pushes a button on the phone and returns it to the vending machine. She then composes herself in the mirror on the side of the vending machine. Finally she turns and stares off R for SEVERAL BEATS.]<br />
<br />
[There is a KNOCK at the door DL, and Yvonne goes off L to answer it.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE (Exiting L)<br />
(Under her breath)<br />
Seek stillness. . . . Find the quiet place. . . .<br />
<br />
[We hear the door being opened.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Madame Weston? Je m’appele Crossley Hollis.<br />
De l’association pour--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oui, je sais bien. Entrez.<br />
<br />
[Crossley enters DL followed by Yvonne.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Ch’uis en retard. Désolée. J’ai essaié vous téléphoner<br />
parce que je me suis trompée de métro et mon portable<br />
il n’peut pas attraper le reseau dans métro, et, bon,--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Pas de problème. Vous êtes . . . très-- . . . Quel age--. . .<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(A little beaked about things in general,<br />
but the age thing in particular)<br />
J’ai vingt-sept ans--j’suis une--mais . . . on peut parler en anglais?<br />
Vous préferiez ça?<br />
<br />
[Crossley checks out the apartment; Yvonne really checks out Crossley.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Bon. D’accord. . . . Excuse me. It’s just I’m a little surprised<br />
you’re so young.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, of course. (Pause) You have a beautiful place.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Thank you. . . . Yes.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes.<br />
<br />
[Very long, very awkward pause.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
On boit quelque chose? Vous prennez un petit verre?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Non, merci. --Ah, oui, peut être, un verre d’eau.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Vous n’prennez pas du vin? Vous êtes jeune mais vous<br />
êtes en France.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Non, c’est pas ça. C’est . . . j’n’bois jamais d’alcool<br />
au boulot.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
That’s very American of you, I must say. You are American?<br />
<br />
[Yvonne goes US to the bar to make the drinks.]<br />
<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Sort of. D’une certaine façon.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Your French is lovely. It’s not--it’s just you seem-- . . .<br />
With or without bubbles?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, I know. Oh, I’ll take the bubbles. I’m not that dull.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne smiles but does not laugh at Crossley’s effort.]<br />
<br />
[Crossley is cruising the art work, esp. the bench, in the former métro stop.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Vous avez de belles choses.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
‘Nice things’--Yes, dear, thank you. ‘Our nice things.’<br />
That’s what Phillip used to call them. . . . ‘Our nice things.’<br />
. . . My husband, Phillip. They’re all his, you see? . . .<br />
Uh-huh--. . . J’en ai gardé depuis . . . sa mort.<br />
C’est ça, vous voyez?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oui.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, he was quite a collector, my Phillip. Wherever he<br />
went he would find something pretty he absolutely couldn’t<br />
live without. Fall in love with pieces at first sight--without<br />
knowing a thing about them.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Moi, j’ai toujours l’habitude de surveiller les petits trucs à côté<br />
des objets, ceux du Louvre ou du Musée d’Orsay. Avec le nom<br />
du peintre et les dates, tous ça. (Ind. the bench) Qui l’a fait<br />
celui-ci? Vous savez?<br />
<br />
[Yvonne Xs to Crossley with their drinks.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
J’n’en sais rien. Peu importe. Voilà, chérie, votre verre d’eau. . . .<br />
<br />
[A MOMENT of difficult connection as Yvonne hands glass to Crossley.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
(With difficulty)<br />
It’s just that it was so long ago, dear, and . . . well, . . . They<br />
were Phillip’s things. . . . They are all his things.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Ah, pardonnez-moi, mais cette pièce là . . . it’s just that this<br />
piece here is very interesting--very familiar--strangely familiar.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, of course. I don’t really recall. I think Phillip picked<br />
it up at this vide grenier in St Brihac. In Bretagne, you<br />
know?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Saint-Brieuc? I know Saint-Brieuc--you don’t mean Saint-<br />
Brieuc, do you?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Pas du tout. St Brihac est juste à côté de St Malo, Dinan,<br />
juste à l’ouest de St Malo. On traverse un grand barrage.<br />
C’est un village très joli et très petit et très, très riche. Il y a<br />
de la population seulement pendant l’été, les mois d’été.<br />
Le reste du temps les gens vivent chez St Germain-en-Laye<br />
ou Neuilly. Mais chez St Brihac il y avait cette petite baie, et<br />
chaque matin on peut la regarder toute tranquillement,<br />
la marré montant et puis, après peut être six heures, la baie<br />
s’est rendu totalement vide, avec tous les petits bateaux<br />
coincés dans le sable, la boue. Mais environ six heures<br />
plus tard tous les bateaux sont reflottant et se font volte<br />
face avec le retour de la marré. Et pendant la marré<br />
haute on peut traverser la baie à la nage. Nous avons<br />
eu l’habitude, chaque journée à l’heure de marré haute,<br />
de traverser la baie à la nage. Mais c’était décidément<br />
le rythme, la cadence de la marré, ce qui m’a rendue bien<br />
tranquille. . . . C’était un bon moment.<br />
<br />
LONG PAUSE.<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes. . . . Je regrette que j’ne connais bien St Brihac. Mais<br />
j’ne veux pas vous déranger. (Ind. dining table) Vous<br />
attendez des invités. . . . Peut être--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Non, non, pas du tout. Je n’attend personne. Pas du tout.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Bon. Alors . . . Perhaps we could talk about your--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, of course.-- It’s exhausting, isn’t it? It exhausts me<br />
speaking French.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
You speak very well.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Thank you, dear. I know I don’t do nearly so well as I should<br />
do--after all these years. But-- . . . I get by. And I do love the<br />
language, the sound of the language. As only, I suppose,<br />
someone who is not particularly fluent could love it. Under-<br />
standing has not spoiled the music.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
How long have you lived here?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh,-- No, it’s not that.-- In Paris? It’s not that-- It’s not<br />
been that long. Not really. . . . It’s-- I get along all right with<br />
the French. You know, the natives. I think it’s speaking<br />
to another American, you see. It’s speaking to another<br />
American I find so exhausting.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Of course. Yes. . . . We can, ah, you know, give it--eh--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
More water, dear?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
It’s fine, thank you. . . . You see, all my case work, all my files<br />
are in English. So it would be easier for me if we continued in<br />
English. Discussing your case in English.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
‘My case.’ I see. . . . Yes, by all means. In English.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Is that all right? I mean--<br />
<br />
[Yvonne starts to space out a bit here.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
D’accord, d’accord. Pas de problème.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes. . . . Can we sit?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
How’s that?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I have some papers. I need--ah--to--<br />
<br />
SILENCE. [Yvonne’s attention is drifting OR.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Madame Weston?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
D’accord, chérie, comme tu veux. . . . Installes-toi<br />
n’importe où.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne returns to the bar for more wine.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
T’es sûr que tu n’veux rien? Du vin? Du whisky?<br />
<br />
[Crossley is setting up on the divan.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Non, non. Ça ira. I’m fine.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, of course, dear. Of course you are.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
About your husband. . . . It was . . . when . . . what year<br />
did he pass away?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
T’aimes Proust, chérie? Tu l’as lu?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
How’s that? Mrs Weston?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Proust, dear. Have you read Proust?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Eh, yes, some, uh-huh.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
In French?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
No.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Scotty Moncrieff?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Excuse me?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Scotty Moncrieff. His translation. On Modern Library, Vintage,<br />
Chatto and Windus?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oh. I don’t know. I don’t remember. It was two or three<br />
huge books. I only got about half-way through the first<br />
one. It was huge.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Do you remember what it was called? A la recherche<br />
du temps perdu. What was it?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, uh-huh. A la recherche du temps perdu. Of course.<br />
Yes.<br />
YVONNE<br />
No, but in English. The translation. Quel est le titre en anglais?<br />
Tu te rappelles?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
No, I really can’t remember, Mrs Weston. I’m sorry. . . . The<br />
Association needs to have some information, some more<br />
information, if we are to continue with your son’s case. His . . .<br />
He’s still with you, isn’t he?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, of course.--But, dear, there’s something very interesting<br />
happened to Proust just recently. In English, I mean. You<br />
know, someone once said to me they preferred Proust in<br />
English; they said he loses something in the original.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, I see.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
That’s an incredibly ignorant joke, don’t you think? Les<br />
français ils trouvent ça aberrant. Mais on peut comprendre<br />
si on a lu the Moncrieff translation. I was completely devoted<br />
to my Moncrieff books--It was Scotty who gave me Proust.<br />
And I would walk across Paris--across London--I walked miles<br />
and miles à la recherche des Prousts perdus.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Really? Why was that?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Why . . . ?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes. Why the walking? Why the search? Why was Proust<br />
lost?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Lost. Yes. . . . Lost.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston? . . . Eh, I really need you . . . need to talk to<br />
you about . . . The Organization is anxious to--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Ah, oui--complètement perdu. Bien sûr. Ils étaient complètement<br />
perdus. Tous les hommes. Tous les bons hommes perdus.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I think we’re getting a little lost here. Or I am quand même.<br />
(pause) You . . . Mrs Weston, you lost your husband, when?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Ben non, chérie. Pas du tout. Pas du tout. C’était pas mon<br />
mari--pas mon cher Phillip. Ce n’était même pas Proust qu’était<br />
perdu.--Ah, oui, Phillip était quand même perdu--bien sûr--<br />
bien perdu--mais non, chérie. C’était mon très, très cher Scotty<br />
qu’est allé au dela de sa lumière. God. I wish--. . . No, dear.<br />
You see, Moncrieff was out of print.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Uh-huh.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
The Moncrieff Proust was out of print for years. You could<br />
find them only in bargain bins and used book stands in flea<br />
markets in Hampstead or at Shakespeare and Company.<br />
The later books were very hard to find. I remember searching<br />
forever for La Prisonière. La Fugitive. I was devastated when<br />
Albertine didn’t return to him. Some petit con in some low-<br />
rent book shop assured me she would return in the next<br />
book. This was the same cretin, as I recall, who said Proust<br />
was better in English.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Well, you know, Mrs Weston, now that you mention all this,<br />
I seem to remember that the book I read was translated by<br />
someone named Moncrieff--with some others, I think--and<br />
I recall the title was Searching for--or In Search of Lost<br />
Time. Something like that. Yes, that’s right. As I recall,<br />
I was directed to the book by some pitch about how it<br />
was a new and improved translation. Now, this was a few<br />
years ago. But I remember being struck by how similar the<br />
two titles were--I mean, how close to--what is it?--la recherche--<br />
à la recherche du temps perdu and Searching for Lost Time.<br />
I thought that was pretty good. So I got it. And read about<br />
half of it--until I said, whoa, this is just a little too deep--too<br />
slow--maybe just too personal for my tastes. . . . And I stopped.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Pity, dear.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, so I hear. I hear it is a very important book. But, then,<br />
I had trouble getting through the Bible, too.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, I think one can be forgiven for quitting on the Bible.<br />
But Proust is another matter. . . . You know, Scotty didn’t<br />
translate the last book. He never got to translate Le Temps<br />
Retrouvé. So when I got to the last book, it was either read<br />
someone else’s translation or read Le Temps Retrouvé in<br />
French. It was as if I’d known French my whole life. I noticed<br />
no difference at all--no difference between Scotty’s English<br />
and Proust’s French. Scotty had so brought me into that<br />
world--I knew the characters so well--the situations and<br />
places--you know?--But how?--Do you like Shakespeare?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I don’t know whether you’re messing with me here or not, Mrs<br />
Weston. But we really need to get to this information about<br />
your son’s case. I think we both want to help him. Right?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
No, dear. I’m not patronizing you.--It’s just the age difference,<br />
dear. That’s all. Not to worry, dear. And of course I want to<br />
help Philly--to help you help Philly. But I want to show you<br />
something. Something terribly sad that has happened to us.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yeah, ok, Mrs Weston. . . . Yeah, I happen to be a big fan of<br />
Shakespeare. I don’t think I ever quit on Shakespeare. I think<br />
in high school and college I probably read every word he ever<br />
wrote--or had printed--even memorized and performed a lot of<br />
it. . . . So, yeah, Shakespeare, yeah.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, you see, dear, what makes Scotty’s translation so<br />
wonderful is just that it’s not as literal as it might have been.<br />
You see, you were sold an inferior product with boasts about<br />
its very shortcomings. So typical that. The new translators<br />
just took the spirit out of Proust by running him through a<br />
Robert and Collins.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I’m sorry, but I have always assumed the job of a translator<br />
was to take a work in one language and put it into another<br />
language. No?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
That’s not all, is it, dear? Translating the words? How do<br />
you translate the spaces between the word?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Of course. Uh-huh. I know exactly what you mean. There<br />
are French spaces, and then there are English spaces. Sure.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
You’re quite right, you know, my dear. French spaces<br />
and English spaces: Like French and English gardens.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I’m sorry, Mrs Weston. I didn’t mean to be cute. It’s just<br />
that this case, your case, and your son are very important<br />
to the Organization--and to me--really. And I need to find<br />
out--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
But don’t you see, darling, that this is all about finding out.<br />
Finding out who we are. Proust searches through thousands<br />
of pages for something that in the end disappears--for him, at<br />
least. But the feeling between the two times--between the<br />
present and the past--between the French and the English<br />
gardens, the spaces--the tension between the original and<br />
the translation; the tension between the words and the tension<br />
that binds each word to the whole work: This tension is held<br />
in the spaces, really. That’s where you find the feeling that<br />
sets you free. That releases you from yourself. It’s that<br />
tension that is the art--and if there is an art to translation,--<br />
if it isn’t just fancy plagiarism--then Scotty found it.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Ok, Mrs Weston. I think I see what you’re getting at. Let’s<br />
play first. Ok. But how does poor old Wild Bill Shakespeare<br />
wind up in this Hegelian stew?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Very nice, dear. Yes. Do you like Hegel? I’m afraid I quit on him<br />
very quickly.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Just a few secondary sources. Cliff Notes. Never the genuine<br />
article.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Ne t’inquiète pas. Je ne connais personne qui ait lu<br />
tout Hegel. Mais à propos de Shakespeare et Proust--<br />
et bien sûr Scotty Moncrieff: Il faut qu’on surveille le titre.<br />
En français et puis en anglais. Ok?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Ok. Sure, the title. Of . . .? What Shakespeare?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Non, non, ma chérie. Proust. En français il est À la recherche<br />
du temps perdu, pas vrai? En l’anglais de Moncrieff, de Scotty,<br />
il est Remembrance of Things Past. . . . Rememberance of<br />
Things Past? Ok?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Not even close, huh?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Literally, perhaps, no. But if one goes to the source, it is<br />
chillingly close.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
And the source is Shakespeare.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
That’s right. And the best of all is that by borrowing from<br />
Shakespeare, Scotty condenses thousands of pages of<br />
Proust’s French into fourteen lines of Shakespearean English.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Now--now that you mention it, it does sound familiar. Like<br />
from a sonnet or something?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Thirty.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Sorry?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Sonnet thirty. You know it?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Ah, . . . I’m afraid not.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Sure?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Please, Mrs Weston.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I’m sorry, dear. But, you know--Ok, here:<br />
When to the sessions of sweet silent thought . . .?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oh, yeah, sure. When to the sessions of sweet silent thought,<br />
I summon rememberance of things past--sure, that’s right.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
‘Summon up’. I summon up rememberance of things past.--<br />
Can you take the next line, dear?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Uh, no, I don’t think so. . . . Nope. . . . (pause) What is it?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I sigh the lack of many--(pauses waiting for Crossley) . . .<br />
I sigh the lack of many a thing I sought . . . ? (Waits again)<br />
(She continues)<br />
And with old woes new wail my dear times’ waste. . . .<br />
(pause) Go ahead, dear. . . .<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Um, . . . I don’t think so.<br />
<br />
[Karl’s shouts of ‘AAAAAArrrrrrrrgggggghhh’ and ‘les enfoirés’ and ‘ta mère elle<br />
pue de cul-cul’ are heard in the distance, approaching. Yvonne ignores them; Crossley becomes apprehensive as Karl gets closer.]<br />
<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Then can I drown an eye unused to flow,<br />
For precious friends hid in death’s dateless night.<br />
And weep afresh love’s long-since cancell’d woe, . . .<br />
And moan the expense of many a vansh’d sight.<br />
(Another polite pause)<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Go on, go on. Please.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Then can I grieve at grievances foregone,<br />
And heavily from woe to woe tell o’er<br />
The sad account of fore-bemoanèd moan,<br />
Which I new pay as if not paid before.<br />
<br />
[A final polite pause of invitation, then]<br />
<br />
YVONNE(cont)<br />
But if the while I think on thee, dear friend, . . .<br />
<br />
[Invitation is finally accepted--though Crossley stumbles a beat behind Yvonne.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE & CROSSLEY<br />
All losses are restor’d , and sorrows end.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oh, yeah.<br />
<br />
LONG PAUSE<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Well . . .<br />
<br />
[The iron gate is heard to open then slam shut.]<br />
<br />
KARL(OS)<br />
Charlus! Mon Charlus! Baron Char--Aaaaarrrggghh--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, . . . well . . . A little more wine, dear?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I’m not--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Of course not, dear. Sorry.<br />
<br />
[Karl appears US in the window.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Voilà mon Charlus! Comment vas-tu, Charlus? Bon. Ben.<br />
Écoute, écoute . . .<br />
<br />
[During the following speech by Karl, Yvonne pours a glass of wine and drinks it quickly, then pours two more glasses. Crossley turns US to watch Yvonne and Karl.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Quand on mélange au hasard deux sangs, l’un pauvre,<br />
l’autre riche, on n’enrichit jamais le pauvre, on appauvrit<br />
toujours le riche. . . . Tout ce qui aide à fourvoyer la masse<br />
abrutie par les louanges est bienvenu. Quand les ruses<br />
ne suffisent plus, quand le système fait explosion, alors<br />
recours à la trique! à la mitrailleuse! aux bonbonnes! . . .<br />
On fait donner tout l’arsenal l’heure venue!<br />
avec le grand coup d’optimisme des ultimes Résolutions!<br />
Massacres par myriades, toutes les guerres depuis le Déluge<br />
ont eu pour musique l’Optimisme. . . Tous les assassins voient<br />
l’avenir en rose, ça fait partie du métier. Ainsi soit-il.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne takes one glass of wine, gives it to Karl, and keeps one herself.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
(to Karl)<br />
Très bien, très bien. C’était très bien dit. C’est qui ça?<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(gulps down the wine)<br />
C’est qui? Putain! C’est moi, hein! Mais qui est la petite<br />
princesse là?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Arrêt! Espèce de raclure. Viens. Ces mots là sont à qui?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(privately to Yvonne)<br />
Tu connais ce mec?<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Tu m’insultes, Charlus. (extending the empty glass) Tu m’as<br />
gravement blessé--gravement et au coeur. Puis-je en avoir<br />
un autre? . . . S’il vous plaît, Madame Le Baron?<br />
<br />
[Yvonne returns to the bar to refill the wine glasses.]<br />
<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
(to Crossley) Ce mec là? Ben oui. Il est . . . (she has to think<br />
hard) Il est mon très, très . . . Quoi? . . . (to Karl) Karl, écoute,<br />
de qui t’as volé ce truc là? (to Crossley) Ouais, il est mon<br />
très, très grand salaud.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne delivers the glass to Karl and they tink glasses.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Ma chère dame, mon très cher troquet, ces mots là . . .<br />
sont dans la langue française, ma langue maternelle,<br />
donc ces mots là sont véritablement les miens.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
La seule verité est que tu mends comme toujours. Ben alors,<br />
fous-moi le camp!<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Doucement, doucement, madame. Tu ne veux pas blesser<br />
l’oreille delicate de la jolie princesse ricaine. M’am’selle<br />
bullshit-motherfucker?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Qui est-ce?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Ben ouais, Karl. Tu la connais bien, hein? Vas-y! Vas-y.<br />
Tire-toi. Mais, avant, qui est l’auteur de ton ordurerie?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(privately to Yvonne)<br />
He seems a little angry.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Of course, dear. I know. It’s just our game. (to Karl) Facho!<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Coco, anarcho,--Aaaaaaaarggggggghhh--Vieille salope!<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Ta gueule! N’essaies pas de me charmer. Tu en veux un autre?<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(to Crossley, re: Yvonne)<br />
Ma princesse! Mon Charlus là, elle ressemble à James<br />
Styoowart, pas vrai? Regarde-moi ça! Jeemmy Styoowart,<br />
c’est pas vrai?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
(to Karl)<br />
Tu ne veux plus? Hein? Casses-toi avec tes camarades<br />
fachos. Les Jeemmy Styoowarts. Les Ronny Rayguns.<br />
Retournez, vous tous, aux chiottes.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
D’accord, d’accord. Mais avant, le verre. Ma très très chère<br />
Charlus.<br />
<br />
[Yvonnes goes to the bar for more wine.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston, really, . . . You know, I can’t come back for<br />
this. I’m on a real short leash. It’s gotta be now.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Of course, dear. This won’t take a second. Karl is just leaving--<br />
(delivering the wine)--aren’t you, my old collaborationist<br />
darling?<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Ch-Aaaaaaaarrrrrrrggggghh! SIDA gafe-toi bien! T’es<br />
affranchi comme personne! T’es bien plus libre, compare<br />
toi-même, que les serfs d’en face! Dans l’autre prison!<br />
Regarde-toi dans la glace encore! Un petit godet pour<br />
les idées! Vote pour mézigues! SIDA t’es victime du système!<br />
Je vais te réformer l’Univers! T’occupe pas de ta nature!<br />
T’es tout en or! qu’on te répète! Te reproche rien! Va pas<br />
réfléchir! Écoute-moi! Je veux ton bonheur véritable!--<br />
Aaaarrrggggghh-- Je vais te nommer Empereur? Veux-tu?<br />
Je vais te nommer Pape et Bon Dieu! Tout ça ensemble!<br />
Boum! Ça y est! Photographie!--<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston!--Monsieur, je vous en supplie! Arrêtez!--<br />
laissez-nous tranquille! . . . Qu’est-ce qu’il se passe?<br />
Vous êtes evidemment fou, monsieur. J’suis très navrée!<br />
Mais on a des affaires très importantes, très pressantes.<br />
Peut être plus tard--<br />
<br />
[Karl falls silent, sullen.]<br />
YVONNE<br />
(Stops Crossley, taking 100ff billet from her bodice)<br />
--No, dear. Ne t’inquiète plus. He’s just leaving. (to Karl)<br />
Ça va ça, mon pote? Écoute. Prends-la. Passes du<br />
côté de chez Villon. Demandes-lui s’il reste des petits<br />
camemberts. D’accord? Tu vois? Vas-y. Achètes-en une<br />
dizaine et reviens directement--fais pas une escale au zinc,<br />
Ok. Tu piges? . . . Vas-y.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne has taken Karl’s glass and she returns to the bar and pours herself another glass of wine. Karl hesitates at the window. Yvonne turns into the room to Crossley, ignoring Karl completely. Karl leaves the window for the gate; which is later heard to open and close.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Now, dear. . . . You were saying?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
My god! What in the world--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, dear. I know. Karl is one of our strange acquisitions--<br />
not unlike Phillip’s art works--not so beautiful, perhaps, but--<br />
Karl is someone Phillip and I have known forever. And, sad<br />
to say, he’s always been just like that. Just like . . . that.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
You know, I saw him in the métro when I got here.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Did you really. Well . . . Yes, the métro. We’ve never<br />
really . . . we never really kept track of Karl. Where he<br />
stays. Where we might find him . . . if we need him.<br />
Seldom needed to find him, really.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, I can imagine. . . . But did you, just now, send him<br />
off to buy you a dozen camemberts? Is that what I heard?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Don’t worry, dear.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Wait! Now, I don’t know what you meant by ‘camemberts’--<br />
I mean--seems a strange way to buy cheese. But--forgive<br />
me, Mrs Weston--but, you know, this interview--this study--<br />
this all has a lot to do with your son’s medication.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
He’ll probably spend that hundred francs on the first thing<br />
takes his fancy. (Very flip) All gone.<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
But , Mrs Weston--god!--You just sent him for--I don’t know<br />
what! Or is Villon’s really just a little cheese shop? <br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
There really is no call for concern. We will never see that<br />
money or any kind of anything--or, with any luck, Karl, again.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Uh-huh. . . . C’est louche, tout ça. Bien louche. . . . D’accord.<br />
(She now really submerges herself in her files, her Psion, or<br />
some kind of mini computer--she becomes quite oblivious to<br />
what’s going on in the room around her.)<br />
. . . Now, what exactly did your husband die of?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
We never found out really. He just disappeared. And after<br />
a certain period of time, we just decided--that is, we . . . were<br />
told that he was dead. Legally . . . dead. Voilà.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
So your son is Phillip Junior?<br />
<br />
[Yvonne returns to the bar. She trades her wine glass for one with a little more volume, and fills it up with wine, killing the bottle and then immediately going through the bar searching for another.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, in actual fact, no. My son is Phillip Alexander. My husband<br />
was Phillip Michael.<br />
<br />
[Her search becomes a little frantic before she finds a new bottle of wine and begins to uncork it and let it breath.]<br />
<br />
[Philly enters SL and seems to be regarding the art work in the entrée. He will, during his stay, change SL back into the métro station.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I don’t think that distinction is ever made in the file.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh? . . . Well, they must not have thought it important.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
No, I think it is important. An oversight. (She’s pouring through<br />
her files) And here it shows your son’s sero-positivity was<br />
determined quite some time ago. It says he’s been H-I-V-positive<br />
since 1986, February ‘86.<br />
PHILLY<br />
Hell, they only started testing for the shit in ‘85. The Department<br />
of Health and Human Services launched HIV on a wacked-out<br />
world in 1984.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
But your husband--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Mon mari a disparu, exactement comme Albertine, before<br />
they started any of this testing. And he wasn’t the sort who<br />
took to such things:--<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Ben ouais! That canker! Oh la la. That cough--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
--incipient tests for incipient disorders.--<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
--c’est la vie! Rien que le prochain pas sur la piste imprudente<br />
de l’esprit déshonoré;--<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
--But your husband was never tested?--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
--Il a trouvé tout ça insoutenable. Il a évité les médecins<br />
comme si vivre dependait de ça.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
--nothing but the automatic blush of matter roused to sensation<br />
and become receptive for that which awaked it.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
And you?<br />
YVONNE<br />
Moi, je m’en fous.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Ah, oui, bien sûr. Malgré tout, votre fils était gravement<br />
malade, ou non? Ton mari savait de la maladie avant<br />
qu’il parte?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, I think so. Yes. . . . Let’s see. . . . Philly was, what?<br />
eighteen, nineteen, when he got his first real adult illness.<br />
. . . He’d been ill quite often as a child--a young child.<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Reading from files)<br />
Says here . . . --<br />
<br />
[Yvonne drinks harder during this.]<br />
PHILLY<br />
(Covering Crossley’s reading)<br />
General inability to thrive. Persistent generalised swollen lymph<br />
glands, persistent oral candida and developmental delay. Then,<br />
twelve months after birth, the capacity of cells to proliferate was<br />
fifty to seventy percent below normal. Recurrent, perhaps chronic,<br />
anemia with subcritical tendency to hemophilia. Elevated leukocytic<br />
levels indicating strong disposition toward leukocytosis and<br />
leukodystrophy. Subject to frequent, severe fevers, diarrhoea.<br />
Frequent inflammations of eyes, ears, nose and throat. Chronically<br />
elevated hepatic enzymes. Gall bladder removed at twenty-four<br />
months. Recurring and severe gastroenteritis from eighteen months.<br />
Positive reactions on TB, CMV, Epstien Barr, Lupus, Mono, Hepatitis<br />
B & C. Chronic gonoccocal conjuctivitis and presence of a highly<br />
resistant residual strain of syphilis. Quite a birthright.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Whoa . . . Quite a survivor, your son. And you--as his mother!--<br />
were never tested? For anything?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I can remember how horrible I felt. I used to shake. All over. . . .<br />
All the time. . . . And he suffered so much--it was absolutely<br />
unbearable. For him, I mean. For Philly. Oh, for all of us. Sure.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I can imagine.<br />
<br />
YVONNE PHILLY<br />
Yes. Can you, really?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
And then the cancers?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Uh, yes, that’s right. . . . Are you sure you won’t have a little<br />
something? To drink, I mean.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne returns to the bar.]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Are you sure you wouldn’t like to fix her one of your famous<br />
loaded apples, Maman?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I quit about two years ago. . . . No, exactly two years, one<br />
month and six days ago--but, then, who’s counting, right?<br />
<br />
[Yvonne refills her glass.]<br />
YVONNE<br />
I see. Yes. Well, good for you, dear. . . . AA?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
No, no.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Scientologie? Hari Krishna? Le Temple du Soleil? Falun<br />
Gong? Ferme-le ton claque-merde quoi!<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Some more water then, dear?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Merci. . . . On peut parler un peu des cancers?<br />
<br />
YVONNE PHILLY<br />
Anything you want, dear. Anything but drug talk.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Cancer in children is especially painful. Their suffering is<br />
so special.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Qu’est cette salope? Lady Di? Merde de Dieu.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes. Of course it is, dear.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Before he came into our program it seems it had moved into<br />
his head. When was that?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
That first one in 1980 was especially vague. It was before<br />
he tested H-I-V-positive. When he was nineteen, I think. And<br />
(she sighs) . . . they removed a tumor from the left-side of his<br />
brain. But it biopsied benign. He was having terrible vision<br />
problems. Terrible headaches.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Nothing those dilaudids couldn’t have knocked out.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
But we weren’t able to get him the proper medication.<br />
The doctors we had . . . they wouldn’t give him what<br />
he needed.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY PHILLY<br />
What he needed? What I needed?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Who was deciding what he needed?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
They were under a great deal of pressure. . . . From the<br />
government . . . . The Health and Safety Code. These<br />
doctors--’croakers’, Phillip called them--would write you<br />
all the Xanax and Thorazine you could eat, but . . . that<br />
wasn’t what we needed--what Philly needed. So his father<br />
. . . this was just before he left for good-- He thought the<br />
surgery--he was convinced this surgery was . . . well, just the<br />
same old quackery he’d saved Philly from when he was a baby.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
How’s that?<br />
<br />
[Now Yvonne and Philly make eye contact across the stage. Crossley, when not in her files, is only on Yvonne.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
He thought the doctors were using the surgeries to keep Philly<br />
in their programs. To keep us from finding him better care.<br />
Better treatments with better medicines. . . . He’d wanted to<br />
just go in and take Philly right out of this program--as if that<br />
were possible. He’d saved him before, you see. And for what?. . .<br />
It was just like after his stomach cancer, the partial gastrectomy<br />
when Philly was six. They took more than half his stomach--<br />
his father just said, ‘ça suffit!’ and took him out of the hospital.<br />
Brought him home. He was only six. And still a baby. And still<br />
all wound up in tubes and drips and bottles of this and that.<br />
He had no hair at all, I remember. And his lips were always<br />
deep blue--purple. Yes. Purple shadows moved all over his<br />
body, under his skin. He never slept--I don’t remember ever<br />
seeing him sleep. And his eyes always bugged out and just<br />
stared. They never followed anything. He just stared straight<br />
ahead. Like he was staring at something right in front of his face.<br />
And with no expression. Just blank. He was six years old. And<br />
he’d had so much of him cut out and thrown away. Before his<br />
body had even had a chance to grow, to regenerate itself, they<br />
just threw a good part of him away. His blood drained and<br />
replaced with the blood of strangers. So many times. And he<br />
never registered pain. He never cried. I don’t recall Philly ever<br />
crying--Ever. In his whole life I can’t remember Philly crying.<br />
The doctors told us he must be in a great deal of pain. But they<br />
would see to that--they would see to treating the pain. But he<br />
never complained. He seldom spoke, . . . except to say he loved<br />
us. Every night when we would tuck him in, he would say he<br />
loved us.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
T’es sûr de ça? T’es bien sûr? Tu ne me confonds pas avec<br />
le jeune Marcel?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
But you’re saying they removed this tumor as part of a research<br />
program?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
So, the brain tumor--I mean, they weren’t saying it was Kaposi<br />
or anything like that. That was what everyone else was coming<br />
down with. ‘83, ‘84. This was before that. This was just a<br />
simple brain tumor--but Phillip couldn’t stand it. Couldn’t<br />
stand the thought of them cutting on Philly’s brain. They’d<br />
been through so much together. And Philly’s boyfriends<br />
always blamed his father--for everything. It was all just too<br />
much for him.<br />
PHILLY<br />
Les salopes.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I’m confused. Why were they operating? This program?--Was<br />
your son getting proper medical care or not? . . . You were still<br />
in the States?<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Ces évocations tournoyantes et confuses ne duraient jamais<br />
que quelques secondes;--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
In Chico, yes. Northern California.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
--souvent ma brève incertitude du lieu où je me trouvais<br />
ne distinguait pas mieux les unes des autres--<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes, I know. With the prison there.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
--les diverses suppositions dont elle était faite,--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
No, dear, that’s Chino. By Los Angeles.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
--que nous n’isolons, en voyant un cheval noir courir,--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Chico is in the Sacramento Valley. With the college.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
--les positions successives que nous montre le kinétoscope.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Sure. Ok. But you said you had trouble getting him proper<br />
medicine?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I don’t remember Philly complaining. About anything. Ever.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
J’étais bien instruit par les tortionnaires, les bourreaux à<br />
l’hôpital. Ce ‘Goodnight. I love you, mommy’, c’était un truc<br />
que j’ai appris pour obtenir les percodans.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
These were research programs your son was in, right? Testing<br />
programs. Just like ours. But what was the problem with his<br />
medications?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
He’d been in programs like these--you see, dear, this was when<br />
the transplant business was really booming. The late 70s.<br />
A good deal was being done searching for anti-rejection drugs.<br />
And since Philly had had so many transfusions--essentiellement<br />
le prémier genre des greffes, on peut dire--ils ont pensé que mon<br />
fils serait le cobaye parfait pour ses médicaments contre-rejet.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
But his immune system couldn’t have been in any kinda shape to<br />
demonstrate if these drugs worked or not. How much more could<br />
they really depress his immune system without flat-out killing him?<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Voilà! Faites vos jeux! La concurrence du Business entre les<br />
banques d’organes, les banque du sangs, et les enterprises<br />
de médicaments est vachement fascinante. La comptabilité aussi.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Je ne sais pas, chérie. Il nous suffit de savoir qu’il s’est toujours<br />
guéri juste à temps pour la prochaine analyse. Le fait qu’il<br />
a continué de vivre, c’était la seule preuve qu’ils ont cherché.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Exasperated, changing tack, diving back into her notes)<br />
So . . . you two came to France in ‘89. Your first contact with<br />
the Association was in December ‘89. Through the Pasteur<br />
Institute. (to Yvonne, very personally) I’d like to meet your<br />
son. He’s here . . . now, right? <br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Certainly, dear.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Oh, yes, please, mummy.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
He’s been unusually quiet since you arrived. He’s usually<br />
beeping me every minute.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I’m very interested in your case--that is, the Association is<br />
very interested in . . . your son’s treatment. How it might<br />
serve to develop new techniques for treating some of these<br />
terrible new diseases--and actually some old ones, too--but<br />
every day we are discovering new treatments, we’re breaking<br />
genetic codes that give us incredible insights into the future<br />
of human health. All this depends on the kinds of tests that<br />
your son takes for us. And . . . Philly’s survival is truly incredible.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, your people have kept Philly going, really, for all these<br />
years. If it weren’t for all those doctors and people at your<br />
organization--for all the help, all the medicines you have<br />
given us, I just don’t know what we’d have done.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
If I weren’t so near death already, this would really make me<br />
sick. Je vais gerber.<br />
<br />
[During this exchange, Philly has converted the SL area back into the Pierre Curie métro station. Philly exits as the lights flicker out SL.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I had many friends in the Eighties who died of Aids.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
You just seem so young for that, dear. They--your friends--<br />
must have been very young too.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oh, well, yes. But . . . I was in my first year at Columbia, and<br />
I hung out with lots of older people. Artists. Theatre people.<br />
Downtown. You know?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
This was what? What year?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oh, I got to Columbia in ‘88. ‘88 through ‘91. I can’t remember--<br />
I lost count of how many friends I lost.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Of course. . . . And you studied medicine? Science?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
No, no. I got an M-B-A in ‘95. I wanted to dedicate myself<br />
to the memory of those friends I lost by working to find a<br />
cure for this horrible disease.<br />
<br />
[Lights flicker back up SL. It is empty but for Karl’s shit which is back on the bench.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Aids?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
That’s right. Do you know that in Africa every one in four<br />
people is H-I-V positive?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Uh-huh. Well, the figure I heard was four out of ten sexually<br />
active people tested positive. An old friend at the World<br />
Health Organization, Guy Zimmerman, was working in Lusaka,<br />
in Zambia. This was 1992. He got the government to launch a<br />
gigantic testing program.<br />
<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Zambia, yes. We’re working that one. And Zimbabwe and<br />
Tanzania. And Uganda. The W-H-O is very helpful. I was<br />
just in Geneva last month.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Indeed. . . . But an M-B-A?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yes?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, dear--I have no idea what’s going on in the Biz Ad<br />
department at Columbia these days--<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I got my M-B-A from Boston College. I did my undergrad<br />
stuff at Columbia. Journalism.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I see. Uh-huh. It’s just--I suppose because I’m so old--and<br />
I’m not questioning your dedication. Please, darling, don’t<br />
ever think that. It’s just that Business--I don’t know--(laughs)<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston. When all my friends, these young men like<br />
your son, were dying and no one knew why, it was Business,<br />
the large pharmaceutical companies, who financed the research<br />
and discovered what was killing them--it was business that<br />
discovered Aids. I believe that Business will also discover<br />
a cure, a vaccine to stop this killer.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I suppose that’s right, dear. Yes. Business did discover Aids.<br />
And Business took Doctor Montagnier away from the Pasteur<br />
Institute, where we would take an occaisonal coffee, and put<br />
him in a lovely corner office at Princeton. And it was Business<br />
that got Gallo and Montagnier fighting over who had the<br />
proprietary rights to rename H-T-L-V and claim the, as you<br />
say, discovery of H-I-V.<br />
<br />
[Karl rushes into Pierre Curie. He is completely out of breath. He sits on the bench and takes a small plastic sack out of his pocket. It contains a number of little white pills. He takes three or four out of the sack, pops them into his mouth, then reaches beneath the bench for his bottle of wine. At first he can’t find it. He becomes frantic--starts choking on the pills--then finds the bottle lying on its side, picks it up and takes a long slash from it to wash down the pills. He then tries to catch his breath. When he begins to speak it is with the slow precision of someone who is already really wired. He stands up and moves around--he is still a total sketch-ball, but the pills seem to have eliminated his manic ejaculations.]<br />
(ALL THIS HAPPENS UNDER--AND KARL’S LINES ARE CONFLATED WITH--THE FOLLOWING EXCHANGE BETWEEN YVONNE & CROSSLEY:)<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
You see, when Phillip was at Duke, he had a good friend at<br />
Burroughs. Dave Thompson. It was Burroughs-Wellcome<br />
then, before Glaxo bought it. Dave worked in research--was<br />
vice-president in charge of research, as I recall. Well, Dave<br />
told Phillip how the whole bordel with H-T-L-V--the Human<br />
T-Cell Leukemia Virus--but, of course, you know that already,<br />
don’t you, dear--sorry--But, you see, Bob Gallo had H-T-L-V one--<br />
or was it three?--no matter--and Montagnier had what he called<br />
L-A-V, and then H-I-V, but it was all just muck drekked up from<br />
blood cultures batched from dozens--or maybe hundreds--of<br />
haemophiliacs and people already diagnosed with Aids.<br />
Different doctors, different researchers, had their own test<br />
groups. Their own patients on whom they ran their tests.<br />
And, well, Philly had been diagnosed and treated as a . . .<br />
. . . haemophiliac most of his life--so, everybody at Triangle Park<br />
was very interested in Philly. He was like one of those high<br />
draft choices the pros are always after. You know what I mean,<br />
right, dear?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Well . . . We do a lot of work with Glaxo, sure, all the big bio-tech<br />
outfits. But are you saying that they were bidding for your son?<br />
Seems a little far-fetched. He did get around though. Man,--<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Bien qu’on dût s’y attendre, cet incident provoqua une grande<br />
émotion dans les milieux médicaux, et même à la Cour, d’où<br />
vinrent des ordres afin qu’on procédât à une enquête sur les<br />
circonstances de cette révocation.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Again very deep into her files)<br />
--I show here, before you came to us, your son was in programs<br />
at Massachusetts Gerneral Hospital, San Francisco General,<br />
Sloan-Kettering, New England Deaconess Hospital, the<br />
National Institute of Health Complex in Bethesda and Walter<br />
Reed, and then at Duke and Cornell. . . . Why were--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, Dave was telling Phillip that everything was going<br />
into retroviruses--you know, all the research, all the journals,<br />
all the funding--and that this opened up a whole new opportunity<br />
for Burroughs. Because Burroughs had been on our case from<br />
the very beginning. </div>
<div style="line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 0.75em;">
CROSSLEY<br />
What does this man at Burroughs--your friend--your husband’s<br />
friend; what did he have to do with your son’s treatment?<br />
<br />
[Philly appears outside at the window UR.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Du fait de ses fonctions à l’hôpital général dont il était<br />
le médecin-chef, il dut, bien qu’il s’en disculpât, sanctionner<br />
dans une certaine mesure la révocation de son fils.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, rien de tout, chérie. Rien de tout. Ce mec--Dave was just a<br />
friend. Just a friend, you know? A friend of the family. But he<br />
pointed us in the right direction. He showed us where the new<br />
therapies were coming from--where the new medicines<br />
. . . take us. He told us about the new tests and AZT and how we<br />
might get Philly some five-star help. Really, how we found you.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Il nous a dirigé vers la thune. La thune et les produits pharma-<br />
ceutiques de bonne qualité. Et de la mine d’or de l’ingénierie<br />
génétique.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
On éloigna donc l’impétueux Philippe dans un voyage d’une<br />
certaine durée. . . . Un voyage vers la douleur--ah, ben oui--<br />
L’homme est un apprenti, la Douleur est son maître. . . .<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I know Wellcome patented the first HIV tests. One of the doctors,<br />
a virologist, at the Association, worked for Chester Beatty Labs<br />
at the Institute of Cancer Research in London where the test was<br />
developed. But Dupont makes a test too. So why do you think<br />
Glaxo--or Burroughs was so interested in Philly?<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
L’homme est un apprenti, le Libéralisme est son sorcier. . . .<br />
Puis l’Autoritarisme est l’apprenti du Libéralisme, et l’homme<br />
est--quoi?--l’homme est l’esclave de ses besoins. . . .<br />
Et puis, il n’avait pas le choix. Qu’aurait-il pu faire?<br />
Attendre que les bourrins se prennent de lui leur grands<br />
panards? </div>
<div style="line-height: 1.6em; margin: 0px 0px 0.75em;">
PHILLY<br />
Yes, mother. Why was that? Just this bag of infected bone<br />
marrow. What would they want with me?<br />
<br />
[The ‘MÉTRO MUSIQUE’ is heard SL. At the same instant the POP MUSIC on the radio is interrupted for the following message spoken by Philly:]<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
(Affecting the voice of a sexy female SNCF fonctionnaire)<br />
Votre attention, s’il vous plaît. Suite à un mouvement social,<br />
tout le trafic sur toutes les lignes du métro et RER est interrompu.<br />
Pour toutes information composez le numero vert de la RATP:<br />
08 36 68 69 70. J’en repete: 08 36 68 69 70.<br />
<br />
[Various reactions are simultaneously registered:]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh la la. Chérie. T’as entendu? Quelles conneries!<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Ben merde alors! J’suis prisonnier ici. Quelle Saloperie!<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Oh, well, . . . This is certainly just what I needed. Fuck!<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
(Himself again--sort of!)<br />
C’est juste le mouvement syndical français. ‘Allons enfants de la<br />
patrie . . .’ C’est tout. Nous sommes tous des soixante-huitards,<br />
non? (chants a couple times) ‘Dans les rues/Avec nous!’<br />
<br />
PAUSE. [Quickly POP MUSIC returns to the radio.] PAUSE.<br />
<br />
[Karl appears like a trapped animal--a trapped animal completely buzzed on crank. He gathers up all his shit and makes like he’s going to split. Several after-thoughts later, with several false starts in several different directions; he decides to crawl under the bench and try to hide himself there under his plastic sheet.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Qu’est-ce que tu vas faire? T’es venue en métro?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Deeply confused)<br />
Moi, ch’ais pas. Enfin, bref . . . . On peut continuer? . . . Merde!<br />
Ma journée est complètement foutue. On pourrait peut être<br />
prendre un taxi?<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Shreiking in pain and fear)<br />
Aïe! Aïïïïïe!<br />
<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Mais non. Bientôt la circulation sera completement congelé--<br />
comme un parking lot.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Yeah. Right. Well . . .<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Il est beau le mouvement syndical français. Ses coups arrivent<br />
toujours juste à temps pour sauver la ferme. Hein, maman?<br />
La ferme!<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Shrieking)<br />
DES CAFARDS! . . . DES CAFARDS!<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Look. I know you are much too polite to mention it-- We’ve<br />
been holding-up your stipend until we can get some tests in.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, dear. Of course.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I think the whole deal with genetic licenses and patent rights<br />
should be left to the legal department. Those guys live in a<br />
world of their own. Right? (laughs)<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Non, non! Aïïïïïïïe, non!<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, you know, dear, I have this same discussion with every<br />
case worker who visits me. Nothing changes.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(In full psychotic meltdown)<br />
Des cafards! Des cafards! Aïe, non! Arrêtez!<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Well, as his mother and closest living relative, you hold<br />
the--I don’t know what to really call it--the proprietary rights<br />
to Philly’s genetic code and whatever it might produce. You<br />
know that, right?<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Pauvre bête.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, I know that, dear.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
And it is certainly not my intention to talk you into anything--<br />
or out of anything--on this thing. Your regular check has<br />
been issued--it’s just waiting on these test results. That’s all.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Now thrashing under the bench)<br />
Ils me devorent! Aïe! Aïïïïïe! Aïïïe! Au secours!<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, well, that’s all very fine, dear. But, you know, it has been<br />
an unusually long time since I’ve received a check from you<br />
people. And, well, Philly’s needs really can’t wait. You know?<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Un syndicat pour les mourant peut être? Pour les assassinés.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Of course, Mrs Weston. I know. There’s just some concern<br />
over the blood work we’ve been getting. We’re having trouble<br />
with replication--replicating the, uh,--replicating the--well, we’re<br />
not getting any consistency in our results. Even running the<br />
H-I-Vs, we’re not getting consistent positives.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
C’est insupportable! Au secours! Au secours! Ça me tue! Arrêtez!<br />
<br />
[Karl breaks out from under the bench and begins pacing SL.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I’m affraid I can’t be of any help there. J’suis . . . juste . . .<br />
enfin, sa mère.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
La pudeur!<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Charlus! Charlus! Aides-moi!<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I think, to get you back on track, we’ll really have to bring<br />
Phillip in to the clinic to have better controls on these tests.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Oh la la.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, dear, I think this is a singularly bad time for that sort of<br />
move.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Charlus! Tu dois m’aider! Charlus!<br />
<br />
BEATS.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston?<br />
<br />
BEATS.<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Charlus!<br />
<br />
BEATS.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston?<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Yes, dear. Uh-huh?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston--I don’t really know how to put this. . . . Unless<br />
we can take your son in to continue the tests--well--There <br />
is just no other way for these tests to continue.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
La déconnante.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Indeed. Well, I’m very sorry to hear that.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I’m not sure you understand me, Mrs Weston.<br />
<br />
[Karl has started counting something on the back wall.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(Improvising in this vein under what follows.)<br />
Un à Charlus. Un à moi. Un à vendre. Un à garder.<br />
Un à l’armée. Un à ma mère. Un à l’OTAN. Deux au Kosovo.<br />
Rien à la Serbie. . . .<br />
<br />
[Philly is now sitting on the window sill UR. Very interested.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, I think I understand. Yes. You’re telling me I’m not<br />
getting my check until I give you Philly. Well . . .<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
No, no, Mrs Weston. It’s more than that. It’s much more . . .<br />
The Association needs to assume tighter control of these tests--<br />
of your son’s care. The Association--if we are to continue our<br />
relationship--our fiduciary relationship--which is much more than<br />
this monthly allocation--as you know. The Association needs to<br />
take full custody--You see, it’s in all our contracts. Genetic patents.<br />
Ancilliary research. Second and third degree derivative medicines.<br />
The Association has the right, at any time, to hospitalize the subject<br />
if failure to do so would in any way jeopardize the research process.<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Voilà<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Well, you and your M-B-A certainly have it all over me as far as<br />
contracts go. But I don’t think you have any idea what you’re<br />
asking--what you’re letting yourself in for.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Please, Mrs Weston, this is in no way a suggestion that you have<br />
failed in any way to care for your son. Pas de tout. It’s all about<br />
the integrity of our research. A great deal is at stake here--and<br />
not just the huge sums that have been invested in it--millions of<br />
lives depend on the integrity of our tests.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Oh, please, dear, spare me the Succor for Suffering Humanity<br />
spiel. You think I’ve spent the last twenty years on an intravenous<br />
drip from CNN and the Scientific American? I learned more about<br />
your ‘killer disease’ and Philly’s hopeless condition from the Wall<br />
Street Journal and The Financial Times than from all your medical<br />
statisticians and scientific social workers--with all your mawkish<br />
plaints about lost loved ones--It’s amazing. You really think being<br />
against Aids, seeking after a cure for Aids, fighting against disease,<br />
is a considered moral position? The high ground? An end that<br />
justifies all the human suffering and exploitation used to reach it?<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Allons-y! À la charge! Juste comme Napoléon.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Mrs Weston, I had no intention--that is, I had no idea you<br />
would feel--you would react this way. If you’d like--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
No, of course not, dear. Of course not. Listen, I’m just going<br />
to freshen this up a wee bit and we can--<br />
<br />
PHILLY<br />
Oh, quelle lâcheté.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Don’t you think you’ve had enough . . . of that . . . for right now?<br />
<br />
[Yvonne goes to the bar and pours herself more wine.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
No, no, no, no, no, no, no, dear. This is definetly not a subject<br />
for discussion. Not today. Let’s deal with Phillip, shall we?<br />
My drinking is a whole other area of research we can take up<br />
some other time. D’accord?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
I didn’t mean--<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
I’m sure you didn’t, dear. Ne t’inquiète pas. C’est peut être<br />
le bon moment pour que tu fasses la connaissance de mon fils.<br />
Tu veux? (LONG PAUSE) Hein?<br />
<br />
LONG SILENCE.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Décidément.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne moves DS from the bar and stands US of the door DR.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Donc. On y va.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Madame. Je veux me faire pardonner. J’suis désolée si<br />
je vous ai insultée.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Non, non, chérie, ça va aller. Maintenant on va voir mon<br />
pauvre. T’es fin prête?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Houais. (That inhaled ‘oui’ that French women do)<br />
<br />
[Crossley has been putting her files away, and she rises and Xs to the door DR.]<br />
<br />
[Karl breaks for SR and continues to improvise as he now seems to count the items in the apartment.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
Ma mère mange à droite . . . Jospin mange à gauche . . . L’armée<br />
mange à droite . . . l’Abbé Pierre mange à gauche . . . (etc.)<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Pardonnes-moi le désordre.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Exiting DR)<br />
C’est moi. Je m’excuse pour mon attitude.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne follows her out the door DR.]<br />
<br />
LONG SILENCE.<br />
<br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
Phillip, darling. This is . . . I’m awfully sorry, dear. I’ve forgotten<br />
your name. ( LONG SILENCE) Dear? Are you all right? (LONG<br />
SILENCE) Dear?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY (OS)<br />
Ggggggrrrrrrrrrrruuuuuuuuuuuuaaaaaaaaaaammmmppphh! <br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
Ça ira, ça ira, chérie. Voilà. Première à droite. Vas-y.<br />
<br />
SOUNDS of UNRESTRAINED VOMITTING.<br />
<br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
Here, let me clean that up. . . . Here . . . She just dribbled a<br />
little here. . . . There . . . There, dear. All done. Poor child.<br />
Too much to drink, I suppose. There you are. Good as new.<br />
<br />
[Crossley rushes on through the door DR, wiping her mouth and fighting for breath.]<br />
<br />
[Karl is now on his hands and knees DR continuing the psychotic improv and counting the fibers in the carpet or the tiles on the floor or something.]<br />
<br />
KARL<br />
(muttering)<br />
St Loupe mange à droite . . . Gilberte mange à gauche . . .<br />
Françoise mange à droite--non, non, à gauche--non, à droite . . .<br />
<br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
Just as good as new. Clean and beautiful is my darling boy.<br />
Yes he is. . . . Yes he is.<br />
<br />
[Crossley goes to the window UR and tries to breathe. She is close enough to Philly to kiss him, but doesn’t notice him at all. When she turns back into the room, she seems half-mad with terror. Her mouth feels like its full of toxic worm shit.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Barely able to form the words)<br />
Mrs Wes-- . . . Mrs West--on? (LONG PAUSE) Mrs Weston?<br />
<br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
J’arrive, chérie. J’arrive.<br />
<br />
[Crossley glances at the bar. Then she stares at it. Then she Xs to it and pours herself a glass of wine and drinks it quickly. She then pours another and drinks it quickly.]<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Almost in a whisper)<br />
I have to go.<br />
<br />
YVONNE (OS)<br />
J’arrive.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(A little louder with the pain)<br />
Oh, god.<br />
<br />
[Yvonne enters and stands just US of the door DR. Karl continues the improv counting a smaller and smaller area DRC. Philly looks on bemused.] <br />
YVONNE<br />
Ça va, chérie?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
Non. Faut que j’y aille.<br />
<br />
[Crossley pours then drinks another glass of wine.]<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Vas-y mollo.<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(re: the wine)<br />
Pardon.<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Et le rapport? Les questions? Et si vous alliez prendre<br />
mon fils?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Struggling with everything)<br />
Mrs Weston . . .<br />
<br />
YVONNE<br />
Et l’argent que vous me devez--que vous nous devez?<br />
<br />
CROSSLEY<br />
(Very big now)<br />
Nom de Dieu! Il n’est pas vivant. C’est pas possible. Non, il est<br />
mort. . . . Mrs Weston, your son is dead! Oh god!<br />
<br />
LONG, LONG PAUSE.<br />
VOICE (OS)<br />
(A male voice [the OS Philly], full of pain<br />
and anger and illness, and heard by both women)<br />
MAAAAAAAAAAAAAAAMMMMMAAAAAAAAAAAANNN!!!<br />
<br />
[Crossley freezes. Yvonne & Philly smile. Karl continues counting nothing.]<br />
<br />
LIGHTS OUT.<br />
<br />
END OF ACT I<br />
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-6749198260601912472018-05-22T13:24:00.000-07:002018-05-22T13:31:24.820-07:00Act I of Black Samba: a Brazilian Dance in Two Unnatural Acts<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a><a class="KEV70 rg_l" href="https://www.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.australiantimes.co.uk%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2015%2F01%2Flizzard.jpg&imgrefurl=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.australiantimes.co.uk%2F7-african-nasties-sure-to-make-aussie-im-a-celebrity-get-me-out-of-here-contestants-scream%2F&docid=pptlTC_iNqrbnM&tbnid=zPZO5hVb3sBIiM%3A&vet=1&w=807&h=540&client=safari&bih=685&biw=1279&ved=0ahUKEwjVpd6rlJrbAhXFuFkKHUaxBHMQwJUBCAMwAA&iact=c&ictx=1" style="background-color: white; font-family: arial, sans-serif; height: auto; text-align: start; width: auto;"><img alt="Related image" class="target_image irc_rii" height="426" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRULidKISK-2GQ5Tcs0WvyqPN5JecSt5p9R_ofVM9BHfyfm5UUTAg" style="height: 80px; margin-left: -20px; opacity: 0.8; width: 120px;" width="640" /></a><span style="font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif; font-size: 22pt;">{This was written in 1995 Paris--my first play from </span><span style="font-family: "calibri" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 29.33333396911621px;">Pré St. Gervais. So, pre-Obama and pre-911; right about the time of the OKC bombing. As garish and extreme as it seemed when it was first presented at Soho Rep in 1997, the current political Guignol makes Black Samba seem contemplative, even effete.--mc}</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 22pt;">Black Samba<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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a Brazilian dance in two unnatural acts<o:p></o:p></div>
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by<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mick Collins<o:p></o:p></div>
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CirqueMinime/Paris<o:p></o:p></div>
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(1995)<o:p></o:p></div>
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130 Forest St., #3<o:p></o:p></div>
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Montclair, New Jersey<o:p></o:p></div>
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USA<o:p></o:p></div>
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All Rights Reserved<o:p></o:p></div>
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From: Thesis Against Occultism <o:p></o:p></div>
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By T.W. Adorno <o:p></o:p></div>
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IX. The cardinal sin of occultism is the contamination of mind and existence, the latter becoming itself an attribute of mind. Mind arose out of existence, as an organ for keeping alive. In reflecting existence, however, it becomes at the same time something else. The existent negates itself as thought upon itself. Such negation is mind’s element. To attribute to it positive existence, ever of a higher order, would be to deliver it up to what it opposes. Late bourgeois ideology has again made it what it was for pre-animism, a being-in-itself modeled on the social division of labor, on the split between manual and intellectual labor, on the planned domination over the former. In the concept of mind-in-itself, consciousness has ontologically justified and perpetuated privilege by making it independent of the social principle by which it is constituted. Such ideology explodes in occultism: it is idealism come full circle. Just by virtue of the rigid antithesis of being and mind, the latter becomes a department of being. If idealism demanded solely on behalf of the whole, the idea, that being be mind and that the latter exist, occultism draws the absurd conclusion that existence is determinate being: <o:p></o:p></div>
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Existence, after it has become, is always benign with a non-being, <o:p></o:p></div>
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so that this non-being is taken up in simple unity with the being. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Non-being taken up in being, the fact that the concrete whole is <o:p></o:p></div>
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in the form of being, of immediacy, constitutes determinateness <o:p></o:p></div>
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as such. <o:p></o:p></div>
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The occultists take literally the non-being as in ‘simple unity with being’, and their kind of concreteness is a surreptitious short-cut from the whole to the determinate which can defend itself by claiming that the whole, having once been determined, is no longer the whole. They call to metaphysics: Hic Rhodus hic salta: if the philosophic investment of spirit with existence is determinable, then finally, they sense, any scattered piece of existence must be justifiable as a particular spirit. The doctrine of the existence of the spirit, the ultimate exaltation of bourgeois consciousness, consequently bore teleologically within it the belief in spirits, its ultimate degradation. The shift to existence, always ‘positive’ and justifying the world, implies at the same time that thesis of the positivity of mind, pinning it down, transposing the absolute into appearance. Whether the whole objective world as ‘product’ is to be spirit, or a particular thing a particular spirit, cease to matter, and the world-spirit becomes the supreme Spirit, the guardian angel of the established, de-spiritualized order. On this the occultists live: their mysticism is the enfant terrible of the mystical moment in Hegel. They take speculation to the point of fraudulent bankruptcy. In passing off determinate being as mind, they put objectified mind to the test of existence, which must prove negative. No spirit exists. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 36pt;">BLACK SAMBA<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "american typewriter" , serif;">a Brazilian dance in two unnatural acts<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Characters: <o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky: a young Latin, not yet twenty, very brown and very beautiful. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V: a middle-aged man, very thin and very white. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis: a woman in late-middle-age, once beautiful, now somewhat flaccid. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil: Mavis’ partner and like her in many ways. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: 18pt;">Place: <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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The estate of Mavis and Cecil in the hills west of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<b><span style="font-size: 18pt;">Time: <o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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An imagined present with an imaginary past and no future.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 16pt;">Act 1 is in June. Act 2, Scene 1 in November; Scene 2 in December.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Acknowledgements:<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 18pt;">John O’Connell, for the courage to face incontinence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 18pt;">Nick Harper, from whose lap top it all sprung.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 18pt;">Teddy Adorno, for daily negations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 18pt;">Danise & Yana, for direction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 18pt;">and<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 18pt;">Paris, enfin.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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ACT 1 <o:p></o:p></div>
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THE SET AT RISE: <o:p></o:p></div>
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Stage L is Cecil’s & Mavis’ living room. There is one door UC, a large mirror on the US wall, and a low glass table CL on which are a trumpet and a chimney glass with a large tropical flower in it. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Stage R is a riser, 5’x5’x3’ high, say, on which sits V, a middle-aged man, very thin and very white, completely naked but for gauze bandages over his eyes. His arms and legs are bound to the metal office chair in which he sits (as time passes, it should become apparent that these bonds are of insufficient integrity to hold him without his compliance), and wires protrude from his crotch, his breasts, and the bandages over his eyes. The wires are connected to a bank of half a dozen Sears Die-Hard batteries stacked SR on the riser, with a big piece of 4.0 cable dropping from them over the front of the riser and running off SR. A microphone is suspended, about a foot above V’s head. <o:p></o:p></div>
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SPOT UP on Nicky in area DS (Nicky’s area). He is a small Latin young man, not yet twenty. He stands at attention wearing a uniform of the streets with several pastel-colored squirt guns strapped down. <o:p></o:p></div>
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He raises his fist in a revolutionary salute. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Somente os trabalhadores e peoes chegaram ate o fin. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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(louder) Somente os trabalhadores e peoes chegaram ate o fin. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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(yells) Viva Che!<o:p></o:p></div>
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SPOT UP (less brightly) on V. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Adio, Ramon! Adio, Catalan! Adio, San Sebastian!<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky changes his salute from a clenched fist to a “V”. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Ate a vitoria sempre! . . . (louder) Ate a vitoria sempre! . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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(yells) Viva Che! Viva Fidel!<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Bessa me, bessa me mucho.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky changes the “V” to the “digita impudica” (he flips the bird). <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Vai te fuder e comer peixe! . . . Viva Che! Viva Fidel!<o:p></o:p></div>
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Viva Gonzalo!<o:p></o:p></div>
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SPOTS OUT on Nicky & V. Nicky exits. <o:p></o:p></div>
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LIGHTS UP SL on glass table. <o:p></o:p></div>
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After SEVERAL BEATS, <o:p></o:p></div>
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DIM LIGHT UP on V. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(He is seized by an Electric Shock)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Millions for charity, and not a dime for justice. . . . We trade in<o:p></o:p></div>
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debt now, almost exclusively. . . . We’re deep in Volume Two,<o:p></o:p></div>
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irrevocably into Book Two, with no memory or understanding or<o:p></o:p></div>
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memory of understanding the first book of Capital: it’s all circulation<o:p></o:p></div>
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now, with no appreciation for production. . . . Self-valorizing value<o:p></o:p></div>
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has burst the surly bonds of the material world and exists in the ethereal<o:p></o:p></div>
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world—the metaphysical world—of interest, derivative securities,<o:p></o:p></div>
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contingent-value rights, commissions and appraisals, and differed<o:p></o:p></div>
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taxation on off-shore trusts and back-end points on distributors’ gross,<o:p></o:p></div>
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and so on, and so on. . . . Commodity fetishism has extended to Credit<o:p></o:p></div>
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and the monopoly that administers it. . . . You are what you own, what<o:p></o:p></div>
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you’re owed, the amount of debt you control below you, which is always<o:p></o:p></div>
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mortgaged, or leveraged, sounds less morbid, to ten, twelve times its<o:p></o:p></div>
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value. The note held over your head (like Excalibur or the executioner’s<o:p></o:p></div>
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axe) by those above you. That is, you loathe those who owe you and<o:p></o:p></div>
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revere those to whom you are indebted. Or is it the other way round?<o:p></o:p></div>
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No matter, for these are no longer real considerations, but merely<o:p></o:p></div>
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reflexive responses to the cudgels of Credit. . . . The entire canon<o:p></o:p></div>
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of World Literature, both secular and ecclesiastical, both poetry and<o:p></o:p></div>
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prose, both the arts and the sciences, both male and female and all<o:p></o:p></div>
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around and in between: it’s all smoke, incense smoke, and rhinestone<o:p></o:p></div>
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glitter to distract human attention from the stinking fact: all results<o:p></o:p></div>
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from material coercion—irresistible gravity, the pull of the grave. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s probably too late to make it right, now. . . . Right now. . . . That’s<o:p></o:p></div>
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what’s wrong: Right now. . . . Mourn the pasts and fear tomorrow<o:p></o:p></div>
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and the terrible retribution it must bring. But damnation is right now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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This prison, endowed in the name of Bad Faith, from which no amount<o:p></o:p></div>
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of wealth, no delusional good deeds, no medication will buy your release.<o:p></o:p></div>
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. . . Even death is not a release. . . . The thrill of murder, perhaps, but so<o:p></o:p></div>
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brief. . . . We bought misery on margin, and sold our decency short. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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Well, as Nicky says, “Fuck ‘em in the ass and feed ‘em fish!”<o:p></o:p></div>
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And if they don’t like it, fuck ‘em in the ass again.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky enters UC. He has one of his squirt guns in hand. He CROSSES to glass table and puts a set of keys on it. He exits UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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SEVERAL BEATS. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Responding to Electric Shock)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Isn’t it odd? . . . It is not odd.<o:p></o:p></div>
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(The following scene, the dialogue of which can be conflated, is played with actors entering and exiting the stage intermittently, speaking their lines on and off stage at the director’s discretion; and though the two actors might be on stage at the same time, they should not exchange lines on stage.) <o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis and Cecil are a couple well along into late-middle-age. Like all couples who have been together some time they have come to resemble one another in uncanny ways. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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. . . but how can you remember Shanghai, what actually happened<o:p></o:p></div>
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in Shanghai? Thirty years ago.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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It was only twenty, really. (Coughs) When daddy brought the four<o:p></o:p></div>
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of . . . –No, quite right. Thirty. It was thirty. Yes, indeed, you’re<o:p></o:p></div>
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quite right, thirty years. What do you mean how can I remember?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
It was like only yesterday, my god, how would I have forgotten that<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
beastly time. . . (Coughs) Like yesterday.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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(Cecil coughs regularly, or irregularly, throughout.) <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
I was there, darling, too. I was with you. I don’t remember a thing—<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
not really—not a thing about that time. . . . Well, I do remember gin<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
and bitters at the Barres’, and Jack coming back from Tashkent with<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
hashish—but not really—not really remembering. Not real memories.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
That little bastard will turn up late. Just wait and see if I’m right.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Little cockroach, with all his little games and schemes. . . . His<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
bows and scrapes. . . . Little brown bugger . . . little spic . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
faggot. . . . If he turns up late—he’s like every driver we’ve ever<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
had: goddam little felonious fuck! You teach these little wogs to<o:p></o:p></div>
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drive and immediately they go into business for themselves and treat<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
you like a fucking mushroom. If he turns up late—<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Darling, here, come let me freshen your drink before you get an<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
embolism. Bring your glass here. Nicky will be here when he<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
gets here. Come here. Bring your drink, darling. . . . It’s just such<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
a long time ago. Like it no longer ever really happened. . . . Only<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
thirty years. Thirty years, lost. . . . Wasn’t Shanghai lovely?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Wasn’t it a beautiful place then?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Think you’re getting potty. Best leave the pitcher with me. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
If we turn up late and stewed, Bitsy and her lot will be unbearable. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
You simply refuse to accept the passage of time—you feel by blotting<o:p></o:p></div>
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out the memory, you’ll be able to cancel the years have passed. Well,<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
you needn’t bother, the years have been quite gentle to you, my love.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
You’re living proof of moderation’s gifts. . . . Absolutely nothing in<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
excess, right, darling? . . . That little Portagee prick!<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
When you can pry it from my cold, dead hand. Maman will dispense<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
the last of the joyful juniper berries. . . . And he’s not due for another<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
five minutes. Relax.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Daddy had this little Chinaman would take him back and forth to<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Tsing Tau. Worshipped daddy. . . . This little . . . fag, Nicky . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
he’s probably off with his mates—<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
He’s to be here at half-five. Why are you blathering?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Daddy’s little Chinaman would take me home to his family. Take<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
me down river in his punt. To the opium house. To the racetrack.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Darling, do you have any cash? I can’t seem to find my beaded bag.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Do you have any cash, dear?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Hum yum sum yum sum sa ya. He lived in Chinatown. Remember<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
I took you, showed you Zhao’s house in Shanghai? Behind that great<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
market in Chinatown. You remember?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
God, I hope I didn’t leave it at Mario’s. It had all my cards in it, and<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
those beads you gave me. . . . Do you have any cash, Cecil?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Sy oh ling ling bo bo. Yes, maman, I have money. My god, you’re<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Djuna Barnes with a martini.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
(They have finally come together on stage.) <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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BEATS. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Hope Nicky remembers gin.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
(This exchange is difficult.) <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
(Coughs) Two bites, back of my head.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
Pause. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Uh huh.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Yes, right at the top. Bottom of where the bald spot might be.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
(Coughs)<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
Pause. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
And that’s why you’ve got this congestion?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Well . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
BEATS. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
You noticed the congestion before or after you noticed the bites?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
BEATS. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
No, Dolly, . . . I think it was—I don’t really remember when I noticed<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
the bites . . . really. But the congestion, the cough . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
Pause. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Yes, of course. The TB.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
No, no. Of course. But this time, Molly. This spate . . . My god, it’s<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
been . . . They’re damn curious bites. I think it was consequential, Dolly.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Consequential: the bites then the congestion. I noticed the bites, then the<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
congestion.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
When did you notice the bites? You’ve had this cough days now.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
When did you notice the bites?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Well . . . I noticed them—well, . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
So the noticing was consequential. Isn’t that it, CC? Because you’ve<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
had this cough some time now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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No . . . Well, yes. I have, yes. . . . May I have a bit more of Mavis’<o:p></o:p></div>
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Ma’velous Med’sin, bo bo ah?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Mavis pours him more martini. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Bo bo ah, kamas ka ma, Johnny got a lickin’, so ha ha ha.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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So the noticing was consequential.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, Molly, the noticing of the phenomena was consequential. Though<o:p></o:p></div>
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the phenomena themselves were merely consecutive. Yes, it was the<o:p></o:p></div>
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noticing. It was noticing the bites that caused me to notice, or perhaps<o:p></o:p></div>
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re-notice, the congestion. Kamas kam ah? Causation appeared only<o:p></o:p></div>
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after the noticing, yes.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Perhaps more vermouth.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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And though it’s preposterous to assume that these bites caused my<o:p></o:p></div>
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congestion—there is something about the sequence of noticing the<o:p></o:p></div>
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bites then the congestion that makes one, however hysterically,<o:p></o:p></div>
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to assume that the one brought on the other. Damn foreign country.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Damned exotic bugs. Viruses. Straight from hell. Thank god for gin.<o:p></o:p></div>
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And you, my dove. My Dolly.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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You look just splendid, CC. . . . As do I, I’m sure.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Nicky enters his area DS. He sets about filling his squirt guns from a heavy porcelain bottle. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Responding to an electric shock)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Isn’t it odd? . . . Is it not odd?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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It is queer. They had to bribe Delbert with two million quid to run<o:p></o:p></div>
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Brazoro. Two million, the farm in Surrey, the ten-place De Haviland<o:p></o:p></div>
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and a Jag for Bitsy. Just to run that bloody hole.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Bitchy wrecked the Jaguar first time out. And I’d hardly call what Del<o:p></o:p></div>
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does running anything.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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And yet these sunburnt little buggers will work their short lives away<o:p></o:p></div>
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in his bloody pit, slogging their guts out fourteen, sixteen hours a day<o:p></o:p></div>
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for a dish of watery soup and a drafty place to shit. Exceedingly queer.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Isn’t it queer? . . . Are you queer, Nicky? . . . You can see why they<o:p></o:p></div>
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might not be the nicest boys. Why their amusements might bend<o:p></o:p></div>
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toward the painful, the violent.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Her surgeon has her on some unregistered medications—<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Just a load of colourfully turned out cocaine, you ask me.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, I don’t think so. Doctors down here have gotten quite sophisticated <o:p></o:p></div>
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since the War.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Responding to electric shock)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, indeed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Same old cotswollow: cocaine and opium and belladonna<o:p></o:p></div>
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and how-you-been-keeping all done up with great quantities<o:p></o:p></div>
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of alcohol.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Dr. Colis Brown does more than Milton can to justify God’s ways to Man?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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All petroleum based.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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What?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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All extracted from petroleum—the carbon-based molecules—<o:p></o:p></div>
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the carbon molecules, I don’t know—it’s like those sugar substitutes.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Medicines?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I really believe the Bosh started it. Thought it up.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Hitler was cut off from his Turkish opium fields.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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‘Started’—?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Synthesizing.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Adolophine Hitler.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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What?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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From petroleum. Medicines from petroleum.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
You mean like Vaseline?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Petroleum jelly—right, Nicky?—the first-aid kit in a jar. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Good for what impales ya.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
No! Not like Vaseline—well, yes, like Vaseline, but these molecules<o:p></o:p></div>
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are adapted to resemble all the—<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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God, where is that boy?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
V<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
But Hitler didn’t have access to the Rain Forest. To the Natural Medicines.<o:p></o:p></div>
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to the hyperventilating leaves of the mountains or the soporific blossoms<o:p></o:p></div>
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of the fields. Coal from Selesia. Maybe oil from Baku, if he could work it.<o:p></o:p></div>
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He couldn’t. Twenty million Russians saw to that. They saved it all for<o:p></o:p></div>
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Arco and Esso. Hitler was just way under-capitalized is all.<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Responding to electric shock)<o:p></o:p></div>
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That’s all. Right, Nicky?<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Another shock)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, mother necessity.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I really think it’s what keeps them together. . . . <o:p></o:p></div>
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His work and her addictions.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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God, Molly, don’t say that when I so need another helping of<o:p></o:p></div>
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your deliciousness.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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She pours the last few drops into his glass. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Say goodbye.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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This can’t be the end.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Pray for the end.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Until Bitsy’s. Or if you can get Nicky to go. Send for his drinks boy.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Let’s just drink Del’s liquor. Get some of our bridge money back. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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The world-wide petroleum conspiracy, CC. It does not end with your<o:p></o:p></div>
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motor car. It goes to the blood in your veins.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’m sure it does, Dolly, and mine is running exceedingly thin. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky’s probably screwing the little drinks boy, over his bicycle<o:p></o:p></div>
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seat, right now. Dammit!<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Cecil exits UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Now you mention it: Lately we’ve had a good deal of very hard<o:p></o:p></div>
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money going into Riyadh, Jeddah, Glaxo-Wellcome joint venture<o:p></o:p></div>
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in Saudi, Al-Haya Medical Company, all bio-tech deals.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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How do you gratify yourself, Nicky? Breaking your young<o:p></o:p></div>
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countrymen open like goose-guns? Feeding them your eight<o:p></o:p></div>
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gauge, double-aught buckshot loaded cartilage. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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Sweet Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Nicky has finished filling his squirt guns, takes his bottle, and exits. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Mavis crosses US to mirror. She looks into it for SEVERAL BEATS. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Hello, how are you? . . . Hello, it’s lovely, isn’t it? Lovely.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Just lovely. . . . Hello, dear. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Electric shock) How is your daughter? How is your profoundly,<o:p></o:p></div>
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grotesquely, birth-defective child? . . . How is your handicapped,<o:p></o:p></div>
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lovely little girl?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Delightful, just delightful. She sends me cards, beautiful cards,<o:p></o:p></div>
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at least once a month. She’s such a good girl. And she adores<o:p></o:p></div>
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her new school—just adores school. Adores Switzerland.<o:p></o:p></div>
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And the nuns—she so loves the nuns—oh, and they her.<o:p></o:p></div>
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My darling little thing. My darling.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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How long have you had her locked away in that bin?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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She’ll be sixteen in December. Growing like a little weed. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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She is such a joy to both of us. To CC especially. Finds such<o:p></o:p></div>
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joy in her little cards. Her little pictures. She makes them herself,<o:p></o:p></div>
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don’t you know.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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I can imagine. Correspondence from a child without hands, or arms,<o:p></o:p></div>
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with a brain-shunt, maintained on a respirator and dialysis machine,<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Electric shock) must be quite a giggle. (Shock) And once a month,<o:p></o:p></div>
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you say. At least. Proustian.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Mavis leaves the mirror. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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They say she’s making great progress. We’ll be happily surprised<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
when we get back for holidays. They say she is making leaps and<o:p></o:p></div>
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bounds. . . . Oh yes, yes, she’ll be back with us in no time at all.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Maybe not in Rio. . . . Maybe not the best place—the place best<o:p></o:p></div>
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suited for a crippled child. A girl child. After all, you know how<o:p></o:p></div>
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they treat children here. Whole children. –Poor children.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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After CC left Daiwa—the institute—The Daiwa Institute—he joined<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
the Settlements Bank—it’s the Daiwa Institute for Social Research,<o:p></o:p></div>
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I think, —no, just Research, I think—but we were with the Settlements<o:p></o:p></div>
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Bank in Basel, and, you know, —Development . . . the developing world–<o:p></o:p></div>
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And it just seemed, —it all seemed so perfect. When she came.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Punishing her for surviving her birth . . . Of course your pregnancy was<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
no day at the beach, was it? But still, you can’t blame little . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Mary Ellen. . . . Mary Ellen. CC’s mother and grandmother.<o:p></o:p></div>
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All I got were the stretch marks. (Laughs) CC was re-posted<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
so quickly, we really had no chance to show her off. Pity.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
But that’s the life, isn’t it? Oh, our families understand.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
They have to, don’t they?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
Cecil enters with a drink in each hand. He goes to Mavis and gives her a drink. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt;">
Nicky enters from UR on to the riser. He carries a pan and a small white towel. <o:p></o:p></div>
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He kneels beside V, unbinds his L foot, and begins to wash it. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Careful.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
What a mess! God awful mess.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Where’d you find this? What is it?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
V<o:p></o:p></div>
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You’re late.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Basta de falar ingles par hoje.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Called Del’s to say we’d be late. Neither’s there yet.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky in the kitchen? He get you the drinks?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Only English now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh no. Not in this bloody lifetime. Made ‘em myself, didn’t I?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Out of my bleeding tackle box, didn’t I?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Your hands feel good.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cheers.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Afraid I haven’t your genteel touch.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Indeed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Did you bring the book?<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Carried off by Gypsies were they?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Si—yes, the book. . . . You think I understand less English.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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No, I think they understand less English.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Their girl said she’d be along straight away. Said she’d called<o:p></o:p></div>
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from Vieira Souto.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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This is absolutely ghastly. Tastes like turps—or that putrescence<o:p></o:p></div>
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you lived on in Tsing Mai. Bogswhattah, was it?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, Molly, something like that.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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The book?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Your feet are getting harder. The more I rub . . . I have it.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I say let’s go up there, sack the place—take their etchings down<o:p></o:p></div>
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to Feira de Acari—let’s not forget the liquor, there’s gallons of it<o:p></o:p></div>
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up there—and piss off before Bits and Del get back.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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But really, CC. This swill will have us barking like dogs and smelling<o:p></o:p></div>
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like dry cleaning.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s as if I no longer understand the things I had to tell you. My ideas . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Don’t. I understand.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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But Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Of course, yes, Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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He should have returned by now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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How can you? (ind. batteries) I think these are too weak. I don’t<o:p></o:p></div>
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feel it as much.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky goes to the other side of V and does the other foot. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Can you find more? Just one more, until we can finish.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Your faith was ill-founded, my duck.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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He’s—<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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—a blaggart. A dirty, little brown blaggart.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Please stop now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Just a little more. You will see.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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(ind. drink) Really, CC, you didn’t even try.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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You know I can’t find anything. I grabbed the first thing looked<o:p></o:p></div>
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clear and spiritual.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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It will relax you.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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No, I need more. To work. . . . Please.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I feel like an autopsied cadaver. Can’t you smell the Casualty Ward?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Not yet. . . . Be still. . . . Just see.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s all for your little Nicky. How dependable. . . . Lord!<o:p></o:p></div>
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Del and Bit know how he treats us.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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You have grown . . . so . . . old, Nicky. So much older. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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Even just now. Here. Now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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My little Nicky? How’s that?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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You’re always his advocate. Mavis for the Defense.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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You’re like a cat when I rub you. You get—<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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He was Del’s gift to you, as I recall. –Del’s welcome to Rio present to you.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Stop. Please. Now. . . . You must find me fresh power so<o:p></o:p></div>
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we can work.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’d have chucked him out.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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You surely would not have, dear boy. You wouldn’t offend Delbart<o:p></o:p></div>
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that way.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Just a small minute more. Your nails need cutting.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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“Paring”, yes. . . . But I need the pan. Now. Please be good to<o:p></o:p></div>
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me now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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He meant nothing to Del. He’d been trying to get rid of him<o:p></o:p></div>
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for months.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Nicky kneels between V’s legs, facing him. He empties the pan. As V rises slightly, with painful effort, Nicky slips the pan onto the chair and V sits in it. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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You can’t be serious. Nicky ran their household—their whole staff.<o:p></o:p></div>
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He meant a great deal to Del.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky’s hands have disappeared in front of him, and his head is lowered toward V. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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You’re a good boy. A good man. You’re a good man.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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And Bits, too, I should think.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Please be good. Be very good. . . . Oh, Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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You’re quite serious. About Bits, I mean. . . . You think that<o:p></o:p></div>
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little devil Nicky was—<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, Cecil, don’t be a child. . . . Cecil, have you heard from the home?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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From Basel? Those bleeders are never off my line. Don’t know<o:p></o:p></div>
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when they have time for the rest of the world.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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No, the home. Sainte Bernadette’s.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I just need to know.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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You know very well.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Please. Oh, please. . . . Be a good man. Be a good man.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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She may need me. . . . Us.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Her needs, believe me, are being met. . . . Unlike ours, at the moment,<o:p></o:p></div>
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I am loathe to say.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, Cecil.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Of course, darling.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, darling. Yes, darling boy. You are so good to an old man.<o:p></o:p></div>
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To an old, sick man.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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But he’s always struck me as such an absolute . . . little . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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turd burglar. With all his make-up and disco pals.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Who?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Who? Yassar Arafat. . . . Nick, of course.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Well . . . what about Delbart? Surely all his business hasn’t<o:p></o:p></div>
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blinded you to how wet Del is.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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My Dolly. How really wicked you can be. . . . You know,<o:p></o:p></div>
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you’re quite right about this stuff. I feel right on the verge<o:p></o:p></div>
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of psychic impaction. On the border of a blackout.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, stop it.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Are you clean yet?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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You must get me some fresh power. Please. Right away.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, I know. Like every other businessman—Christian businessman—<o:p></o:p></div>
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I always found that so charming about Del, his embracing the faith.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky, I can’t do this anymore.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky takes the pan from under V. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; text-align: center;">
Justifying that potted CV. I mean, French Indo-China, indeed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MI6 and the Paris Club. Indeed, indeed.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Even with all your help.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Now don’t get started. There’s no use.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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I will try.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Nicky rebinds V’s leg and exits the riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s just that I don’t see the necessity of it.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Just one more. A fresh one, please.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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The necessity?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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That’s right.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Of what? His Christianity?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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His Christianity. His Judaism. His Islam.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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This is interfering with me.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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When he ran the renal and retina bank, the eye and kidney pie trust,<o:p></o:p></div>
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down in Bangalore or somewhere in the south, Southern India,<o:p></o:p></div>
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you know, you don’t think he was a Christian then, do you?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Used to say he could get you multiple organ transplants for less<o:p></o:p></div>
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than it would cost you to join a health spa. He used to fly these<o:p></o:p></div>
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rich Europeans, sick Southeast Asians, in to this little beach in<o:p></o:p></div>
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the Lebanon and let them pick out their own organ donors, from<o:p></o:p></div>
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among the sun bathers. Now that’s banking.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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But he has been quite successful. And loyal. And contributed<o:p></o:p></div>
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to your success—ours.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Of course. Free Soviet Jewry and all that Papal bullshite about<o:p></o:p></div>
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just wars in the Balkans, and buying short sterling to spiff up all<o:p></o:p></div>
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that income from paving Wog-World with Soros’ nasty little,<o:p></o:p></div>
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limb-chewing land mines—god knows under what relic-encrusted<o:p></o:p></div>
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rubric that was done. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, hurry little Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mind how you go. After all.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, I know, darling. After all. I’m his humble hand-maiden.<o:p></o:p></div>
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But I don’t have to deal spiritually with the mullahs in Bosnia<o:p></o:p></div>
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and their rental agreements with the UN or share a chillum with<o:p></o:p></div>
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the Mujahadin or celebrate Buddhist fertility in the Golden Triangle<o:p></o:p></div>
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or god-knows-who they pray to in Medellin.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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No, Cecil. He’s your friend.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, Dolly, Dolly, my dear Dolly.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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You can’t know the half of it. The half and half of it.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s all bits or bytes—it’s all just info to me. Oh, the immiseration of<o:p></o:p></div>
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the world is on my things-to-do-today list as well. Don’t get me<o:p></o:p></div>
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wrong. I live to spread toil and slow suffering and to assure that<o:p></o:p></div>
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death will come only when despair is complete, just like the next<o:p></o:p></div>
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fellow in the old Business Community. But unlike Del and his lot,<o:p></o:p></div>
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I don’t pretend I’m saving the world from, I don’t know, Bolshevism,<o:p></o:p></div>
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or Paganism, or—Rosacrucianism—I don’t know. Bull jism. I’m<o:p></o:p></div>
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just doing the best I can to keep gin on the table, and getting precious<o:p></o:p></div>
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little help from the fucking help. Nicky! God damn you!<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’m going to make some coffee, CC. God, you’ve poisoned us, you have.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis exits UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS (OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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There’s some Dexedrine, old, in my Louis Vee. It’s ‘pro-war’,<o:p></o:p></div>
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as they used to say. But you might try it, CC. Really.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky re-enters riser with an automobile battery. <o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, Molly, it’s only alcoholism—but I like it. I think one of us<o:p></o:p></div>
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will have to go down the hill.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky begins to hook up the battery to the bank of Die-Hards. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Will that be enough, you think?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil goes to glass table and finds keys. <o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL <o:p></o:p></div>
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I’ll be screwed blue and tattooed. . . . Molly. <o:p></o:p></div>
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As Nicky exits the riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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You will tell me.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil exits UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL (OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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The vermin has been and gone.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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I feel nothing.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Wait. . . . There.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V is seized by Electric Shock. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes. But . . . Very slight, I’m afraid. Very weak.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY (OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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This timer . . . something is . . . here.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V is again seized. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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I can’t be sure. Just bring the book. Hurry.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Shouting)<o:p></o:p></div>
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No, CC! I won’t have you wrecking the car.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky re-enters riser with a book. He kneels at V’s side and opens the book. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY (Reading)<o:p></o:p></div>
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“The essence of a hedge fund is the ability to bet either way,<o:p></o:p></div>
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and profits are magnified by borrowing.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes. That was last time. Further on.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Ah, I don’t know. Here. (Reading) “I decided the overpriced currency<o:p></o:p></div>
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was doomed. The Wampum Fund was able to borrow five million pounds<o:p></o:p></div>
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and change it into German marks at a rate of two point seven nine to the<o:p></o:p></div>
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pound. Once Sterling collapsed, I sold the marks back for less, repaid<o:p></o:p></div>
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the loans and pocketed the difference: nine hundred fifty-eight million<o:p></o:p></div>
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dollars, to be precise.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, That’s right.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil, don’t be idiotic.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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I don’t understand.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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No, of course not. Go on.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Reading) “This technique of betting markets either way, combined<o:p></o:p></div>
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with access to unlimited and unprecedented lines of credit, have<o:p></o:p></div>
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allowed me to turn my attentions to the broader horizons of<o:p></o:p></div>
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philanthropy—literally, to express in its fullness my love for my<o:p></o:p></div>
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fellow man.” . . . Sir . . . ? Are you sure?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Listen. Take this down. You have a pen?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky takes a pencil from his pocket. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, sir. Go on.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis enters UC with coffee cup. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Call Dead Clive’s, the drinks boy will bring it. I won’t have you<o:p></o:p></div>
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killing yourself in our beautiful car. You can’t drive sober, Cecil,<o:p></o:p></div>
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god, slow down.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Dictating)<o:p></o:p></div>
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“The critical problem is”—no, make that “lies”—“The critical problem<o:p></o:p></div>
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lies in the transfer of surplus value from the public sphere to the private<o:p></o:p></div>
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sphere”—no, get rid of “public sphere”; make it, “the transfer from public<o:p></o:p></div>
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to private spheres.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Reading)<o:p></o:p></div>
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“The critical problem lies in the transfer of surplus value from the public<o:p></o:p></div>
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to the private spheres.” . . . More?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Something’s wrong with that.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Isn’t it just taxation in reverse?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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The batteries are not working.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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I think it’s the timer.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky exits riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Perhaps if he were dead. The insurance . . . pension. I would<o:p></o:p></div>
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miss him. . . . No. . . . I’d have Mary Ellen to spend time with.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Such time as I have left. . . . It was really too late . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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“Spheres”, plural is wrong. It doesn’t scan. If I drop the article.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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But I wanted her. She is mine. My life.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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The bloody fucking car is dead. Dead as old dead Clive.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Crank won’t turn.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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This whole thing . . . I can no longer . . . Nicky, where are you.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Blast!<o:p></o:p></div>
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V is seized by a large jolt of Electricity. <o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL <o:p></o:p></div>
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(OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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The phone’s gone dead. Bloody hell.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Ah . . . Nicky . . . god.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil enters UC drinking from a small bottle of cologne. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Bless me, I think I’ve soiled myself. . . . Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I can’t get the phone to work, Molly. Give it a go, will you.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky re-enters riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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I ran it through the house current.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky picks up and opens the book. He prepares to write. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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What on earth?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Now go on.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’m a bit off, but (Dictating) “This can be achieved by the manipulation<o:p></o:p></div>
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of interest rates, both short and long term.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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What on earth?<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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A present from dear dead mumsy, . . . sent seasons ago. Just froo-frooing<o:p></o:p></div>
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up for our evening, Dolly. Do go give dear old Dead Clive’s a knock-up.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Let me see, (Dictating) “Differences of nearly two percentage points in<o:p></o:p></div>
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three-month rates and of point six percentage points for ten-year”—Nicky,<o:p></o:p></div>
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who knows we’re here?<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s the Wares’ I should call. Make apologies. This is becoming quite<o:p></o:p></div>
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impossible.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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They must know the car is back.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, don’t be daft, Mavis. I’m as right as ruddy fucking rain. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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And Del’s the only hard money I have in my brochure.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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But you, nobody. I’m sure.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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So don’t even think of canceling. . . . If he decides to trade me for some<o:p></o:p></div>
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nice soft World Bank money—claim that slag pit is a wet-lands and get<o:p></o:p></div>
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fucking Ducks Unlimited to sponsor a restructuring—we’ll be dining out<o:p></o:p></div>
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of tins and drinking from the loo.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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We must hurry then.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil, you’re frightening me. Let’s have a bit of a lie down,<o:p></o:p></div>
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wait for Nicky. When he gets back, he can sort this out. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh god, Cecil.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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I can’t think.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Better idea. Get on the bleeding phone. Right now. Get on the<o:p></o:p></div>
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bleeding phone. Call bleeding Bits’. Tell her no bleeding ice,<o:p></o:p></div>
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no bleeding lemon wedge. Send their bleeding driver. Failing that.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Get down the bleeding hill to bleeding Dead bleeding Clive’s,<o:p></o:p></div>
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pick up a gallon of gin and use his bleeding phone.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Failing that—<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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No. No more, CC.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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The timer. Something’s wrong with the timer. It’s been some time.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh? Oh, really.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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It will have to be manual. –I don’t know how we can keep<o:p></o:p></div>
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this up. . . . We have the tapes, but . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, right. Quite so. You . . . are . . . quite right.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I want to see Mary Ellen.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Of course.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I miss her. . . . I miss . . . Mary Ellen.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Write this, please. . . . Oh, . . . but can you see to the timer?<o:p></o:p></div>
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First, please.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’m really very sorry, you know? . . . She is being very well<o:p></o:p></div>
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cared for, you know? . . . My love.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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We have the tapes. I’ll check.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky exits riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I want her with us.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh my.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Electric shock) Oh my. . . . The growing alienation of the<o:p></o:p></div>
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labouring world, madam, from the world of concentrated surplus<o:p></o:p></div>
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value, sir, which both sustains and is sustained by it; the increasing<o:p></o:p></div>
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animosity created by the on-going attempts at organization and<o:p></o:p></div>
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re-organization across this gulf between the Developed World and<o:p></o:p></div>
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the Under-developed World, generally referred to as the rich and poor,<o:p></o:p></div>
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respectively, . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Can we just do this first. Then we can talk of baby Mary.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mary Ellen. We’ll talk about Mary Ellen.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Please try to get hold of Bitsy. . . . And . . . I am really quite sorry,<o:p></o:p></div>
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darling.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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The theory of value which operates— . . . oh. . . . The . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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The isolation.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Isolation.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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We’re so far away. So . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Incredibly far, yes.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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The . . . ory. Theo . . . ree. . . . (softly) Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I never bargained for this.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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No bargain. No bargaining, no. . . . Molly, please.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(softly) Nicky. Thee . . . o . . . ree. . . . The oree . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Never questioned. Never challenged you.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Let’s not sell ourselves short here.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’ve been the perfect collaborator. Servile and silent.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Thee . . . ory . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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One of your moods. One of Mavis’ gin moods?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Thee . . . ory . . . gin. The origin.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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NO! . . . Oh yes. It is.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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There’s nothing wrong . . . with . . . that. With you, my—<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Capital is self-valorizing.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Love of might. The comfortably homeless.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I don’t know how comfy . . . I would be much more so if we could<o:p></o:p></div>
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address the gin problem.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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I haven’t the strength. To walk to Clive’s. And back up the hill.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I’m sure you’d find a lift back.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil, . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Unrestricted growth. . . . Intrinsic force.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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This congestion’s . . . the old TB’s got me where—(Big Cough)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Maybe some codeine. Tackle this cough. Any left? And those<o:p></o:p></div>
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antibiotics you picked up in that vide grenier—where was that?<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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He’s probably down digging in that clubhouse of his.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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In Normandy. Yvestot? Gerponville? . . . How’s that?<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Just by the Jaca. The old warren.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Afraid I’m left-luggage, darling.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Right so.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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You might try my Louis Vee for those codeine as well.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis exits UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS (Exiting)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Look there, but I think you’ve already taken all the antibiotics, CC.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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I see why that luggage is so dear.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil finishes the cologne and exits UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky. If the boys’ club is to continue to meet . . . No, you must<o:p></o:p></div>
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tell your mother that her Avon can no longer be protected. . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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The theory . . . theory . . . Industrial capital . . . without access to<o:p></o:p></div>
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cheap power . . . free water . . . free water . . . the little nigger<o:p></o:p></div>
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was right: the pyramids were built by levitation. (groans)<o:p></o:p></div>
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The magic subversion of labor power. . . . Franchises, Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Your mother, the Amazonian Avon lady. . . . I’m sorry, Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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We haven’t the power . . . to drive . . . them out.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky re-enters riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Todos estao mortos. All the circuits.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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No matter.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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I don’t know about the tape.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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You must get word to your mother . . . and your cousin.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Yes, your cousin and his cousins must go to meet the Lithuanian<o:p></o:p></div>
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musician . . . Serge or Sasha or whatever . . . in Vieira Souto . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
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at his shop. Cosmetics shop. (groans) Nicky.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cosmetics in Brazil.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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What about senhor Ware? The strike?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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He can’t have it. He’ll have to deal with these people.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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What about you?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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How long will it take for the power to come back? How long am I safe here?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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The acetone is coming down tonight again with Filipe. I can ask him for more batteries, but I don’t know how long it will take. These people are becoming crazy. Brazil is working on them.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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I can’t have this. Go on like this. I can feel myself turning to smoke, blowing away. . . . It might be best to end this now.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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No. No. I can help you. We need you. They cannot have this. Take all this.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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It’s hopeless, Nicky. . . . I can no longer think of anything but death. Of killing until there is no more life.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Hope is not the point.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NOISE is heard OS from riser. Nicky draws his squirt gun. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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What on earth?<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis enters the riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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No.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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No!<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky squirts Mavis in the face. Mavis reacts in great pain.<o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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NO!<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mavis stumbles off riser (exits). <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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What was that?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, no. My god.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil enters unsteadily UC with a large bottle of mouthwash from which he drinks. <o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Spritely little cocktail. Reminiscent of that mille mille coffee in Marrakesh: hashish and methamphetamine washed down with Spanish brandy. . . . Well, not quite. But I’ll be kissing sweet.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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What was that?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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His wife. Mavis.<o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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Oh, darling! Still gone, are we? Ubi sunt? Ou sont les neiges d’antan? Where have all the flores vamanoosed?<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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What did you do?<o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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I don’t know. I have to get her.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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Wait, Nicky. Give me something.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky puts his squirt gun in one of V’s nostrils and pulls the trigger several times. He moves it to the other nostril and pulls the trigger several more times. <o:p></o:p></div>
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V<o:p></o:p></div>
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(Groans) Oh, the colors.<o:p></o:p></div>
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V’s head falls back. Nicky exits the riser. <o:p></o:p></div>
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CECIL<o:p></o:p></div>
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There was a time—wasn’t there?—a time when I could get what I needed. Easily. . . . A time when I needed nothing. . . . A time without longing, </div>
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for which I long. . . I yearn for non-yearning. . . . I urine for . . . </div>
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There’s his’n, there’s her’n, and the rest in urine.</div>
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<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Cecil goes to the glass table and takes up the trumpet. He puts it to his lips and blows a loud, ugly, long bray. He drops the trumpet, putting his hands to the sides of his head. His eyes roll up in his head, and he falls to the floor in full spasm.<o:p></o:p></div>
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NOISE is heard OS. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS (OS)<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil. Help me, CC.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Mavis, her hands over her face, enters UC. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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CC. CC.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Mavis comes into the room. <o:p></o:p></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Cecil, I’m on fire.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Mavis stumbles over Cecil’s trembling body and falls to the floor, still clutching her face. <o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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MAVIS<o:p></o:p></div>
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Mary Ellen, help me.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Nicky enters UC and stands in door way. <o:p></o:p></div>
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NICKY<o:p></o:p></div>
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O que exta acontecendo, Patraoes?<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 26pt;">End Act 1<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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************************************ <o:p></o:p></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-51068852701999545112018-04-12T08:25:00.001-07:002018-04-12T08:30:37.980-07:00This Tribunal Can Suck My Dick!{Reposting this today, 12 April 2018, in ridicule of the already preposterous ICTY's revoking of its acquittal of Dr. Vojislav Seselj. As the West preps for war against the Russian homeland (always a bad idea in and of itself) they are realizing their real enemy is independent minded Slavs everywhere. Though I doubt Trump could spell 'Slavs' if you spotted him the 'S', the 'L' and the 'V'.}<br />
<br />
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHcc1yabD-pNhDI5R1JBuS68DL_DQncwmzacBEGO_l3uM0Yewvh3g3fmOCDdpGiKQj4BEuEqmISp8ClJneMksCmtdxq-5I2M8TBe-2aW2ZjlWxxrv0AV72PBgsSPm1Vjz8tFjyqyPfnUg/s1600/Slim+Trump.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="201" data-original-width="251" height="160" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHcc1yabD-pNhDI5R1JBuS68DL_DQncwmzacBEGO_l3uM0Yewvh3g3fmOCDdpGiKQj4BEuEqmISp8ClJneMksCmtdxq-5I2M8TBe-2aW2ZjlWxxrv0AV72PBgsSPm1Vjz8tFjyqyPfnUg/s200/Slim+Trump.jpeg" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Fatty Pickens</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<div class="naslov" style="color: #000066; font-family: arial; font-size: 12pt; margin: 20px;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">[This was written for a conference held at the Sava Center in Belgrade in February 2007. The event was sponsored by the Serbian Radical Party, at that time the oldest and most popular party in the country. Dr. Seselj, its leader, had been locked down at The Hague facing charges of war crimes and crimes against Humanity since turning himself in in February 2003. He finally came to trial in November 2007 and was convicted of 'disrespecting the court' for blogging the names of the Trib's 'secret witnesses' in December 2009. His bid was fifteen months--time served.--mc]</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">Serbian Radical Party </span></div>
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 22px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 22px;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6pxIBZDk97PQeEQs1A8PmqBFtP1eQaSPbbdvbEzxPZJGvZiEIIH_FiKWQT6xQ6DoCbhkUw4-Lqa7pDs4GUPJ86PcheYdlS_Mf8-HG9JzE7NcyUUtfNdmhvSYkcRMETVCSETeKf9HPjWU/s1600/Nicolic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6pxIBZDk97PQeEQs1A8PmqBFtP1eQaSPbbdvbEzxPZJGvZiEIIH_FiKWQT6xQ6DoCbhkUw4-Lqa7pDs4GUPJ86PcheYdlS_Mf8-HG9JzE7NcyUUtfNdmhvSYkcRMETVCSETeKf9HPjWU/s200/Nicolic.jpg" width="133" /></a></span></div>
<div class="post-body entry-content" id="post-body-742181218562092177" itemprop="description articleBody" style="color: #333333; font-family: arial, tahoma, helvetica, freesans, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 1.4; position: relative; width: 586px;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="10px" src="file:///Users/mickcollins/Desktop/Clean%20desktop/images/pixel.gif" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.2) 0px 0px 0px; background-color: white; border-bottom-left-radius: 0px; border-bottom-right-radius: 0px; border-top-left-radius: 0px; border-top-right-radius: 0px; border: 1px none rgb(204, 204, 204); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.2) 0px 0px 0px; padding: 8px;" width="1" /></a> SRS head Dr.Seselj Former Serbian President Nikolic </div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 1.4;">WHO’S WHOSE VICTIM OF ‘HATE SPEECH’?</span></h2>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 1.4;">Mick Collins, CM/P</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">‘Hate Speech’, like most of the other terms in the ad hoc Tribunals’ dys-lexicon of repossessed juridical double-speak, serves as just another brick in the globalists’ ‘Security Fence’ which serves to obscure the basic, even primal, crime of unprovoked international aggression, the ‘mother of all war crimes and crimes against humanity’, or what the Nuremberg Tribunal called ‘a crime against peace’. Along with ‘internal aggression’, ‘ethnic cleansing’, ‘genocide’, and even the ubiquitously and uncritically used term (esp among Leftists), ‘civil war’, the implications of ‘hate speech’ lift the responsibility for military violence from the initial aggressor, whose motives and malice are all too clear, and transfer it onto certain victims of this targeted destruction, then explain the inexplicable but inevitable regime-o-cide as having resulted from internal ‘hatred’, ethnic or religious or national animosities, rivalries that are always ages old.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But unlike the ICTY’s favored means of shirking the traditional burden of proof, of evading its obligation to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the charged political and military leaders harbored the criminal intent, the mens reas (legalese for guilty mind), though they may not have actually committed or even commanded the crimes themselves, this nearly evidence-free shyster-trope: the ‘joint criminal enterprise’ (or JCE, which the usually unfunny Canadian jurist Wm Schabas has humorously suggested stands for: ‘Just Convict Everyone’ ); the charge of ‘Hate Speech’ can be applied to all those who were never part of the actual command and control structures but merely took part in the public debate over the war and how to defend their people against this aggression..</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So, whereas President Milosevic, as political leader of Serbia and then Yugoslavia, was the perfect model for this new back-combed legal concept: like the cure for which there is not yet a disease, the JCE is a charge for which there is not yet, necessarily, any specific crime; Dr Seselj, as a public figure in the ‘Serbian opposition’, could only be charged with his ‘hateful contributions to the discourse and discord’ of preserving the sovereignty of Yugoslavia. One might call ‘Hate Speech’ a sort of JCE-Lite.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But you have to hand it to the ad hocs. The Tribunals in The Hague for Yugoslavia and in Arusha, Tanzania, for Rwanda, have been able turn the entire history of the law in both its adversarial (common law as practiced in the US and Canada) and inquisitorial (civil law as practiced in Europe) upside down and inside out in a relatively short time, a decade and some, while shaking down their imperialist patrons for important sums of money.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">John Laughland in ‘Travesty, the trial of Slobodan Milosevic and the corruption of International Justice’ ŠPluto Press, 2007Ć, and Tiphaine Dickson and Alexandre Jokic in their essay, ‘Hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil: the unsightly Milosevic case’Šwww.springerlink.comĆ, go into some detail to demonstrate that these courts have made it possible not only to convict the morally and objectively innocent, but to convict them of crimes that may never have taken place—or were not consider crimes at the time of their commission. The Tribunals have adjusted the old legal saw, ‘no law, no crime’, to better fit their needs: they’ve given us ‘no evidence, no problem.’</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">The most glaring examples of this latter bait and switch prosecutorial technique are the ‘genocides’ in Yugoslavia (coded as ‘Srebrenica 1995’) and Rwanda (killing confined to the 100 days between 6 April and 17 July, 1994). At neither Tribunal has evidence been produced that would actually qualify these crimes as ‘genocides’—even the death tolls have been uncritically accepted without forensic corroboration: 8,000 at Srebrenica, 800,000 in Rwanda—with any and all questions as to the accuracy of these body counts getting tossed into the waste baskets of ‘negationism’ and, yes, ‘Holocaust denial’. The Hague has been satisfied merely to stipulate to a ‘genocide’ at Srebrenica; but in Arusha, on 16 June 2006, the Appeals Chamber issued a ruling that the Trial Chambers must ‘take judicial notice’ of the ‘fact’ that ‘between 6 April 1994 and 17 July 1994 there was ‘genocide’ in Rwanda against the Tutsi ethnic group. This motion was undoubtedly forced by the overwhelming and ever-growing amount of evidence which has recently been delivered by the Defence teams in the Military I and II trials against anything like a ‘genocide’ on the part of the Rwandan government of murdered president Habyarimana, the Interim Government headed by Prime Minister Jean Kambanda ŠLaughland in ‘Travesty’ mistakenly calls President Milosevic the first sitting head of state to be brought before an international tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity, when, in fact, that dubious distinction belongs to Rwandan (interim) PM Kambanda—edĆ, the National Gendarmerie, Habyarimana’s MRND party youth group known as the Interahamwe militia, or, and especially, the government and army of France.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">‘Judicial notice’ is usually taken of facts that are so obvious, like the street address of the court or the time of day, that there is no need to spend time proving them. But to ask the court to take ‘judicial notice’ of the very crime that is to be adjudicated in trial is the sort of judicial contortionism worthy of Tod Browning’s circus freaks.<strong>2)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">That the Obvious need not be proven has become one of the faith-based tenets of the new Authoritarian Consciousness (i.e., the sort of mind that depends on a ‘higher authority’ for its formation, an updated version of Horkhiemer and Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality) to which the ICTY and ICTR have made such significant contributions. Those who question the Authoritarian Obvious, as both President Milosevic and Dr Seselj did as to the origins of the violence in Yugoslavia; as Thierry Meyssan Šno friend of Serbia/Yugoslava or Rwanda he or his Reseau Voltaire, mais quand meme, when you’re right, you’re right—edĆ did as to the presence or absence of an airliner, American Airlines flt 77, at the Pentagon on 9/11; as Christine Maggiore and Dr Peter Duesberg did as to the causal relationship of HIV to AIDS and the real implications of medicating against this voodoo virus; as so many others, like Chris Black and Tiphaine Dickson and Jacques Vergès and Dr Patrick Barriot and Ramsey Clark have done as to the illegality, even the murderous indecency of the militarized global tyranny that these Tribunals represent: these brave or, maybe, foolhardy souls have found themselves cast from the congregation of respectable, happy communicants and relegated to the great and somber outback where their only companions are the truth, reason, a few good aging comrades and their certain knowledge that they did the right thing—and not necessarily for the money. But, then, no one ever got rich telling the truth, and, as Machiavelli says, ‘All good men are poor’.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">What makes the charge of ‘Hate Speech’ plausible? If homicide is excusable when the killing is in self-defense, then no one would claim that real acts of self-defense are motivated by malice or hatred. In order for the charge of ‘Hate Speech’ to stand up against the defenders of a nation under attack from abroad, history must be revised in such a way as to fuzz out the original international aggression that initiated the military violence, and force the public’s concentration into considerations of internecine, tribal, ethnic, or sectarian wars, civil wars. We see this today in Iraq where the March 2003 ‘shock and awe’ invasion has all but been forgotten in the paroxysm of fiery death and destruction that is now being referred to as a ‘civil war’. But this phenomenon occurred on the ground in Rwanda before it did in Yugoslavia.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">The heavily armed and US-backed invasion of that small, densely populated Central African nation by forces of the Ugandan National Resistance Army on 1 October 1990, a perfect fit for the Nuremberg Tribunals ‘crime against peace’ jacket, was renamed a ‘border incursion’, and is even presently referred to as a ‘trespass’ by the ICTR. Then the Ugandan invaders were declared to be Rwandan (Tutsi) refugees and the violence, which claimed more than 30,000 lives in just the first month of October 1990, was declared to be a ‘civil war’. By 1993 the Rwandan government was declared, by a Commission headed by the ever-witty maitre Wm Schabas and backed by the UN and a passel of Humanitarian NGOs, to have committed grave violations of the Human Rights of Rwandans since, strangely enough, 1 October 1990 that, if left unchecked, would eventuate in a ‘genocide’.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Schabas and Co. had to back off that future genocide beef, but they had set the steps for the line dance: Aggression, to What Aggression, to Civil War, to ‘smells like Tutsi Genocide’, to a definite ‘This Nation’s under new ownership’ sign out front in Kigali, with all the privatization, social expropriation, militarization and misery that that entails.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">The armed foreign aggression against Yugoslavia was a little more protracted and on the down-low: Germany and Austria had been arming and financing the remilitarizations of Slovenia and Croatia for some time—maybe from as early as the 1970s—; the EU then threatened their Yugoslav client republics with a cut-off of trade and aid unless they seceded from the Socialist Federation; private military contractors like Dyncorp and MPRI were organizing, arming and training Croatian ‘special police’ in violation of the UN and EU arms embargos; Enron, the Texas criminal elite, had made a deal with Franjo Tudjman, as they would later with Arnold Schwartznegger in California, to guarantee his election in exchange for the rights to broker energy deals in the newly deregulated Croatian market. ŠRichard Holbrook did much the same thing for Bosnia from his broker’s chair at Credit Suisse/First Boston—edĆ The predictable result of this replacement of Croatia’s privileged relations with its Russian energy suppliers through Yugogaz Šthe Yugoslav national gaz company once headed by Slobodan Milosevic—edĆ with a bunch empty Armanis from EU brokerage houses was that Croatian energy rates tripled—as did Croatian suicide rates because of the impossibility of life at those prices.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">It has been said that the first battle of the Croatian ‘war of liberation’ was in Borovo Selo, a small town in Eastern Slavonia on the Croatian border with Serbia, built around a shoe factory. The Serbian Radical Party and Dr Seselj were supposedly involved in keeping Croatian ‘special police’ out of this multi-ethnic suburb of Vukovar: e.g., the 1991 census recorded 84,189 inhabitants of which 36,910 were Croats (43.8%), 31,445 Serbs (37.4%), 1,375 Hungarians (1.6%), 6,124 "Yugoslavs" (7.3%), and 8,335 (9.9%) others or undeclared. Just who killed how many of whom and what sort of horrors were visited on the cadavers of the enemy is the stuff of Balkan legends. But the interesting thing to me is that the objective of one of the first attacks by Croatian ‘special police’ was to take down the flag from the top of the Borovo Selo Post Office. What kind of flag was flying over the Borovo Selo Post Office? Croate? Serb? Hungarian? SOS? No. That’s right. It was a Yugoslav flag.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So after changing all the locks and street names and border signs and other identifying national symbols, the secessionists went after ‘the sixth republic’, the Yugoslav army—several of the top generals of which were Croats.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But according to the ICTY, according to the charges filed nearly a decade ex post facto against mostly Serb military and political leaders and VIPs, as early as 1992 Yugoslavia had ceased to exist as a nation—everyone referred to it as the ex- or former-Yugoslavia; or it was conflated with Serbia as the realization of its nationalist dream of ‘A Greater Serbia’, where all Serbs ŠalreadyĆ lived in one state—and the JNA, the People’s Army, had been dissolved or broken up into regional armed forces and the Balkans were in full ‘civil war’. So anyone agitating for peace through the preservation of an already defunct Yugoslavia was quite likely to be taken for a hateful nationalist ‘warmongering’ toward the creation of an ethnically pure ‘Greater Serbia’. Hence the dependence of ‘Hate Speech’ on the ‘civil war’ conceit, and all this flatulent rhetoric is aimed at the obfuscation of the initial foreign aggression.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But was there really a civil war in Yugoslavia? Is it a civil war that is today blowing a powdered Baghdad back into the Tigris and Euphrates? Here’s an article off the CM/P blog about the situation in Yugoslavia ca. 1995—well before NATO’s infamous 78-day terror bombing of Serbia/Yugoslavia. Tell me if you see a civil war without any active foreign aggressor present:</span></div>
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<strong><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Serb Civilians? Not Important.</span></strong></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">28 August 1995, an explosion in the Markale marketplace in Sarajevo left 29 dead and 90 wounded. Without waiting for any evidence to be analyzed, it was immediately attributed to the Serbs and served as a pretext for the Americans and NATO to launch an air assault, Operation Deliberate Force. This pretext was completely invented as the UN Experts were unable to determine where the shell had come from. General Charles G. Boyd, commander and chief of the US European Command from 1992 to 1995, testified:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">From American intelligence reports of radar surveillance of Sarajevo, we have confirmed that there were no penetrations by any kind of projectiles. . . Once again, the government of Sarajevo planted an explosive charge in the marketplace of its own city. . . . Members of the US Congress as well as representatives of US and British Intelligence know well of the strong collusion between US officials and members of the Izetbegovic government in the creation of a casus belli. . . What the Americans want is to turn the war in favor of the Muslims.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">(Defense and Foreign Affairs, 7/8/95)</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">In the course of the next two weeks, the NATO bombers flew 3,400 sorties, targeting (among others) the Serb positions around Sarajevo, Gorazde, Doboj, Tuzla and Mount Ozren. The weapons utilized included Tomahawk missiles and bombs and shells of Depleted Uranium (DU). In all, 10,800 such munitions.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Now this is some significant ‘humanitarian intervention’, another euphemism for foreign aggression. Someone pointed out to me that the 1995 NATO bombing of the Bosnian Serbs was far worse that Hitler’s fifty years before. At least the Luftwaffe, which saw its first action since WWII in this 1995 bombing campaign, took every other day or so off to allow the Yugoslavs to bury their dead.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">In June 1996, 20 Dutch soldiers who had served in Lukavica (a quartier of Sarajevo) in a unit of the SFOR testified on TV in Holland that they had contracted Šan swings?Ć. The union for Dutch servicemen and women and the Green Party demanded that these reports be investigated, but the whole affair was quashed.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Two and a half years later, in December 1998, the Belgrade newspaper Dnevni Telegraf published an alarming report. In the town of Doboj, there had been a sharp increase in the incidence of certain cancers, illnesses almost unknown there until then. During the previous Spring, instead of sprouting as usual, the leaves on the trees immediately dried up. The same phenomenon was observed among different flora and fauna in the neighboring region of Mount Ozren, which was home to the TV transmission tower that had been destroyed by NATO bombs. In this location there were unusually strong reading of radioactivity and a large increase in cancers and other maladies: anemias, headaches, respiratory difficulties, exhaustion, etc.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Since then, silence. It wasn't until 2000 and the death from leukemia of an Italian soldier who had served in Bosnia, Sergeant Andrea Antonacci, that the scandal over DU exploded and public opinion began to change.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Some questions were asked of different parliamentary bodies, and Various European Defense ministers found themselves in very Uncomfortable positions. These officials who swore, with their hands over their hearts, during the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia, that not a single bomb of DU had been used (like the German Sharpling and the Brit Robertson), were forced to face some real hard evidence, especially when the death toll mounted: seven dead and eleven other soldiers stricken with leukemia in Italy; five cases in France, two dead in Germany, and two more in Portugal. But, (in the words of an old French song) 'qu'a cela ne tienne, tout va bien, madame la marquise' (loosely, 'Don't you worry 'bout a thing, sweet mama, 'cause e'rythang's gonna be aw'ight--oh, yeah, oh, yeah.) was NATO's chirpy refrain. Absolutely no connection between these deaths and DU was ever established. Go back to sleep, we're just gonna keep on using these weapons as long as they work so well. . .</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">No connection, really? If the examples of Doboj and Mount Ozren are not enough, there's the story of Bratunac (in Eastern Bosnia) where still live the Serbs who fled the 1995 NATO bombing of Hadzici, a suburb of Sarajevo: In one day, NATO aircraft dropped more than 500 bombs. Balkans Infos did a long story on this in its No 52.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Obviously, these were only Serb civilians who died by the dozens. No reason to make a big deal out of a few Serbs, right? Messieurs les ministres? This Balkans syndrome is another myth--just like the Gulf syndrome. It's just propaganda by those who were against the NATO intervention, as the Albanian pacifist (sic) Ibrahim Rugova put it. As for the 12 tons of DU generously dumped on Bosnia and Kosovo, it looks like just more of that funky fertilizer we've gotta thank the West for.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">–Bosko DUKANAC, Avrille</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">1 April 2001 Paris</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">from my ‘Notes for Yugoslavia’, found on the CM/P Žblogcollective.com</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">And NATO’s devastation of JNA, like the Rwandan Patriotic Front’s (RPF) decimation of the already sorely handicapped Rwandan Armed Forces, was ably assisted by the ICTY’s parent, the UN and its Department of Peacekeeping Operations—Kofi Annan’s old bailiwick. After Blue Berets under the command of Canadian Army general Roméo Dallaire assisted the Rwandan ‘rebels’ in murdering their host, President Juvénal Habyarimana and his Burundian Hutu counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira, it was no surprise that their compadres in the black-robed legal goon squad at The Hague would oversee one of the most gruesomely protracted hostage executions in the history of state murder with the iatrogenic assassination of Slobodan Milosevic on 11 March 2006.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So just as, in July of 1995, the ICTY’s prosecutor Richard Goldstone issued indictments against Radovan Karadzic Šwhose son’s house in Bosnia was recently raided by a NATO death squad—20 February 2007—in another act of pure terrorism against the Serbs—edĆ and General Ratko Mladic to keep them out of the Dayton negotiations—so would the admitted war criminal Louise Arbour Šwho ordered quashed UN investigator Michael Hourigan’s inquiry into the RPF’s responsibility in the double assassination of the Rwandan and Burundian presidents on 6 April 1994, and joined with her employers, the US, Canada and the UN, in the criminal enterprise of covering up war crimes with the by-now tired claim of having ‘no authority’ over this aggressionĆ, in May 1999, dead off in the middle of the NATO terror bombing of Yugoslavia over Kosovo, file genocide in Kosovo charges against President Milosevic effectively to take him out of any negotiations to end the further destruction of his already ravaged country. And so, too, with Dr Seselj’s indictment for ‘Hate Speech’: it came at a time when the SRS and its leaders were gaining popular support by questioning the policies of the comprador Kustunica/G-17+ government—including one of the most craven examples of collaborationism this side of France: the extinguishing of the ‘Eternal Flame to the memory of the victims of the NATO bombing’ so as not to ‘embarrass’ Western investors.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Are these purely judicial gestures? Attempts, through the application of international criminal law, in a fair and open public trial, to establish the guilt or innocence of the accused individuals beyond any reasonable doubt? Or are they purely political instruments to expedite the colonial subjugation and perpetuate ad infinitum the indenture of the targeted country?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">ICTY President Theodor Meron would have it this way:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">I really believe, and I believe that all my colleagues very strongly believe that this trial is not a political trial. It is a legal trial under human rights and due process to determine, under international law and the Statute, whether to determine whether you are guilty beyond a reasonable doubt or you are not. And we would not have been conducting those proceedings this way if we were not convinced that this is really not only a legal trial, but I believe it is a model of a fair trial. <strong>3)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But ‘experts’ on the new ad hocs like David Scheffer and Michael Scharf, the latter actually bragging about being a founder of the system, see the goals of the Tribunal somewhat differently. Here’s Scharf’s take on what is to be done by the ICTY:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">In creating the Yugoslavia tribunal statute, the U.N. Security Council set three objectives: first, to educate the Serbian people, who were long misled by Milosevic’s propaganda, about the acts of aggression, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by his regime; second, to facilitate national reconciliation by pinning prime responsibility on Milosevic and other top leaders and disclosing the ways in which the Milosevic regime had induced ordinary Serbs to commit atrocities; and third, to promote political catharsis while enabling Serbia’s newly elected leaders to distance themselves from the repressive policies of the past. May’s decision to allow Milosevic to represent himself has seriously undercut these aims. <strong>4)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So you make the call: Is this Tribunal an independent judicial body in service to the Rule of Law? Or a subdivision of the Imperialist war machine disguised in what Dr Seselj has so aptly described as the gowns of Grand Inquisitors? Is this about Justice or just neocolonial war by other means?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But how did international law arrive at this sad, humiliated and hypocritical state? Was it with the advent of the ad hocs that the honored principle of common law, that many of the guilty might go free so long as no innocent individual is punished, was abandoned? When did rape and population transfers become international Ševen warĆ crimes? ŠWas the daily demoralization delivered to the ICTY bench by President Milosevic’s keen lawyering the real cause of Judge May’s brain cancer?—edĆ One must look to the West, to the western United States, in fact, to find answers to these questions and to see the real beginnings of this new and streamlined prosecutor’s justice—this Victims’ Justice.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Laughland in ‘Travesty’ accurately points up the Tribunals’ tautological concern for Justice for the victims. He cites Carla Del Ponte’s description of her job as ‘to allow the voice of the victims to be heard. <strong>5)</strong> Yet he seems unaware of the roots of this victims’ justice when he says:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Some variants of the criminal justice system in Islamic countires allow the relatives of murder victims to play the role of appellants in a civil suit, for instance by deciding the sentence or fine (‘blood money’). It would be ironic if the latests developments in the international criminal law were to cause it to start to resemble systems of criminal justice which are generally rejected as atavistic. <strong>6)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">What is really ironic—and just a little puzzling—is that in Ramsey Clark’s commanding foreward to ‘Travesty’ he cites the OJ Simpson trial as being one, along with those of Jesus, Joan of Arc, Dreyfus and even Nuremberg, that may have changed the destiny of society. The OJ trial bore all the grotesque procedural mutilations that Laughlin criticized in the Milosevic trial (inversion of presumption of innocence to presumption of guilt; degraded rules of evidence; reduced burden of proof)—including the suspension of protections againsts double jeopardy, because after Juice’s acquittal of murders of his wife Nicole and Ron Goldman by a jury of his peers, a civil court judge found him ‘responsible’ for the deaths under much diminished evidentiary requirements. This civil judgment gave a good part of Simpson’s earnings to the victims’ families—and initiated a legal syndrome that has found wide-spread expression in the Balkans and Central Africa, and which I have named the OJ-to-Goldman-to-Goldman/Sachs syndrome.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Perhaps others should learn about the history of one of the most financially flourishing of legal practices, a money mill ancillary to what Prof Norman Finkelstein calls The Holocaust Industry: The Victims’ Rights Movement. Much more than any Islamic sharia court, the cynical and duplicitous techniques employed by the ad hocs were spawned in the despoiled beachfront courts of sunny Southern California.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Victims Rights movement:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1965</strong> The first crime victim compensation program is established in California.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1972</strong> The first three victim assistance programs are created:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">1. Aid for Victims of Crime in St. Louis, Missouri</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">2. Bay Area Women Against Rape in San Francisco, California</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">3. Rape Crisis Center in Washington, D.C.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1974</strong> The Federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration funds the first Victim/Witness Programs in the Brooklyn and Milwaukee District Attorneys’ offices.</span></div>
<div class="pasus" style="color: #000066; margin: -10px 20px 20px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1975</strong> The first "Victim’s Rights Week" is organized by the Philadelphia District Attorney. The National Organization for Victim Assistance (NOVA) is formed.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1976</strong> First hotline for battered women established by Women’s Advocates in St. Paul, Minnesota. Women’s Advocates and Haven House established the first battered women’s shelter. James Rowland creates the first Victim Impact Statement to provide the Court with an inventory of victim injuries and losses prior to a defendant’s sentencing.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1977</strong> The National Association of Crime Victim Compensation Boards is formed to promote the creation of a nationwide network of compensation programs. Oregon becomes the first state to enact mandatory arrest in domestic violence cases.</span></div>
<div class="pasus" style="color: #000066; margin: -10px 20px 20px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1978</strong> The National Coalition Against Sexual Assault (NCASA) is formed to combat sexual violence and promote services for rape victims. The National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NCADV) is organized and initiates the introduction of the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act in the U.S. Congress. Minnesota is the first state to allow probable cause (warrant- less) arrest in cases of domestic assault, regardless of whether a protective order has been issued.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1979</strong> Frank Carrington, considered by many to be the father of the victims’ rights movement, founds the Crime Victims’ Legal Advocacy Institute, Inc., to promote the rights of crime victims in the civil and criminal justice systems. The non-profit organization was renamed VALOR, the Victims’ Assistance Legal Organization, Inc., in 1981.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1980</strong> Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) is founded. The U. S. Congress passes the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act of 1980. Wisconsin passes the first "Crime Victims Bill of Rights." The first Victim Impact Panel is sponsored by Remove Intoxicated Drivers (RID) in Oswego County, New York.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1981</strong> Ronald Reagan becomes the first president to proclaim "Crime Victims Rights Week" in April.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1982</strong> President Reagan appoints a Task Force on Victims of Crime. The Task Force Final Report makes 68 recommendations, one of which is to amend the Sixth Amendment of the U. S. Constitution to guarantee victims' rights. The Federal Victim and Witness Protection Act of 1982 brings "fair Treatment standards" to victims and witnesses in the federal criminal justice system. The passage of the Missing Children’s Act of 1982 helps guarantee for parents that identifying information about their missing child is entered promptly into the FBI National Crime Information Center (NCIC) computer system. California voters pass Proposition 8, which guarantees restitution and other statutory reforms. ;</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1983</strong> The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) is created by the U.S. Department of Justice to implement recommendations from the President’s Task force on Victims of Crime. The U. S. Attorney General issues guidelines for federal victim and witness assistance. The International Association of Chiefs of Police Board of Governors adopts a Crime Victims’ Bill of Rights and establishes a victims’ rights committee to bring about renewed emphasis on the needs of crime victims by law enforcement officials nationwide.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1984</strong> The passage of the Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) establishes the Crime Victims Fund, made up of federal crime fines, penalties, and bond forfeitures, to support victim compensation and local victim service programs. The U. S. Congress passes the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act, which earmarks federal funding for programs serving victims of domestic violence. A victim/witness notification system is established within the Federal Bureau of Prisons. Victim/Witness Coordinator positions are established in the U. S. Attorney’s Offices within the U.S. Department of Justice.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1985</strong> The United Nations General Assembly passes the International Declaration on the Rights of Victims of Crime and the Abuse of Power. The U. S. Surgeon General issues a report identifying domestic violence as a major public health problem.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1986</strong> The Office for Victims of Crime awards the first grants to support state victim compensation and assistance programs. Rhode Island passes a constitutional amendment granting victims the right to restitution, to submit victim impact statements, and to be treated with dignity and respect.</span></div>
<div class="pasus" style="color: #000066; margin: -10px 20px 20px; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1987</strong> NCADV establishes the first national toll-free domestic violence hotline. Security on Campus, Inc. (SOC) forms and raises national awareness about the hidden epidemic of violence on U. S. college and university campuses. The American Correctional Association establishes a Task Force on Victims of Crime.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1988</strong> OVC establishes funds for the Victim Assistance in Indian Country (VAIC) grant program to provided services to Native Americans by establishing "on-reservation" victim assistance programs in Indian Country. The National Aging Resource Center on Elder Abuse (NARCEA) is established. State Constitutional amendments addressing victims’ rights are passed in Florida and Michigan.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1989</strong> The legislatures in Texas and Washington state pass their respective constitutional amendments which are ratified by voters in November.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1990</strong> The Student Right to Know and Campus Security Act, requiring institutions of higher learning to disclose violent crimes on campus, is signed into law by President ŠGHWĆ Bush. The Victims of Child Abuse Act of 1990, which features reforms to make the Federal criminal justice system less traumatic for child victims and witnesses, is passed by the U. S. Congress. The Victims’ Rights and Restitution Act of 1990 incorporates a Bill of Rights for federal crime victims and codifies services that should be available to victims of crime. Arizona’s victims’ rights constitutional amendment is ratified by voters.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1991</strong> U.S. Representative Ilena Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) files the first Congressional Joint resolution to place victims’ rights in the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. Attorney General issues new comprehensive guidelines that establish procedures for the federal criminal justice system to respond to the needs of crime victims. The 1991 Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance implement new protections of the Crime Control Act of 1990, integrating the requirements of the Federal Crime Victims’ Bill of Rights, the Victims’ of Child Abuse Act and the Victim and Witness Protection Act of 1982. The American Probation and Parole Association (APPA) establishes a Victim Issues Committee to examine victims’ issues and concerns related to community corrections. The International Parental Kidnapping Act makes the act of Unlawfully removing a child outside of the U.S. a federal felony.Statutes prohibiting notoriety-for-profit have been passed by many states at this time to prevent convicted criminals from profiting from the proceeds of depictions of their crime in the media or publications. New Jersey legislature passes a victims’ rights constitutional amendment, which is ratified by voters in November.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1992</strong> Five states—Colorado, Kansas, Illinois, Missouri, and New Mexico---ratify constitutional amendments for victims’ rights. Twenty-eight states pass anti-stalking legislation. Massachusetts passes a landmark bill creating a statewide computerized domestic violence registry and requires judges to check the registry when handling such cases.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1993</strong> Congress passes the Child Sexual Abuse Registry Act establishing a depository for information on child sex offenders Twenty-two states pass stalking statutes, bringing the total number of states with stalking laws to 50, plus the District of Columbia. Wisconsin ratifies its constitutional amendment for victims’ rights, raising the total number of states with these amendments to 14.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1994</strong> The American Correctional Association Victims Committee publishes the landmark Report and Recommendations on Victims of Juvenile Crime, which offers guidelines for improving victims’ rights and services when the offender is a juvenile. Six states pass constitutional amendments for victims’ rights, bringing the number of states with amendments to 20. The states are: Alabama, Alaska, Idaho, Maryland, Ohio, and Utah. President Clinton signs a comprehensive package of federal victims’ rights legislation as part of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. The Act includes: Violence Against Women Act, which authorizes more than $1 billion in funding for programs to combat violence against women. Enhanced VOCA funding provisions. Establishment of a National Child Sex Offender Registry. Enhanced sentences for drunk drivers with child passengers. Kentucky becomes the first state to institute automated telephone voice notification to crime victims of their offender’s status and release date.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1995</strong> The National Victims’ Constitutional Amendment Network proposes the first draft of language for a federal constitutional amendment for victims’ rights. The first class graduates from the National Victim Assistance Academy in Washington, D.C. Supported by OVC, the university- based Academy provides an academically credited 45-hour curriculum on victimology, victim’s rights, and other related topics.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1996</strong> Federal Victim’s Rights Constitutional Amendments are introduced in both houses of Congress with bi-partisan support. Eight states, including Virginia, ratify the passage of constitutional amendments for victims’ rights---raising the number of states with amendments to 29. The Community Notification Act, known as "Megan’s Law," provides for notifying communities of the location of convicted sex offenders by amendment to the national Child Abuse Registry legislation. The Church Arson Prevention Act is signed into law in July. The Drug-Induced Rape Act is enacted to address the emerging use of sedating drugs by rapists on victims. The Office for Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) within the U. S. Department of Justice issues the Juvenile Justice Action Plan that includes recommendations for victims’ rights and services for victims of juvenile offenders within the juvenile justice system.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1997</strong> In January, a federal victims' rights amendment is re-introduced in the opening days of the 105th Congress with strong bi- partisan support. The U. S. Congress passes the Victims’ Rights Clarification Act of 1997, to clarify existing federal law allowing victims to attend a trial and appear as "impact witnesses" during the sentencing phase on both capital and non-capital cases. In July, the Crime Victims Assistance Act is introduced into the U.S. Senate, offering full-scale reform of federal rules and federal law to establish stronger rights and protections for victims of federal crimes. This legislation further proposes to assist victims of state crime through the infusion of additional resources to make the criminal justice system more supportive of crime victims. A federal anti-stalking law is enacted by Congress.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1998</strong> A new version of the federal Victims' Rights Amendment is introduced in the Senate by Senators Jon Kyl and Dianne Feinstein. The Senate Judiciary Committee approves the bill, SJR 44, but no further action is taken on SJR 44 during the 105th Congress. Four new states passed state victims' rights constitutional amendments: Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, and Tennessee. The Supreme Court of Oregon overturns the Oregon state victims' rights amendment, originally passed in 1996, citing structural deficiencies. The fourth National Victim Assistance Academy (NVAA), sponsored by the U.S. Department of Justice, Office for Victims of Crime was held. Including attendees of this class, the total number of NVAA graduates now number 700. The Child Protection and Sexual Predator Punishment Act of 1998 is enacted, providing for numerous sentencing enhancements and other initiatives addressing sex crimes against children, including crimes facilitated by use of the internet. The Crime Victims with Disabilities Act of 1998 is passed, representing the first effort to systematically gather information on the extent of the problem of victimization of individuals with disabilities. The Identity Theft and Deterrence Act of 1998 is signed into law, outlawing identity theft.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1999</strong> On January 19, 1999, Senate Joint Resolution 3, identical to SJR 44, is introduced in the 106th Congress. The Victim Restitution Enforcement Act of 1999, entitled Bill to Control Crime by Requiring Mandatory Victim Restitution and sponsored by Senator Abraham Spencer, is introduced in the State Judiciary Committee. Senator Joseph Biden introduced the Violence Against Women Act II, a bill that extends and strengthens the original 1994 Violence Against Women Act. Key provisions of this bill would: 1) Strengthen enforcement of "stay away” orders across state lines, 2) boost spending for more women's shelters, 3) end insurance discrimination against battered women, 4) target the "date rape drug" (Rohypnol) with maximum federal penalties. The fifth National Victim Assistance Academy (NVAA) is held, bringing the total of NVAA graduates up to almost 1,000.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2000</strong> The National Crime Victimization Survey shows that victimization rates in 1999 were the lowest recorded since the survey's creation in 1973. The Violence Against Women Act of 2000 is signed into law by President Clinton. This Act authorizes $80 million a year for rape prevention and education programs, $875 million over five years for battered women's shelters, provided $25 million to address violence against older women and women with disabilities, and expands the federal stalking statute to include stalking on the internet. In April 2000, the Federal Crime Victims' Rights Constitutional Amendment is addressed for the first time by the full U. S. Senate. It is eventually withdrawn from further consideration when it became apparent that the measure would not receive a two-thirds majority vote for approval. The Internet Fraud Complaint Center Web site (www.ifccfbi.gov) is created by the U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the National White Collar Crime Center to help combat internet fraud by providing consumers nationwide a convenient way to report violations. The site also provides a central site for fraud information.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2001</strong> The National Crime Victimization Survey Results for 2000 are released, showing that victimization rates continue to drop, reaching a new low of 25.9 million victims. Congress responds to the terrorist acts of September 11, 2001 by enacting related legislation, including: providing funding for victim assistance, tax relief for victims, and establishing an new federal compensation program specifically for victims of September 11. Changes were made to the Victim of Crime Act (VOCA), including Increasing the percentage of state compensation payments reimbursable by the federal government and allowing the Office for Victims of Crime to fund compliance and evaluation projects.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2002</strong> The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) Sponsors a series of regional roundtables to hear first-hand from victims and survivors about their experiences with the criminal and juvenile justice systems. OVC, along with Justice Solutions, Parents of Murdered Children (POMC) and the Victims'Assistance Legal Organization (VALOR), sponsor a national public awareness campaign to promote the scope and availability of victims' rights and services nationwide. All 50 states, the District of Columbia, U.S. Virgin Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam have established crime victim compensation programs to provide financial assistance to crime victims.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2003</strong> The PROTECT Act of 2003, also called the "Amber Alert" law, creates a national network of AMBER (America's Missing: Broadcast Emergency Response) to facilitate rapid police and community response to abducted children. Congress makes the Office on Violence Against Women a permanent independent office within the Department of Justice. The National Domestic Violence Hotline receives its one millionth call. The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) celebrates its 20th anniversary.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Final accounting of the Victims’ Rights Movement? US domestic Crime rates way down—US domestic prison population way up, the highest per capita in the world.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">And after two decades of concern for the welfare of exploited, abused and violated women and children, the tender mercies of the Victims’ Rights movement, with its foreign franchises marketed by four-star NGOs under the heart-warming rubric of Human Rights, were turned toward the shocking and awful invasion of Iraq and the eventual liquidation of more than 650,000 Iraqis, a disproportionate part of this demographic being innocent Iraqi women and Iraqi children.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But one should not be too hard on the hypocrisy of the current US administration—for it may not be hypocrisy at all, but merely another unreflective expression of the speciation of ignorance that is currently wasting Western consciousness as the speciation of poverty disabled the Third World. It was once noted that Bush Jr is too stupid even to fake being human—something his chubby predecessor was actually pretty good at—ed After all, it was during the compassionate and courageous sic Clinton years, that then-UN Representative and soon-to-be US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, laid out her country’s business plan for spreading that special brand of militarized immiseration it calls ‘Democracy’, and declared that the cost in the lives of over one million Yugoslavs, Iraqis and Rwandans was absolutely worth paying—for, as they say at the Chicago School: whatever the cost of doing business: whether it’s the regular double-parking tickets incurred by the Fed-Ex truck making your deliveries, or it’s the extinction of significant portion of the world’s unprivileged and powerless population: Pay it! You’re a Businessman! You deserve to succeed! . . . And it’s not your money you’re paying with anyway.—ed</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">And what of the International Criminal Courts, with their graceless concerns for ‘Hate Speech’ and ‘War as Hate Crime’ and ‘Victims Justice as Buy Out’?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Today’s International Justice and World History have been sentimentalized into mere spectacular diversions; turned into a couple of court eunuchs, a couple of cross-dressing crack whores, who exist at the whim of and in servile complicity with Surplus Value and the chinless, mindless and soulless elite that administers this condensation of human misery. They perform their particularly grotesque dance of death, in courtrooms and classrooms and in the media, to divert public attention from the global system of production’s sinister dependence on ever-increasing rates of return on investment, a habit more dire, more nose-opening and self-destructive than crack cocaine or even crystal-meth, because it can only be maintained by the complete redirection of all productive forces toward the provocation and prolongation of global war. The consumption necessary to appease, not to say get high on, this current craving for what is euphemized by politicians as defense production, will inevitably reduce our long-suffering planet to piles of putrefying corpses scattered around a toxic wasteland.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But by then there will be no one left to deny or profit from This Final Holocaust.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>Mick Collins<br />CirqueMinime/Paris</strong><span class="pasus" style="color: #000066; margin: -10px 20px 20px;"><strong><br />24 February 2007</strong></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">1) Cf Laughland, ‘Travesty’, (Pluto Press, 2007) pg 122.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">2) On Rwanda,see any and all articles by maitre Christopher Black on the CM/P blog @CirqueMinime/Paris @blogcollective.com</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">3) Cited in Dickson, Jokic, “Hear no evil, see no evil . . .’ pg 25.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">4) Ibid, pg 11.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">5) Travesty, pg 84</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">6) Ibid, pg 85</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">7) ‘In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense.’</span><br />
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-42801404795956383252018-04-04T13:38:00.000-07:002018-04-04T13:38:02.903-07:00The General's Book on Rwanda--Chapter One--The Invasion<h3 style="text-align: justify;">
[As Rwandan historiography moved into the 21st Century, it became all-consumed with 'The Genocide', the mass killing of Tutsi by Hutu that lasted 100 days in the Spring-Summer of 1994. Everything became Tribal and Emotional and petty historical vengeful. The first event to drop off the Western <i>triperecorders</i> was that Primal Crime Against Peace, the 1 October 1990 foreign aggression against a sovereign Rwanda by soldiers of fortune of varying stripe from neighboring Uganda. Hoping to revive this key event, here is the first (and only) chapter to the book I promised Chris Black and General Augustin Ndindiliyimana I would write. The Rwanda of today is a far cry from the Socialist Revolutionary country I got to know while at the ICTR in Arusha back in 2004.--mc]</h3>
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The General's Book on Rwanda--Chapter One--THE INVASION</h3>
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[[It is 1 October 2011, and, as we abandon our old home-sweet-homes in France and at blogcollective.com, we thought we'd try and salvage one last pertinent post: Below is the first chapter of The General's Book on Rwanda.</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">Begun in 2004 after an all too brief visit with General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, the former-Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Natl. Gendarmerie in 1994, at the UN detention center for the ICTR in Arusha, and not yet completed--though the General has recently been freed by the Tribunal after being locked down for more than a decade--these words need little up-dating. </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">One should, however, consider how the writings of Charles Onana, Pierre Péan, Faustin Ntilikina, JMV Ndagijimana, Gaspard Mushiyimana, Edouard Karemera, to name just a few of those whose French work we are still attempting to translate, have filled in the historical space before and after this signal event with the treachery of Western (esp. US/UK and Israeli) military terrorism, infiltration, subversion and assassination, as the depravity of the 'Advanced nations' amped up its self-valorizing project to lay waste to all human life (in the US, today, there is almost no discernable inner life) in the name of security for an inhuman, moribund few. </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">Twenty-one years ago, 1 October 1990, was the day the US began its full immersion into African blood.]]</span></div>
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[As more solid information and substantial material, esp photographic, evidence in support of the true history of our times begin to accumulate (e.g., off-air news video, shown once live, then suppressed, of what really went down in the 'planned demolitions' of the WTC and Pentagon on 9/11; or of how Timmy McViegh could not possibly have committed the 19 Feb 1995 attack on the Murrah Fed bldg in Oklahoma City, neither alone nor in the manner to which he admitted having struck out against the US government {since multiple explosive devices were recovered from INSIDE the bldg}; or libraries full of investigative journalism {esp good stuff from John Laughland and his BHHRG} and the transcripts of the trials at the ICTY, in The Hague, and the ICTR, in Arusha, demonstrating that the destruction of the full-spectrum of Western-targeted governements, from Afghanistan to Iraq to Zimbabwe, and from Venezuela to Yugoslavia, and from Columbia to the Caucuses to the whole CIS {Russia's near abroad}, and from Congo to Burundi to Rwanda to Sudan, --these assaults on sovereignty only used internal ethnic, religious or nationalist political {sectarian/tribal} conflicts as pretext and cover-up for the real dark force of destruction in play, the Nuremberg mother of all war crimes and crimes against Humanity and against Peace: the unprovoked armed and bloody foreign aggressions, which are quickly morphed by the global Human Rights dis-intelligence cartels {NGOs, which rhymes with WsMD which stands for Weapons of Mass Disinformation} into civil wars where the plucky invading refugee/maquisards minoritarians are pitted, within a UN brokered peace-thru-power-sharing steel cage, for a death match against a majoritarian state government represented in the Humanitarian media as being corrupt, feckless yet oppressive, and nationally emasculated by neo-liberal structural adjustments, and whose civil/national/self defense is turned into a Newtonian 'Revolutionary Suicide'--which is then splashed all around as yet another government Genocide of its own people.)--as the tension between this ever more ironclad Reality and the ever more bluff, brazen, hysterical and sneeringly cynical government and media lies heightens and approaches what must certainly soon come to be seen as a clear moment of critical mass {perhaps Pope Ratzo could say this critical mass} and the inevitable and monstrously destructive pychic or psychotic break occurs: we, the few survivors, will all have to pick up what is left of the butt ends of our wasted days and ways and start again. But those who would survive this global psychotic episode with even a modicum of dignity and self respect should immediately embrace all the good information they can and flee all the sniveling charlatans and sideshow freaks who write history and make Kulcha on fat commissions from the 5%ers who would happily waste the whole world and everything that's in it just to hold on to their purely abstract, mathematical privilege--for he who dies with the most surplus value is still dead and probably without anyone to remember him fondly or even bury him decently. He who lives to fight for the great general interests of the 95%ers, people like General Ndindiliyimana and his lawyers, Tiphaine Dickson and Chris Black, President Habyarimana of Rwanda, or Che and Fidel, or President Milosevic, or, perhaps the greatest 95%er's hero of the 20th Century, Josef Stalin,--these popular heros, though they be dead, will live on as long as reason and decency hold dominion over the wasting forces of the dark side of the Schwanse. So here is our first contribution to getting the story of Rwanda--General Ndindiliyimana's story as told by CM/P--out onto that growing, though still sadly ignored compost heap of the real historical record. Once you know this story, you'll never get stuck in another one of those mawkishly sentimental {Hot'L Rwanda, Shaking Glands With the Devil} Hollywood {@La Brea} tar pits again. --mc]<br /><br /><br />THE GENERAL'S BOOK ON RWANDA<br />by Mick Collins, with the unique participation of Rwandan Major General Augustin Ndindiliyimana<br /><br />[Copyright 2004 by CirqueMinime/Paris--ALL RIGHTS RESERVED]<br /><br />[For all information regarding republication, reproduction or any other uses of this material, please contact CM/P at cirqueminime@gmail.com]<br /><br /><br /><br />Chapter One<br />The Invasion<br /><br />General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, former chief of the Rwandan National Gendarmerie, says in his April 2004 report titled Dix ans après (Ten Years After):<br /><br />Since two opposing forces cannot plan the same operation at the same<br />time, it seems obvious that the RPF, which initiated the events by attacking<br />Rwanda in October 1990, by assassinating President Juvenal Habyarimana,<br />and by pushing the war in Kigali and on all the other fronts, is the only<br />‘strategic planner’ of this tragedy. The atrocities reported were due directly<br />to the insensate war they imposed, and to their determined desire to seize<br />power at any cost; the extreme conditions caused by the chaotic situation<br />that resulted from the decapitation of the Rwandan State with the assassination<br />of President Habyarimana plunged the country into anarchy, panic and disorder.<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />Genocide. Yeah, sure, that’s the angle. Genocide. True Crime. The Rwandan genocide. Strong. Very strong. Kicks you right in the stomach—or lower. So many dead. How can you doubt all those pictures? All those ‘humanitarian experts’? The Hutu genocide of the Tutsis. Makes you sit up and take notice—even if you don’t know or care who’s who—you take notice of what pulls on your heart strings—murdered mothers with their babies still at their breast—and not of what actually happened: who did what and with which and to whom. Anyway, there’s a Tribunal in Arusha, in Tanzania, where all the bad guys, the ‘genocidaires’, are getting sorted out.<br /><br />See, by crying ‘Oh, the genocide!’ ‘How could we let it happen?!’ ‘Again!’ ‘Never again!’ and then claiming to have arrested and eradicated the forces driving this timeless, photographed-for-National-Geographic genocide of the Tutsi Dons Quixote along with their Hutu Sanchos Panza (some date this ‘final solution of the Tutsi problem’ back to the social revolution of 1959), the real international criminals, the blood-thirsty mercenaries and war lovers, could retroactively justify—and furnish plausible deniability to—their seizure of Rwanda: the foreign invasion, with its boundless, indiscriminate carnage, the subsequent four-year Contra-like reign of terror, and the eventual military dictatorship that the refugee invaders set up in the capital city of Kigali. This whole campaign to clear Central Africa, from The Horn through to the Atlantic oil states, of all popular resistance to Western commercial and financial domination was planned out of the US State, Defense, and Commerce Departments, and run through the sinister offices of various International Financial Institutions (IFIs), the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO), and numerous morally bereft NGOs and FBSSs (faith-based [or fat-backed] social services), all brokering deals for private mineral, medical and military multinationals. This latest war for King Solomon’s mines kicked off in Rwanda back in 1990, but it continues to this day, having imposed its influence on pre-existing upheavals in neighboring Burundi and Congo (and even Sudan, where much Western attention is currently focused), and has cost upward of six million Central African lives. (Some ‘experts’ say only three million, but I don’t want to be the one to low-ball a holocaust—besides, what’s a few million dead between learned colleagues, right?)<br /><br />The assault on, infiltration of, and eventual seizure of state power in the once thriving popular democracy of Rwanda (the growth rate was above the Sub-Saharan average of 36% between 1960 and 1980, but fell to minus 15% between 1980 and 1998 when IMF and World Bank structural adjustments, the collapse of the global coffee market, and years of fighting off the onslaughts of a foreign invasion and subsequent occupation brought it to the killing floor[1] ) by a Ugandan-based political party of Rwandan refugees, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), whose army (RPA) was financed, equipped, trained, manned, and led by the Ugandan government, returned an ancient feudal ruling elite, designated as Tutsi and never representing more than 14% of the population, to lord it over their former subjects, the 85% of Rwanda designated as Hutu, whose revolutionary government had brought the country from the absolute bottom to near the top of the scale of African standard-of-living. And the only way this unbalanced social equation could be democratically rationalized—using that time-honored gambit for sublating the interests of the great majority of citizens to those of a tiny, foreign-backed, reactionary elite—was by factoring in a mythic variable, like ‘God is on our side’ or ‘Compton niggers is crazy’: the imposition of, then the cynically proffered defense against, military terror unto genocide[2].<br /><br />This 100% American-supported invasion of 1 October 1990, which depended for officer training and materiel on USDoD programs like IMET (International Military Education and Training), JCET (Joint Combined Exchange Training—a Special Forces operation) and the Enhanced IMET (updated especially to prepare Rwandan troops for an eventual invasion of Congo), and the $183 million in US ‘non-military’ aid to Uganda between 1989 and 1992 (i.e., twice what was allocated for Rwanda during all the Habyarimana years)[3] , was another in a long line of invasions by refugee Tutsi forces from Uganda dating back to just after Rwanda and Burundi were granted independence from Belgium by the UN on 1 July 1962. Earlier in 1961, in a UN-sponsored referendum, the people of Rwanda had voted overwhelmingly (80%) to abolish the Tutsi monarchy. The period between 1962 and 1967 saw some of the most atrociously murderous raids by irredentist Tutsis against the new Hutu republic. Belgium, which became the colonial champion of Central Africa after the Germans blew an early lead in WWI, had supported the centuries-old and unconscionably cruel Tutsi monarchy as the most expedient way of maintaining control in Rwanda. But when in the 1950s the new wave of anti-colonialist agitation broke on the shores of this land-locked nation, so-called extremist ‘Hutu intellectuals’ began clamoring for social revolution to overturn the class structure that had allowed the colonial powers to seize the land, exploit the labour and expropriate the wealth of these countries, while pretending all along that they were acting for the benefit of the natives[4]. The old Belgians were sharp enough to figure out that, in Rwanda at least, a Hutu majority was more apt to serve their colonial interests, and make it look ‘democratic’, than was a tiny Tutsi minority, with its sole means of political control being the franchise of military violence.<br /><br />I guess the road show of ‘Oklahoma’ didn’t make it to Kigali and the Rwandans didn’t get to pick up on Aunt Eller’s musical homily, ‘Oh, the farmers and the cow men should be free-unds!’, because after the 1959 social revolution that put political power into the hands of the Hutu agrarian majority, many from the former Royal Houses, primarily the descendants of Tutsi cattle barons, hooked it on up out of Rwanda and into neighboring countries. Some fled into Europe and some as far away as the US and Canada. Like displaced nobility throughout history—like the White Russians who became taxi drivers and piano-bar swamis in Paris, London and New York, after the Bolsheviks had their way with the czar and his ministers—these Black African aristocrats organized their own Diaspora, and, when not preoccupied with keeping the wolf from the door or pining away for their lost droit de cuissage (literally the master’s right to caress the thigh of his serf’s daughter—but you know how those massahs be!), plotted how to regain their old feudal dominions. As always, they found kinship and strong moral and monetary support in such capitals of Capital as New York, London, Paris, Brussels and Montréal—where Kapital’s fair-haired offspring, Kulture, is cultivated for its loveliest of lovey qualities: its ability to hide the toil and suffering that created it—and there they established political bases from which fat nationalist lobbies could hire global PR firms to juice up their ‘self-determination’ and ‘refugees’-rights-of-return’ movements with real potent state sponsorship[5].<br /><br />For the Tutsi irredentists who had found a home in Uganda, and particularly for those who, by overcoming the racial, national and tribal prejudices that afflict refugees, were able to jerk themselves up by their combat boot-straps into the highest, most sensitive and most strategic positions of the officer corps—Intelligence, Finance, the Presidential Guard—to become the nerve center of the Ugandan National Resistance Army (NRA), where they were key to president Yoweri Museveni’s overthrow of his predecessor, ‘socialist dictator’ Milton Obote; their irredenta was the most densely populated country in Africa: Rwanda’s population in 1990 was nearly 7 million, with 590 souls per square mile. And though they claimed they were gravely discriminated against in Uganda and that their congeners back in Rwanda were being oppressed by the one-party state led since 1973 by President Juvenal Habyarimana’s Mouvement Révolutionnaire National pour le Developpement (MRND)—a party originally modeled on the North Korean Communist Party but which, in keeping with political fashion after the fall of the Berlin Wall, changed the ‘R’ in its name to ‘Républicain’, got rid of the ‘National’, and stuck in another ‘D’ for ‘Democratie’ (though the same initials, MRND, remained in use until the end)—the RPF’s biggest problem seemed to be how they would, while promoting democratic principles, governmental transparency and Human Rights, clear out all those ‘surplus’ indigenous or ‘interior’ folks, Hutu, Tutsi and (the almost extinct, less than one percent) Twa, who had since 1962 settled down (or ‘squatted’, the RPF would say) on their ancestral grazing lands.<br /><br />In Burundi, to the south, where the tiny Tutsi elite continued to dominate the academy, the government and the military, this mathematical irrationality of minority rule seemed to go on with little difficulty—other than the occasional mass slaughter of recalcitrant ‘Hutu intellectuals’ by the ethnically pure Tutsi armed forces. ‘Intellectuals’ because that’s the canard authoritarian rulers always fling at those who try to agitate for and organize an opposition against them; actually, in 1972, when hundreds of thousands of Burundian Hutu answered their government’s call for volunteers to bring in the harvest, those with a primary school education were asked to take one step forward. At least 200,000 of those who took that fateful step never danced again. Every few years massacres like that went down, and those lucky enough not to make the Tutsi cut were driven into neighboring countries, thereby guaranteeing the continuity of this retro-colonialist, mono-ethnic government.<br /><br />A December 1963 invasion of Rwanda from Uganda, in which precursors of the RPF took advantage of a Rwandan Army weakened by the new Kayibanda government’s[6] prioritization of social programs over defense to get within 10 miles of Kigali, is described by Belgian ‘expert’, professor Filip Reyntjens, as an attempt at the ‘Burundi-ization’ of Rwanda. Under cross-examination by international defense attorney Tiphaine Dickson during the 1997 trial of Georges Rutaganda before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, Reyntjens states that had it not been for the presence of Belgian military personnel and had this 1963 invasion taken, Rwanda would have become ‘ungovernable’. He goes on to testify that after the 1990 invasion, many NGOs insisted on maintaining the presence of Belgian ‘advisers’ to keep the Rwandan state from just such a ‘Tutsi-ization’[7]. Reyntjens’ somewhat abstract take on how the Burundian ethnic minority-rule model was being force-fitted onto Rwanda was substantiated when, in the six months between October 1993 and April 1994, Burundi’s first two democratically elected Hutu presidents were quickly dispatched by that favored instrument of feudal authority: bloody assassination. Melchior Ndadaye, after only four months in office, was killed by Tutsi officers in a failed miltary coup (it’s rumored his nuts currently adorn a Tutsi royal war drum), and then his successor, Cyprien Ntaryamira, was checked out when the Falcon 50 executive jet of Rwanda’s Hutu president, Juvenal Habyarimana, was hit by one of two surface-to-air missiles fired from near Kigali airport and dropped like a piece of bloody junk sculpture into the garden of the presidential compound. –So, that’s actually THREE Hutu presidents assassinated by Tutsi military men in the six months that preceded the tip-off of the Rwandan genocide of 100 days.— Yet Reyntjens and the other Belgian ‘experts’—along with a Starbucks-full of latte-slarving media dodes—seem to have turned their position against ‘Tutsi-ization’ inside-out and thrown their full moral and academic creds down with the US/UK/UN/Ugandan-backed RPF invaders of October 1990—and that judicial extension of the criminal invasion and occupation, the ICTR—in opposition to the Rwandan (Habyarimana) popular government and its French military fournisseurs.<br /><br />So while the 1 October 1990 RPF invasion stands out as further validation of Professor Reyntjens’ premise that Rwanda was no Burundi, he, like so many other ‘experts’, seems oblivious to the patent illegality of this aggression, this crime against the peace, and because of this inability to take a stand (for fear of losing Belgian state funding?), becomes complicit with the international criminal element, the death merchants, in their support of the RPF’s flagrant destruction of the very nation they were purporting to save—then spreading the chaos throughout the entire region. Reyntjens’ considered opinion that, by their calamitous military intervention with its hundreds of thousands of dead just in the lead-up to the Arusha Accords of 4 August 1993, the RPF had ‘stopped the genocide’ of the Tutsis begun 30 years before at the time of the social revolution[8], must be taken as an endorsement of the Western geopolitical strategy—a delusional end justifying the most grotesque criminal means—that has laid waste to Central Africa over the last decade and a half.<br /><br />* * *<br /><br />So on 28 September 1990, between three and four thousand officers and men (actually, the average age of the grunts was about 15. So, officers and kids?) said good-bye to their families and friends and headed out of Kampala for a bivouac 350 miles to the southwest in the football stadium at Kabale, just north of the Rwandan border. Besides their personal weapons, they were packing anti-personnel mines, mobile-mounted recoil-less cannons, 107mm Katyoucha multiple rocket launchers, and 60 & 120mm mortars. Ironically enough, on this same September day, Rwandan President Habyarimana was making a speech before the UN General Assembly in New York, offering citizenship and passports to all Rwandan refugees no matter where they now lived, and pledging to repatriate all those who wished to return to Rwanda. But when a war has been booked down—even if the published reasons for it turn out to be humbug (like mass graves in Kosovo, WsMD in Iraq, or bin Laden’s 9/11 command and control center in Tora Bora)—those with a financial stake in that war are going to make goddam sure it gets stepped off.<br /><br />Two days later, on 1 October, these RPF armed forces (often referred to as the RPA to differentiate them from the political wing of the RPF, which was never registered in Uganda, and only recently in Rwanda, as a formal political party!) punched about 40 miles into Rwanda and set about ‘liberating’ the country—frequently by ‘liberating’—in a most hideous fashion—great numbers of Rwandan civilians, regardless of ancestry or tribal or party affiliation, from their property and a staggering number of them from their very lives. The regional language, Kinyarwanda, has a term which connotes just the sort of cynicism with which the RPF performed these ‘liberations’: ‘kubohoza’ was used to describe the beating of MRND members, during the conversion from single- to multi-party politics in the early 1990s, as a way of discouraging any protracted party affiliations; and ‘kubohoza’ was also used to describe the violent seizure and occupation of (‘squatting’ on) property belonging to Hutus or ‘interior’ (read ‘traitorous’) Tutsis. The RPF had, well before this invasion, begun a process of sowing its agents throughout Rwanda. Just how many of these seeds took and how fruitfully they multiplied can only be speculated, but by the time of the final offensive in April 1994, it was believed there were between 3,000 and 12,000 RPF infiltrators in every government ministry, political party, and self defense unit, and, of course, throughout the Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF). The invasion, itself, was run like a single-wing, man-in-motion draw play: where the RPA sent some of its smaller units over to hit certain heavily populated positions along the border, knowing they could sucker and tie down the RAF, and thus create a big hole to run their larger force well into the defensive backfield of this small country with a minimum of interference.<br /><br />By 4 October they found themselves about 40 miles from Kigali. But they also found themselves without their legendary leader and one of the founders of the RPF, Major General Fred Gisa Rwigema, who just a few months before had been the Ugandan Vice-Minister of Defense. President Museveni had relieved him of his ministerial duties so as to free him up for just this kind of ‘supra-political handling’ of the Rwandan refugee problem in Uganda. Rwigema turned up dead and nobody, at the time, seemed to know how he got that way. It was carded as a KIA (killed in action by the enemy—in this case, for the sake of media image, it was put out that Rwigema bought it from some chic French military advisers—rather than any of those broke-dick RAF dog-faces!), but it didn’t take long for the buzz to get around camp that their storied hero had gotten way too ‘hearts and minds’ with his plan to penetrate Rwanda through the sparsely populated Mutara and Akagera Park—and thereby avoid the unnecessary killing of a lot of innocent civilians—too much of a fag for the ‘blood, guts and hair’ boys back at RPF HQ in Kampala, who, essentially, had him ‘put down’. A fellow Tutsi RPF brass hat, Abdul Ruzibiza, claims in testimony given to the press 14 March 2004:<br /><br />Major General Fred Rwigema, who knew exactly how to direct this war,<br />was killed by his own men on the second day of the campaign. But those<br />who ordered his assassination didn’t have the courage immediately<br />to take over direction of the RPF for fear of attracting suspicion.<br /><br />So without taking even a moment‘s in memoriam notice, Museveni yanked Major Paul Kagame, his Chief of Military Intelligence, out of a deep cover ‘Is There Any Intelligence in the Military?’ workshop at the US 5th Army’s Command and General Staff College at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas—where more backward nations are taught the application of US-conceived weapons of mass democracy. Kagame, whose handle back in the NRA days was ‘Pilate’, as in Pontius, because of his knack for making battle plans that absolutely maxed civilian casualties, was chosen to replace Rwigema while the Ugandan President was, like his Rwandan homologue, in the US dealing. But rather than making conciliatory gestures in recognition of the efforts of his friendly neighbor to ameliorate their mutual refugee problems, Museveni was woofing all his old pals up at the World Bank and the IMF about the crucial role played by Ugandan military intelligence in burning up all those arms credits the IFIs had lavished on his country in exchange for tasty access deals to Uganda controlled natural resources, while, cynically, disavowing any knowledge of how these NRA ‘deserters and thieves’ had pulled off the ‘greatest mutiny in Ugandan Army history’ right under his nose. And those ‘thieves and deserters’—who have not, to this day, ever been investigated, charged, or officially separated from the NRA[9]—the actual kids hunkered down among the Rwandan tea and coffee trees, were not all that happy with this management decision.<br /><br /><br />According to Ruzibiza’s testimony, the second-in-command of the RPF invasion force, Major, Dr. Pierre (aka Peter) Bayingana, told Kagame,<br /><br />‘You are physically and mentally unfit, how can you lead these men?’<br /><br />The good doctor further told Pontius Pilate Kagame (aka ‘Kagome’, ‘The Ultimate Evil’ in Kinyarwanda[10]) to go back and suggest to President Museveni,<br /><br />‘If you have no confidence in the current leadership of the RPF,<br />you need only send a Ugandan commander down here to run this<br />war.’[11]<br /><br />And with that, Kagame hooked it up back to Kampala for an executive confab. Museveni’s people turned him around quick-style and sent him back down to Rwanda with Major General Salim Saleh, the president’s kid brother and the dogfather of the natural resources rackets in regions controlled by Uganda, and a dozen jeeps full of presidential guards. When Kagame and Saleh got back to the front was when Dr Pete Bayingana and the RPF’s third-in-command, Major Chris Bunyenyenyezi, joined Rwigema pushing up Rwandan tea leaves.<br /><br />Our narrator here, Abdul Ruzibiza, is probably the last guy Kagame’d enlist as a character reference—and not just because Ruzibiza is descended from that Tutsi royal line that furnished the last Rwandan King (who’s currently pitching his royal tent near Langley, Virginia) and Kagame’s people furnished the last Rwandan Queen.—<br /><br />–Yeah, the Queen: Queen Rosalie Gicanda, unlike many<br />of her regal kin after the 59-62 revolution, stayed home in<br />Rwanda, in Butare, where she sold milk in the public market.<br />I guess you could say she was, on the for-real side, what<br />Marie Antoinette could only pretend to be: one of the people.<br />And during his Ugandan exile, in the late 70s, Kagame would<br />sneak across the border (not because the border was so tight,<br />but because he didn’t want his Kampala homies to know he<br />was day-tripping in the old sod) to visit his aunt and sound her<br />out as to what was shaking in the homeland. After the 1990<br />invasion and throughout the subsequent four year RPF reign<br />of terror, Queen Gicanda regularly petitioned her nephew,<br />pleading with him to stop his monstrous crimes against Rwanda<br />because he was wantonly wasting both Tutsi and Hutu.<br />To no avail. And finally, during the enormous shit storm<br />that followed the 6 April 1994 shooting down of the presidential<br />plane and the RPF’s last—and still balls out—offensive<br />throughout Rwanda and into Congo, the good Queen was<br />hacked to death by a bunch of cranked-out banana beer psychos<br />who’d recently been displaced by the RPF and were just<br />ripping and running fast enough to stay a couple clicks ahead<br />those guys who were icing the shit of anyone didn’t move out<br />fast enough. The Queen’s killers most likely didn’t know or<br />care who she was—or they were lactate intolerant—or they just<br />figured she should be next.<br /><br />But the differences in the stories they tell of how the October 1990 invasion went down are enlightening. Before Ruzibiza came out in the media and in front of French investigative magistrate Jean-Louis Bruguière’s inquiry into the missile strike that killed all aboard President Habyarimana’s French-built and crewed Falcon 50 executive jet, Kagame’s version of things was the record they were spinning in the Western media. The RPF leader was eager to describe the deaths of his colleagues Rwigema, Bunyenyenyezi and Bayingana, as having resulted from their own personal mistakes. But he always placed great stress on how it was the French who, in rushing to the aid of the ‘racist and genocidal Habyarimana government’, had capitalized on these ‘personal errors’ and capped the RPF general staff. To this day, when shoved into a corner with some new evidence of his war crimes, Kagame instinctively turns the indictment against the French. But Ruzibiza’s time line for the three assassinations has all of them being offed during the first week of the invasion—and on Kagame’s orders! The French don’t even make the scene until 23 October, well after the RPF’s remodeled killing machine has extinguished tens of thousands of civilian lives, driven another hundred thousand or so into the large cities, and come within ten miles of Kigali. Only after shells started falling on the suburbs of the capital and destroying all public life did the Rwandan army get help from its francophone neighbor, Zaire, and some of those Mitterand-era mutual defense markers get called in, and the RPF—the general staff anyway—get pushed back into the Northwest and across the border into Uganda.<br /><br />What permitted these alien patriotic marauders, in violation of the 1951 Geneva Convention on Refugees and the 1969 Organization for African Unity (OAU) Convention on Refugees, to conduct a nearly month-long aggression, to commit the primal crime against the peace, according to the Nuremberg Principles, the crime that begets all other war crimes and crimes against Humanity, against a UN member nation that was signatory to both those conventions? Around 30,000 dead in 30 days—it took a decade for the Kurds and the Turks to book those kind of numbers. How could this foreign-backed refugee invasion, scantily gussied up as a mission to liberate the Rwandan homeland from an oppressive and corrupt one-party regime, and replace it with a government of ‘multi-ethnic social and economic transparency’—how could such a patently and genetically illegal and immoral policy have found currency with First World Left Liberals and Human Rightsters?<br /><br />It is shocking, indeed, even in our age of anti-Communism morphing unremarkedly into anti-Terrorism, when, in places like Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq, preventative, preemptive wars, that is to say, expansionist, imperialist aggressions are fobbed off as ‘humanitarian interventions’, or ‘bombing against humanitarian catastrophes’. But there was a whole lot of head and leg work got done before Kagame & Co launched their invasion.<br /><br />The leaders in those African nations known as the ‘Front Line’, ‘ligne de front’, en français (which was, after all, the first ‘second language’ of these Third World countries!), nations that had fought off Western imperialism and then the ‘dictatorships’ that had replaced it, countries like Tanzania, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Mozambique, all threw in with Uganda’s liberator, Yoweri Museveni, to support the training of Rwandan ‘partisans’ in order to nudge their little, densely populated neighbor into the fold of the New African Democracies[12]. Tutsi in Burundi and Zaire recruited local kids for the RPF, and eastern Zaire served as a staging area for the infiltration of terrorist networks to ravage border areas in northwestern Rwanda around Gisenyi and Cyangugu.[13] Certainly, Zaire under Mobutu was a strong ally of the ‘Haby’ government (Habyarimana’s remains rested for some time, at Mobutu’s request, in Kinshasa), and that enormous member of Francophonia helped the French rescue Rwanda from the 1 October 1990 RPF aggression; but a country as vast as Congo, with so many conflicting regional interests and competing political forces and such vast natural wealth, found plenty of energy to support the other, bigger dog in the fight. Eventually, in 1996, the Kagame regime returned the favor by helping Laurent Kabila depose the man in the leopard-skin pillbox hat and ‘liberate’ Congo from a lot of its gold, diamonds, uranium and coltan.<br /><br />In Europe, the strongest support for the RPF’s ‘liberation’ came from Rwanda’s old colonial maman, Belgium. The Belgian Left veritably gobbled up the Ugandan/RPF jargon of ‘liberation’, with catchy terms like ‘anti-corruption’, ‘racial equality’, ‘self-determination’ and ‘administrative transparency’. They looked upon Museveni as a real ‘maquisard’, a guerilla fighter right off the Granma, whose authoritarianism would just be temporary—just until he could cut some kind of deal to privatize every square inch and every last calorie and carat of natural energy in the region—and the Great Lakes are lousy with natural energy, with growing power.<br /><br />[When I was in Arusha in April 2004, I saw beetles the size of John,<br />Paul, George AND Ringo—in a VW—and word on Tanzanian TV<br />was that Ugandan agro-business had just introduced a new crop:<br />genetically engineered bananas—like God wasn’t making them<br />good enough, and Museveni wanted to let Monsanto give<br />Mother Nature a little mother goose.]<br /><br />The alms for arms trade between Belgium and Rwanda had been pretty much business as usual before the October 1990 invasion, with Brussels using its NATO connections to pick up the scrap-military contracts that Paris couldn’t be bothered with. But once the RPF breached the border, the Belgians saw an opportunity to get a leg up on the French and all deals to the Rwanda were off—Belgium reneged on plane-loads of military equipment the Habyarimana government had long before borrowed, bought and paid for.<br /><br />In the US, talking-necks like Roger Winters at the US Committee for Refugees and Alison Des Forges at Human Rights Watch Africa, and all manner of international Left media types, had the RPF pitch down cold: This plucky band of African ex-pat freedom fighters were acting in total accordance with certain Human Rights principles that demand resistance to all vestiges of colonialist racial or tribal or clanic discrimination in both Rwanda and Uganda; and the Rwandan Patriotic Front was the Rwandan people’s last best chance to overthrow the Habyarimana government and his ruling party, the MRND, which was a fascist one-party dictatorship oppressing both the Tutsi minority and the moderate or democratic elements of the Hutu majority. These were the principal justifications for the October invasion, reiterated and re-enforced by every US, Canadian, Belgian or French ‘expert’ who crawled out from every corner of every sub-basement of every think tank or state-larded academy that pumps out the shit-stinking bilge that passes for neo-imperialist theory. That this rationale was groundless, as well as being in violation of the UN charter, the OAU charter, the Geneva Conventions, the Helsinki Accords, to name just a few, seemed either to escape the Africa hands in the Western media or to be of little relevance in the face of yet another post-Communist struggle on the part of an ethnic minority, posing (behind a grotesquely huge military machine) as a multi-cultural would-be majority, for its right to Wilsonian (as opposed to Leninist) self-determination.<br /><br />****<br />The importance of the October 1990 invasion cannot be overstated. This primal crime against the peace and sovereignty of the Rwandan nation and its revolution was in a very real sense the ‘Genesis of the Genocide’. As we will see further on, because those who justified this illegal invasion as the only way to dispose of the ‘vile and ferociously anti-Tutsi Habyarimana government’[14] found it impossible to rationalize the indiscriminate slaughter the ‘liberators’ got up to, this alien military presence in Rwanda was faded and fogged out to make it appear as some sort of political donné: the RPF, with the initiation of the Arusha Peace Accords in 1993, morphed from a foreign invasion force into an integral part of the Rwandan political scene. In the discourse that developed in the international media—if that isn’t too fine a term for what was really more obfuscation than illumination—this illicit, heavily armed and financed Ugandan refugee war machine was merged into the multiparty mix that had replaced the MRND’s revolution in the early 1990s—a party mix the RPF, itself, had DJed with samples from every political bounder, arriviste and n’er-do-well who would sell their national allegiance to the new barn boss in exchange for an indecent advantage over their fellow citizens—and just to make sure there was no doubt as to who held this option on their balls, the RPF/RPA pumped up the chaos by assassinating a dozen or so of these their ‘political operatives’ (as usual, making it look like the government’s doing!) right before they kicked off their big 1994 offensive by shooting down President Habyarimana’s plane. But because of its roots in military aggression and the impossibility of its winning any kind of democratic mandate—even within a forced coalition of opposition parties—the RPF never made the slightest attempt to bring peace—or even as much as a cease fire—to the nation they were supposedly liberating. And the dire quality and immeasurable vastness of the RPF’s devastation of Rwanda, Burundi and Congo has not yet abated.<br /><br />Before the French and the Zairian militaries stepped up to help the Rwandan Army push the RPF back into Uganda—during that last week of October 1990—the fighting by the government forces was both heroic and horrific. The RPF units known as ‘Inkotanyi’ (‘those who fight courageously together’ in Kinyarwanda) seemed to have completely forgotten that pre-war propaganda hand-job about ‘freeing the brothers and sisters back in the homeland’ or ‘making Rwanda governmentally transparent and democratic’, because they got pretty indiscriminate about just whom they would wipe out in this debutante operation. In fact, it seemed like Kagame’s policy was to reduce population density by engaging unarmed civilians whenever and wherever possible, rather than throwing down against Habyarimana’s armed forces. Here’s the way RPFer Abdul Ruzibiza breaks it down:<br /><br />Attacks on the communities around Muvumba, Kiyombe, Nkana,<br />Rushashi, Kaniga-Gatuna were accompanied by terrible violence:<br />Indiscriminate killing of the populations, with the bodies then piled<br />up in one spot; rapes and executions just so these poor souls wouldn’t<br />come back and foul up the RPF’s luck; they helped themselves to<br />livestock and other eatables the locals had stored before chasing them<br />to places where they would die of hunger; destroyed their tin huts and<br />ripped off the sheet-metal siding to sell back in Uganda; then dynamited<br />whatever was left of their houses so as to discourage the residents from<br />returning.<br /><br />If this sounds familiar it’s because this is just the way the events of 1994 are described by the ‘humanitarian genocide irradicators’. But the hgi’s always claim it was the Rwandan government that was committing these atrocities out of some ancient, premeditated tribal animus or anti-feudal vindictiveness (The Kings Must Die, to paraphrase Mary Renault)—not even out of self-defense.<br /><br />Over in the villages of Cyumba, Kivuye, Butaro, Nkumba, Kinigi,<br />Mukingo, and around there, the violence was like that in the Mutara<br />region . . .<br /><br />Mutara was the point of entry for the NRA/RPF invaders. Some have claimed that 30,000 Rwandan civilians were wiped out that October just around Mutara.<br /><br />It is important here to stress that only one person, Paul Kagame,<br />was responsible for the strategy and conduct of these operations.<br />It was he who to the smallest detail planned and executed every-<br />thing. The government forces had so fortified their positions that<br />it was difficult to get past them. Here are some examples:<br /><br />In Mutara, the position around Nyagatare, Rwempasha, Kangoma,<br />Mabare, Mutojo, Bushara, Kabuga, Nyabihera, Gikangati, Karama,<br />etc., were feared by all Inkotanyi.<br /><br />In the central region, we knew we had to drive around the positions<br />in Gatondel, Kaniga 1 & 2, Mukono, and Kivuye. At Ruhengeri,<br />the most solid positions were those at Nyamicucu, Butaro-<br />Runaba, Rwanbutama, Kinyababa, Ku Muremure, Kagano Bisate,<br />and in other places like Ruhengeri and Kinigi.<br /><br />So the Rwandan Army and the local defense forces, though much weakened by World Bank and IMF restructurings, did not lie down or roll over for these crack(-headed) Soldiers of Fortune.<br /><br />Each time we tried to attack these positions we were repelled and<br />retreated. All our frustrations were taken out on the surrounding<br />populations. Certain forms of reprisal against these populations<br />consisted of forcing them to evacuate our dead and wounded,<br />digging the graves where they’d be buried, and taking care of the<br />livestock we’d raided.<br /><br />And Ruzibiza is no Tutsi genocide denier—remember, he’s the spawn of Rwandan kings. But the refrain throughout his testimony is that if you want to understand why the Hutu committed genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, you have to see how Kagame and the RPF set the scene for that ‘100-day tragedy’ three years before. It doesn’t make a lot of sense—to qualify only the Tutsi victims of the Rwandan interim government and the Interahamwe youth group as making up the genocide—but it makes about as much sense as these hgi’s can muster on any given Sunday.<br /><br />We’d always force them to kill one another. The last standing<br />would be executed by our troops. Or we’d tie them up, arms<br />and legs, and then dispatch them with a blow to the head from<br />an ‘agafuni’ (a hoe handle), or stab them many times through<br />the ribs with knives until they died. Any old reason to kill these<br />folks would do, even asking them to give up the ‘secrets of the<br />MRND’, the secrets of the army, and other information that they<br />obviously had no idea about. After each of these raids we would<br />return to our bases in Uganda.<br /><br />The RPF began lying during this period, it never once recognized<br />that it had committed any such crimes. We went as far as even to<br />deny the evidence of our operations out of Uganda. This strategy<br />was followed until the invasion of Congo, because we never admit-<br />ted the RPA was in the territory of the DRC.[15]<br /><br />But the war continued like this, if only at a somewhat lower intensity, until a second big invasion in February 1991. While Kagame and the officer corps regrouped on the safe side of the Rwandan/Ugandan border, most of the young troops recruited from Tutsi in Burundi, Uganda, Tanzania, and Congo, remained in-country with their Rwandan homeboys—getting high and playing football, because there wasn’t much in the way of gainful employment out there. All these teenage mutant ninja Tutsi (and their Hutu road dogs) were discouraged from beating it out of Rwanda by word on the street that all retreating RPF soldiers would be summarily executed upon reaching their rear lines in Uganda—and they had no reason to think this was bullshit since these kids had been dishing out exactly that kind of treatment to the Rwandan civilians they’d encountered during this month-long offensive comme pogrom—no play given to women, infants, and old folks.<br /><br />So these kids merely slipped back into their Air Jordans and Bob Marley t-shirts and blended in with the thousands of RPF infiltrators already poisoning national (and international) opinion against the Habyarimana government. Between November 1990 and February 1991, the RPF tactics changed only from high to low profile. They shifted from a full-frontal military assault to a more guerilla-style infestation, with the establishment of camps throughout the Northwest from which terrorist raids would be launched. This is the style of warfare taught by the US Army at institutions of dire learning like The School of the Americas (where the Latin American death squads were detailed out), the Marines Command and Control Systems School in Quantico, VA, where Canadian General Roméo Dallaire and his Bangladeshi cohort in the general staff of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), Colonel Moen, were formed and fitted, or the 5th Army’s Command and Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, KN, where Paul Kagame got his Pilate’s license to kill. Though strikingly similar, the model for this kind of terror war is not really the Nicaraguan Contras or the Salvadoran, Guatamalan or Honduran death squads, but the more mechanized and high-tech ordnance-burning Israeli Defense Forces, who can do more damage to virtually unarmed refugee camps and rural villages per cc of depleted uranium than just about any armed force since the inglorious days of the CIA’s Vietnam-era Phoenix Program, where the politically prominent Kerr(e)y’s (Bob & John), copped all their bona fides for ascension to American government and academic leadership by killing innocent civilians face to face—and getting decorated for it.[16]<br /><br />The set-back to the RPF’s plans to clear a corridor to Congo dealt out by the Rwandan military—with the help of some old francophone comrades—was really only temporary. After the February 1991 invasion—a bigger and badder version of the one just four months before—the wasting virus of neo-liberal military humanism was in Rwanda for the long haul. The RPA set up a permanent base in the northern tea factory town of Mulindi, which became the second capital of the country, and the one all Western business, diplomatic and human rights representatives used as a convention center and arms fairgrounds. This allowed the purveyors of death and destruction on the installment plan, and their humble humanitarian NGOs, to skirt the international military and economic sanctions that had been imposed on Central Africa. As in Yugoslavia, the use of private ‘security firms’, like Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI)[17], allowed the West to violate their own peace-keeping policies, feed both dogs in the fight, as they did in the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s, and never have to drop their humanitarian pretensions.<br /><br />As we move toward the ‘genocide of 100 days’ between 6 April and 4 July 1994, it will become impossible to ignore the effects of this October 1990 invasion. For it set the bloody tone for the brutal imposition of the New/Old Feudalism that has come to identify global capital’s ultimate liberation from any social or moral strictures into a metaphysical force for the determination of absolute value, even unto the dispensation of life, disease and death. The numbers game is just that, an evil game in which certain quantities are given magical significance: how many dead does it take to qualify for a genocide? 8,000 as in Srebrenica? Or 8 million as with the Jewish Holocaust? Why don’t the 25 million Soviets who perished defending the USSR and liberating Eastern Europe from the Nazis qualify as a genocide? It’s usually not the numbers, but what humanitarian accounting firm is doing the cooking—and to whose tastes—that determines whether a genocide has gone down or not. The Rwandan numbers are so staggering as to make counting obscene. Suffice, for now, to say that the dead began to accumulate significantly on 1 October 1990, and the murder has not ceased today. But it was the Tutsi and Hutu who invaded Rwanda under the rubric of the Right of Return of Tutsi refugees, and who wantonly and cold-bloodedly murdered—or provoked the murder of Hutu and Tutsi living in that country, who today, under the reptilian gaze of Maréchal Paul Kagame, have given birth to, and currently sustain, the largest genocide in African history.<br /><br />*******************************<br /><br />1 George Monbiot, An empire of denial: The US is choosing to ignore the fact that it is to blame for the stifling of global democracy, The Guardian,Tuesday June 01 2004.<br /><br />2 Ibid Geo Monbiot: ‘Unaccountable power requires a justifying myth.’<br /><br />3 Robin Philpot, Ça ne s’est pas passé comme ça à Kigali, Les Intouchables, Montréal, 2003. p 35.<br /><br />4 Ibid.<br /><br />5 Most famous here are Ruder-Finn and Hill & Knowlton for the Kuwaitis, the Croats, the Bosnian Muslims and the Albanian irredentist Kosovo Liberation Army.<br /><br />6 Grégoire Kayibanda was the leader of the first Rwandan government after the social revolution of<br />1959-62. He was deposed in 1973 by Juvenal Habyarimana in a military coup. The airport in Kigali is named for him.<br /><br />7 ICTR-96-3-T -- 24 November 1997 -- LE TRIBUNAL PÉNAL INTERNATIONAL POUR<br />LE RWANDA—LE PROCUREUR contre GEORGE ANDERSON NDERUBUMWE RUTAGANDA. Pp 29-33.<br /><br />8 Ibid. p 33.<br /><br />9 See Annex 3 in Charles Onana’s, Les secrets du génocide rwandais, Duboiris, Paris, 1998.<br /><br />10 Ibid, p 22.<br /><br />11 Testimonial by Abdul Ruzibiza, published 14 March 2004.<br /><br />12 Cf, General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Dix ans après, a personal report to the writer. May 2004. p 14.<br /><br />13 Ibid. p 16.<br /><br />14 The road out of hell, Special Report: Rwanda since the genocide; The Economist, 27 March-2 April 2004, pp 25-30.<br /><br />15 Ruzibiza, op cit. p 9<br /><br />16 A conservative columnist, Charley Reese, for the King Features Syndicate (ca 25 June 2004), suggested that John Kerry’s experience ‘killing people face to face’ (as well as his ability to speak French) made him, in 2004, a preferable presidential candidate to GW Bush, who had only signed a few dozen execution orders as Texas governor.<br /><br />17 MPRI’s experience with the Croatian Secessionist Militias in Operation Storm, the largest example of ‘ethnic cleansing in the Balkan wars of the 90s, with the Kosovo Liberation Army in Serbia, and with the Ugandan NRA and its off-shoot the RPF, have produced enough casualties to quality it as the leading private producer of ‘genocides’ in the death market today, and give special poignancy to its corporate pitch: ‘Providing the United States and international clients with programs of uncompromising quality that enhance security,’ justice and well-being – programs that are built on the bedrocks of experience, integrity and the values that flow from a lifetime of service to the nation.</div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-31104217064747626882018-03-18T11:42:00.001-07:002018-03-18T11:49:37.003-07:00Democratic Elections in Russia? No Joke: a travelogue.<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">{In honor of [presidential] Election Day in Russia today, Sunday, 18 August 2018. Still waiting to hear ANYONE talk of the multi-party system in play--or the REAL Opposition, The Communist Party of the Russian Federation--over in my native land.--mc}</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">[Since U.S. democracy reached its illogical conclusion by raising the grossly unpopular, the grotesquely inept Donald Trump to its highest office, History has been forgotten (if it were ever known), Reason become sinister (like Science), and Decency a sign of weakness. The eight-year mini-Renaissance in Democratic-Style reformist governing that were the Obama mandates, have not just slipped into perdition, but are now even effectively used as reason for punishing the American public.</span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: xx-small;"> </span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: xx-small;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">The Democratic axioms of Maximum Suffrage, one-person-one-vote, and rigorous Secularism, have been reduced to bullet points in the enemy's propaganda. Its long-standing, essentially anti-Democratic spirit has left the U.S. in a bipartisan war against the very idea of Popular government, and 'Liberal Democracy', represented by a black Social Organizer, has become the enemy of the 'Free Market, Greed is Good, Business Model', represented by a failed (in every way) Carny and short-eyed stink hole. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">To explain the unspeakable, the unthinkable, the sub-mental intelligentsia has decided Russia 'interfered' with the 2016 election; Russia is responsible for the sack of fetid meat that is Donald Trump; and Russia is once again and forever the enemy of that anti-Communist--yet now beyond Fascist--U.S.A., white with foam. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">But in a head-to-head match--even spotting the U.S. 3 strokes a hole and the use of the bitches' tee--Putin and Russia's version of Democracy makes the U.S. look like the cheating short-hitters they are. </span></span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: large;">Here's how Democratic Elections really work--or worked ten years ago.--mc] </span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif; font-size: xx-small;"> </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS IN RUSSIA? NO JOKE!--a travelogue by Mick Collins</span></h3>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">by Mick Collins, CM/P</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">He who casts his vote has no power. He who counts the votes has all power.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">—Maréchal Stalin on elections.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">When I got the email inviting me to Moscow to observe the 2 December 2007 Duma elections, I was in the middle of reading, in the NY Times-online, about how the EU and OSCE had pulled their election monitors less than a week before the voting. It was weird on the face of it—why would these Europeans refuse to witness a celebration by their fellow Europeans of what, by all my readings, was nothing short of a miracle performed by the Putin administration over the last seven years? Even folks like the Wall Street Journal, the NY Times, and the International Republican Institute, who are generally very critical of Moscow’s ways and means, had to agree that Russia currently leads the world in most measures of economic growth (at a rate of 7% over the last four years), improved standard of living, including life expectancy, and reductions in inflation, unemployment and Soviet-era foreign debt—in fact, while the West was pulverizing Mesopotamia, Russia recently cancelled Iraq’s $10 billion marker.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In a 10 October 2006 interview with The Suddeutsche Zeitung</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">[http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2006/10/13/2413917.html],</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Vladimir Putin wrapped up his administration’s achievements thus:</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">>The thing for us is to develop our economy. Over these last</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">years we have ensured a consistently high rate of economic</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">growth – around 7 percent annually over the last four years.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">When I became President, our foreign currency and gold</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">reserves stood at $12 billion, and now they have increased by</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">$80 billion over the first half of this year [2006] alone and</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">currently come to a total of around $270 billion. Added to</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">this are the Government’s reserve funds, which come to $70</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">billion. Furthermore, we have paid off our debts in full.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">We have now become a grain-exporting country, something</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">that was not the case not only in the 1990s, but also in the Soviet</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">period. Last year we sold 13 million tons of grain abroad, and</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">this year we will be able to export around 10 million tons.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But none of this has any sense if it does not bring change to</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">people’s lives. Over these last years, average incomes have been</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">rising by about 9 percent a year, and wages by a little over 10</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">percent a year. Pensions have been rising by around 8.5 percent</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">a year. These are all figures in real terms.<</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">His media critics were even forced to admit that President Putin enjoyed an overwhelming approval rating at home—something upward of 80% nationwide—and could probably get just about anything he wanted from the Russian people—including a third presidential mandate if he chose to drive over constitutional term limits. So these elections seemed more like a vote of confidence or an outpouring of appreciation for a job well done—a farewell embrace or a kind of ‘United Russia Love-In’ over 11 time zones—than any kind of Western-style steel cage death match: Like Humphrey-Nixon, Carter-Reagan, Bush-Clinton or Gore-Bush—or even Jospin-Chirac, Le Pen-Chirac, or Royale-Sarkozy, here in France—where you couldn’t differentiate the candidates’ positions with an electron microscope—elections so steaming with treachery and stinking of mendacity as to make participation in them seem about as wholesome as drinking out the toilet in a hepatitis ward.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But the outcome of these Russian elections, the global budget for which was just 4.2 billion rubles (about $172 million or just less than twice as much as Mme Clinton has raised privately for her personal campaign, and with the US elections more than a year away), seemed a foregone conclusion. So why were the EU and OSCE monitors bitching out and passing up this well-paid opportunity to clock another test-heat in the great post-Soviet Democracy Derby? Bailing on what my soon-to-be new friend, Vladimir Churov, the head of the Russian Election Commission, would call ‘electoral tourism’, another of those international doggles of the boon genre that has gotten a lot of otherwise unemployable ex-professors, ex-diplomats, ex-functionaries and non-specific ‘experts-for-hire’, fat and sassy, since ‘multi-party democracy’ became all the vogue with the ‘Fall of the Wall’? Who cares! Tant pis pour eux, just more for me, eh!</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But there was still a growing creep factor. Like Sartre’s nausea, the edges of reality were starting to fray on me. I didn’t get much lead-time on this thing: ticket, visa, and hook ‘em up Paris-to-Moscow, all in three days—for a two-day stay. And it was Russia—in winter, after all. Right? Ask Napoleon and Hitler how they liked their snow trips out there.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Still and all, I was pretty jazzed about the prospect of going back to Moscow for the first time since being born there sixty-some years ago. I had always used my Soviet birth as a kind of cachet in the States. Figured it made me seem exotic, continental, Conrad Veidt-like (I know. Connie was German. But from out East, Potsdam, ok?). What it usually got me, however, and this might have been because of the sort of shit I willfully chose to get into (e.g., sex, drugs, rock ‘n’ roll and draft dodging), was the kind of angry ostracism that ensues when your personal history is in direct conflict with the consensus (anti-communist) reality. When you point out something someone should know, but doesn’t: Like that the Berlin Wall, which surrounded the Western sector of that German capital, liberated by the Red Army while the Allies hung back on the safe side of the Elbe, was entirely in East Germany (known, ironically enough, as the German Democratic Republic); or that while it is indecent even to question the number of Jews who perished in WWII—or, for that matter, just how or by whom they were liquidated—it is likewise beyond serious historical contradiction that anywhere from two to ten times more Soviet citizens, of various nationalities, ethnicities and confessions, also lost their lives in active or passive resistance to European fascism; or if you suggest that the dialectic that drove the 20th Century, the tension between anti-Fascism (Communism) and anti-Communism (Fascism), allows for no Liberal (Existential) abstention through the conflation of these two polar opposites as two strains of the same longing for authoritariansim: such mention will probably lose you your interlocutor.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I guess it took my moving to Paris thirteen years ago and beginning to associate and work with some self-ordained ‘experts’ (you know, folks who claim to know a great deal about a very small subject) to really get a bead on just how anti-communism, and especially anti-Sovietism or Russo-phobia, (with the allure of 4000 years of accumulated surplus value), had degraded human thought.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">There had been a few intimations of this return to my Russian origins since going to Krakow to do some theatre in the autumn of 2005. (‘The origin is the goal,’ that Karl Kraus line, kept working my nerves). And just about a year ago I got several furlongs closer to the Russian capital when I went back to Poland, to Lodz (pron: Woodge), near Warsaw, to do some theatre, yet again, with my old homeboy, John Steppling. This would be another of his dark, Keatsian (i.e., unconscious, ‘negatively capable’) strokes of stage genius, an emotionally charged ‘reconsideration’ of King Lear (called “Cut To The Brains”). I was playing Shakespeare’s greatest geezer, while shadowing the wonderful Polish actor Marian Opania in the same role. It was very Kott-ian, very Grotowski-esque, very, very cherry and extra clean. It was two Lears, in two languages, Opania in a strangely political Polish translation, and me in the original, far-from modern English—in fact, the play was played in three languages, because two of the daughters were taken by Norwegian youngsters, and the addition of that chilling Nordic tongue gave Goneril and Regan a very nice Waffen edge-edge. And it was straight theatre: no chintz curtains, no apologies, no explanations, no sub-titles.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">All these théâ-tricks, of course, were being turned right in the heart of concentration camp country. A growing understanding of Nazi Germany’s social engineering experiment in using slave labor to overcome its under-capitalization, while disposing of superfluous populations and enemies of the state, and assuring the continuity of some very nervous industrial and financial cartels, in combination with a feudal-nostalgic and Fascoid-Catholic Poland’s history with Russia, was the chief source of the play’s emotional charge for me. Tangential to which, throughout rehearsals I was deep into a wonderful book on the prison camp system known as Jasenovac and The Holocaust in Yugoslavia[1]. At one point in medias rehearsal, I ‘mayonnaised’ out (you know, had one of those ‘senior moments’) and couldn’t find this book, which had become an essential part of my preparation for playing Lear. I fell into a profound funk—even by Polish standards—, and I searched everywhere, retracing my daily routine: the doughnut shop, the Internet café, the gym, the Film School, the theatre. No, it was lost and I was undone—I AM Fortune’s fucking Fool!</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Then, after a desperate week or so, I looked in the back pocket of my computer bag, and there it was. How could I have thought I lost it when it was there with me all the time? But it WAS lost, because I couldn’t find it. And without this book, all considerations of the hideous fascist aggression against the Soviet Union (the primal war crime from which all other crimes against Humanity, including genocide, stem, according to the Judgment at Nuremburg), an assault ongoing since WWI, really; all the real effects of the August 23, 1939, Molotov/Ribbentrop treaty on Hitler’s murderous onslaught to the East, June 22, 1941’s Operation Barbarosa; all the continuing military encroachments on former Soviet territories as expressed by NATO’s replacement of the Warsaw Pact (with one of its most livid current examples being in Kosovo); and the validity of the ratio: USSR : Russia as Yugoslavia : Serbia: all these febrile reckonings had gone missing from the historical and anagogical development of my Lear.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But with the book’s return, I started asking what to me seemed a simple enough question, a matter of scholarship or methodology, really, about the Jasenovac book’s presentation of this concentration camp phenomenon that has come to be known as ‘The Holocaust’, and its particular expression in the Balkans. My question was not how the numbers of dead were determined (e.g., were x number of Serbs, y number of Jews, z number of Roma, etc., too high or too low?). But how were the victims sorted, separated and filed as to nationality, ethnicity and religion? That is, if, as is the subject of a popular exhibition here in Paris on The Holocaust in the Ukraine, 1.5 million Jews were shot dead even before the 1941 German invasion of that former-SSR, what is the significance, the motive for the murders of the rest of the 10 to 11 million Ukrainian victims counted up at war’s end? I tried to ask the editor of the Jasenovac book by what standards this morbid ‘triage’ was carried out, but he could only tell me that all I needed to know was ‘brilliantly explained’ in his ‘brilliant introduction’.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Then a review praising this book came out, and I began to understand what was up—or to misunderstand a little less, at any rate. In applauding the Jasenovac book’s depiction of the genocides of the Jews, Serbs and Roma of Yugoslavia, this reviewer cast blame for the carnage in Eastern Europe not as much on Hitler and the stylish Germans, as on the brutish proletarian dictator, Stalin, and his legions of Soviet, Slavic slaves. This vile, historically groundless fascist apologia, worthy of Lonesome Joe Goebbels, himself, and wildly popular among those posing as survivors of the Nazis’ criminal madness, like Elie Weisel, Jerzy Kozinski or Roman Polanski; this charging the Soviets with ‘a joint criminal enterprise’ in the organization and execution of the national defense of the USSR against unprovoked foreign aggression—as continues to be done with the Yugoslavs/Serbs (esp. the Bosnian Serbs) and the Central African majority Hutu, in regard to their struggles against Western-sponsored invasion and occupation—would, inexplicably, spew from a young Russian reporter for RFE/RL and the BBC I met on election night in Moscow, as well as from several of the ‘expert-types’ I would be brought together with in Paris, Poland, and Prednistrovia, with my involvement in the translation of a corpulent compendium of geopolitical essays called The Alternative Atlas.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">However, the director of this Atlas and my small-college Balkans historian went some distance in explaining just how, in their line of work, it was more career-effective to preserve one’s seat at The Holocaust Industry board meetings, even if that seat happens to be butt up against those of admitted war criminals and other mass murderers, like Mr. & Mrs. Clinton, Al Gore, Richard Holbrooke, General Wesley Clark, Madeleine Albright, or Roméo ‘the African Assassin’ Dallaire, than to stand on picayune moral and historical principles, mincing the hoary crotch-hairs of troop movements d’antan, and thereby toss all one’s good—even ‘brilliant’—works into the critical chorizo machine that has become Historical scholarship. Shakespeare might have described this academic tendency as the ‘Better Read than Red’ syndrome.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I speak to you tonight for the dignity of Man and the destiny of Democracy—</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">—LBJ, with Mike Bloomfield and Buddy Miles on drums,</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">‘The Killing Floor’,</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The Electric Flag, an American Music Band</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">While Lear could not understand how he became so hated after giving his lands over to his married daughters, I could not understand how Russia had become so hated—and not just in Poland—after its immeasurable, heroic sacrifices to liberate Europe—and itself—from history’s deadliest plague, Fascism. How could the old graves of national Resistance heroes and Soviet Army martyrs, as well as those of noncombatant victims, have been desecrated by the new ‘West-leaning’ comprador governments so as to clear space for monuments to ancient clerico-Fascist exploiters and liquifactionists? How could experienced scholars and public thinkers continue to refer to the Soviet incursion into Afghanistan in December 1979 as an ‘invasion’ of that tragic country? This defensive deployment, on the invitation of its neighbor and ally, the thoroughly Western-infiltrated and destabilized communist PDPA government of murdered president Nur Taraki and his successor Hafizullah Amin, against the unprovoked foreign aggression (from bases in Pakistan and Iran) of the Western-armed, trained and directed mujahidin forces, those creations of the Nobel Peace Prize winner, Jimmy Carter, and his sancho, Zbigniew Bryzinzki—how could ‘experts’ of every stripe continue to consider this ‘an invasion’, a strategic blunder that led to the military defeat of Russia and Soviet Communism, to the end of the Cold War—even to the End of History? Lear and I were both puzzled in Poland, totally lost like babes in (the) Lodz.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But this anti-Russian parochialism (perhaps that’s too kind a term—how about ‘philistinism’?) seemed to be bubbling up everywhere I looked. Not just with the false witnesses at the OSCE (and its subset, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights [ODIHR]), or with the Mossad agents who own and operate the trillion dollar a year criminal syndicates fronted by various First World governments, but especially among certain self-proclaimed ‘anti-imperialists’, Left Humanitarian Soldiers of Fortune, who never met a humanitarian disaster or travesty of Justice they couldn’t make bank on, a species of ‘expert’ that likes to soft-pedal any anti-Fascist (anti-Capitalist) undertones that might vibrate through their rigorously polite ‘anti-Imperialist’ critiques, so as not to offend the deans and deacons, the publishers and government administrators, who sign their paychecks. It is easier for these toilers on the soft side of the division of labor to luxuriate in their leather-bound, wing-backed chairs, in their Olympian skyboxes, and, with the bounteous bourgeois serenity and aesthetic recul at their disposal, to opine that Soviet and Chinese Communism(s) and German, Italian and Japanese Fascism(s), enfeebled as they were by psychologically-damaged leaders, fought to a graceless draw, or even completely erased one another from History, leaving only various shades of Liberalism, rather than submit to the moral-historical imperative that sides must be taken (since, unlike sex, History does not suffer disinterested spectators). Lear never really sorted out the mess he’d made of his life and just died—but, as an actor, to see myself playing that great man’s death in the glistening eyes of my wonderful Polish counterpart, who was, himself, dying the same death—was a life-changing experience. And as, at the end of each night, I bid Opania’s Król Lear, ‘Pray you, undo this button. Thank you, sir.’—according to Ian Holm, perhaps the only time Lear has ever said ‘thank you’ to anyone—each night I knew that my spirit was being released—not into the void, not into nothingness or pure forgetfulness, but toward a more finite and hopeful destination that might lie further east.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">So now, though my role had changed, the same spirit continued toward its realization. The idea was to get to Moscow, play the role of an independent elections observer, not say anything so profoundly wack as to baffle the interpreters or offend the hosts, and get back to Paris in time for the inevitable Xmas depression.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I tried to take satisfaction in this huge new production, this new role I’d been cast in—25 years in LA, I’d played all kinds of characters: doctors, lawyers, and ambi-sexual hair transplant specialists, but never an international elections observer. In Hollywood, in The Industry, you learn early never to turn down a role because you might not be able to pull-off the gags. Somebody asks you, ‘You wanna go to Moscow, be an elections monitor?’ You gotta say, “Which way to wardrobe, tovarich?” But the Unknown here (especially the language and the real Russian character) had me nervouser than a newlywed at the clap clinic.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I was shopping the Internet for a cheap Paris-Moscow ticket, when one of my dearest Jewish friends sent me an article from David Horowitz’s FrontPageMag.com. Horowitz, if you’ll remember, is the apostate leftist who flipped when he found out how illiberally serious Huey (.45 stops all jive!) Newton and the Black Panthers really were—until Horowitz’s new super-heroes at COINTELPRO neutralized and liquidated them—and always blamed his life-long Communist parents for baby-sitting him while they were out organizing with Soviet-era cinema classics, instead of allowing him the Rock Hudson/Doris Day-fare the other kids were learning to get off on. Now he’s all about rooting out the tautology of Islamo-fascism, doing his bit in the war on Communist-inspired Arab terrorism, and generally blame-mouthing Russia while cashing dividend checks from his important Holocaust holdings. The FrontPageMag.com lead was about how Putin had seen to the murders of Anna Politkovskaya and Aleksandr Litvinenko, as well as to the ‘genocide of the Chechen people’. As with Bosnia, here were Zionists mourning the deaths of Islamic bandits and the murderers of innocent Slavs and Jews. I thought, dayam, this kind of ethical pirouette is way post-Haldol nutsoid: after having weighed-in heavily against the Islamo-fascists, to shift the blame for the murders of a heretofore unknown scribbler and an ex-FSB/MI6 double agent turned poisons trafficker (who was probably offed by contamination from his own product—even double-jimmying your package don’t make it safe to be keestering that radiation!), both of whom had crossed their Russian oligarch and Chechen mafia minders—onto the government of the very people who suffered the tragic effects of this ethnically-couched criminal venality (the horrible slaughters at the Beslan school and the Moscow theatre, and the bombing of the Moscow apartment blocks, spring to mind) is the sort of geekish moral contortionism one seldom sees outside Nightmare Ally or the Pentagon Situations Room—or the miserable meanderings of philosopher-clowns like BHL or Doc Kouchner.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But why? Why would Putin want to slip some Polonium 210 suppositories into Litvenenko’s party kit? Sure, Litvenenko was part of the Beresovsky/Chechen exile network in England that was always trying to trash the Kremlin—not to mention sponsoring and otherwise encouraging bloody terrorism against the CIS. But the principal source of heat on Russia was coming from Israeli friends of Litvenenko—besides his wife, nobody else seemed to give much of a shit about this guy. And why was Israel so defensive about these Russian oligarchs like Berezovsky and Khodorkovski? Because they were Jewish? Who knew, before they ripped off several billion in Russian assets, stashed the loot in Israeli banks, and, instead of toasters, shotguns or 32-piece Tupperware sets, were given Israeli citizenship for opening these accounts. Does this ‘arranged conversion’ make it ‘anti-Semitic’ for Russia to criticize and pursue these robbers, to jail them, if necessary, in order to recuperate its stolen property? And why were the Zionists now so down on Stalin and Soviet Russia, the country that gave World Jewry, in 1928, its first ‘homeland’, its first ‘Zion’, in Birobidjan? My work on the Milosevic dossier had already caught me one totally humbug anti-Semit beef; I certainly didn’t want this trip to Russia to cost me any more of my treasured Jewish friends.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Now that I had this none-too-cheap Aeroflot Paris-Moscow ticket, I had to sweat the visa, which was hanging in a very small time window—the Russian consulate says allow 10 days; I had a couple hours between classes. But having paid for the ticket cinched it—everything else HAD to happen.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">So, I dug down and stepped up, and with rare balletic agility and feral cunning, I managed to drive through all the glitches and snafus that only a career narcissist like me can set up for himself. Get this visa: I was told by the consulate on the phone that it was a ‘diplomatic visa’ arranged by the Russian Election Commission, that I wouldn’t have to wait in line with the ordinary tourists. But I never had the heart to confirm that—maybe because I was also told it would be gratos, and I wound up having to kick down 120€ before they’d stamp it into my passport. I then managed to teach a last class at the French National Olympic Committee (found out how the traditionally Russo-phobic IOC, because of pressure from its sole energy sponsor, GE, is resisting Gazprom’s bid to back this aged Fascist rite, even after the Russian energy giant outright bought the 2014 Winter Games for Sochi—and notice how all the boycott talk this season is not aimed at the US and its imperialist henchmen for their own very real invasions currently ravaging Iraq and Afghanistan—as the 1980 boycott of the Russian Games was aimed at that nation’s ‘invasion’ in defense of the latter country—but at this year’s Chinese Olympics because China’s oil interests are said to have contributed to the designer genocide in DARFUR!); to get home; to get packed; to keep my dinner down; to sleep a couple fitful hours; to get the RER-B to the CDG-2; to check-in with an e-ticket (Aeroflot is hooked up with Air France so no problem); to check out these three impressively tall young women, two Swedish blondes and a Sistah, in designer sweats, talking all kinda game, probably going over to Russia to play some professional hoops; to clear security; to buy another bottle of water: and to do all this with plenty of time to spare.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Nothing to designer sweat about now—except for maybe how nice it would be to engage those three lanky hoop-dream-boats in a little 3-on-1 pick-up game, tighten up my ancient basketball jones—here’s where I started thinking, again, how unprepared I was for this serious a trip. I’d never get any play out these girls with only my Red Star Belgrade cap to represent with—I really wished I had my dear comrade Duci Simonovic, noted big-Play Sports philosopher, to go to in the high post.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Changes. Changes. Rearranging things to bring me down.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">—Changes, Moby Grape</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The noon Aeroflot to Moscow, flt SU250, was an hour and fifteen minutes late getting away from the Air France concourse at Roissy. And there was a gate change—which, because I didn’t notice it up there on the board for several minutes, created a bunch more anxiety about whether I was going to be able to pull this off. Actually, it was a little more than an hour fifteen late—more like an hour forty by the time they started to back the AirBus away from the gate. I tried to send an SMS to my contacts in Moscow, make sure they waited for me at the airport, but there was no way of telling if it got through. The old fears of abandonment started gnawing at my duodenum.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">It was as unreasonable, but nowhere near as intense, a panic as I felt in February rushing to catch my Paris-Belgrade flight for the Serbian Radical Party’s Conference on ‘Hate Speech’—The Hague Tribunal’s rationale for the baseless charges being used to take Dr. Vojslav Seselj and the SRS he leads, as was done with President Milosevic and his SPS, out of Serbian politics. I’d checked in, again with an e-ticket—though this one had Me Jacques Vergès and Dr Patrick Barriot’s names alongside mine, so I really had nothing to worry about. But all I could see was a crowd of tourists impacted in the two security lanes feeding into four departing flights, the clock ticketing toward take-off time, and a lot of pushy French-types red-dogging the front of the lines. I figured, fuck it. I’ve lived in Paris for 12 years now; I can do this. So I got all Gordy Howe on this crowd, body-checking and blasting my way through security, speed-skating down the ramp, and right onto a . . . shuttle bus—totally empty, waiting to take the rest of those Belgrade passengers I’d just humiliated myself in front of across the tarmac to our plane. And my whips-and-jingle-bells had only gotten worse. When I finally got to my seat (First Class, Serb radicals know how!), there was Me Vergès, seated in A1, coolly reading Le Monde. He looks up at me—I’m in the early stages of a full-fucking grand mal seizure—and says, ‘Bonjour, monsieur. Comment allez-vous?’ (with a kind of ‘Who the fuck are you?’-look on him) and goes back to his paper without waiting for my response. But that’s Vergès—no matter how many deals we’ve collaborated on—and there have been a few just on the Milosevic case—he always greets me like a total stranger.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Finally, after we got to the Belgrade Hotel Intercontinental, Vergés had calmed me way down—he’s been around enough to know the politics of international justice like most America shysters know the vehicle code or the personal liability laws. It was the presence on this junket to NATO-occupied Serbia of the inscrutable Comarade Vergès (friend of Pol Pot, defender of Carlos the Jackal and Klaus Barbie, and soon to be a major star of two big-screen popular [?] films—my old friend Barbet [Barfly] Schroeder’s Terror’s Advocate and Kevin [Last King of Scotland] McDonald’s My Enemy’s Enemy), and some very sharp Russian lawyers, that allowed me to make what sense I did out of this my fourth trip to Yugoslavia in defense of its socialist democracy and national sovereignty.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The Russian’s have always had a much stronger handle on what’s up with their Slavic brothers and sisters. Sure, they’ve had to finesse their way around a lot of Western brutishness—just as they are doing with these Duma elections—but the Russians knew that President Milosevic would die in custody if he were not released to them for treatment, just as they knew that under international criminal law and conventions it is impossible to charge a nation, a state or a people with genocide—why the case over Serbia’s responsibility for the ‘genocide of 8,000 Muslim men and boys’ at Srebrenica in July 1995 was filed with the International Court of Justice (ICJ), a civil court in The Hague—in a kind of expression of what I have come to call the OJ-to-Goldman-to-Goldman/Sachs strategy: when the rules of evidence and the burden of proof make criminal prosecution impossible, sue their asses off in civil court. The ICJ, as my learned Russian friends predicted, did not hold Serbia responsible for these (still unsubstantiated) killings falsely charged against the Bosnian Serbs in general, and General Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic in particular. There was a certain decency in the Russians’ legal considerations that has long been absent from Western legal practice—like the young Russian lawyer who chided me for going souvenir shopping at Kalamegdon when I could have joined him on a visit to the grave of our mutual hero, Slobodan Milosevic, about a forty minute drive from our hotel.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Kosovo was an important concern at this Radical Party Conference—as I think it was in the OSCE’s pulling out of covering these Duma elections. This province of Serbia also weighs heavily on Russia’s reluctance formally to recognize another breakaway territory in its near-abroad, Prednistrovia (aka Transnistria, if you’re talking about it on the Moldavian/Rumanian side of the Neister river). It’s stunning to me just how reluctant the Serbs and the Russians are to impute any foul intentions, any bad faith to the West or its institutions—even after all the desperate resorting to barbaric militarism and congenital criminality that have characterized the tactics of modern waste Capitalism. Here’s a view from Pravda.ru of the issue of Kosovo independence:</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Kosovo has been part of Serbia for centuries. Kosovo is an</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">integral part of the Republic of Serbia, end point. Kosovo</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">doesn’t have anything to do with the European Union, with</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Lisbon, Brussels or any one else except Belgrade. It’s up to</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">the Serbians and Serbia to decide what Kosovo’s status is. It</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">is not up to the EU, nor Portugal, nor Belgium, nor Albania.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">If for decades Albanian women had gone there to produce their</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">offspring, it does not mean that Kosovo is theirs any more than</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">the southern states of the USA belong to Mexico.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">There were, certainly, still unanswered questions here [like: What about the US {not to say NATO or UN} military presence there? or If there are so many ‘ethnic Albanians’ {90%?} in Kosovo who favor independence from Serbia, why have they never just held a plebiscite on this issue, and why was it necessary for the KLA {UCK} to assassinate 16 members of the late ‘pacifist’ president of Kosovo, Ibrahim Rugova’s democratic party?—forcing the Gandhi of South Serbia to flee to Belgrade and seek asylum in the offices of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic—the results of this Serbian charity, harboring thousands of Albanian refugees, being that Rugova died in bed, while Milosevic was murdered by his jailors in the old Nazi prison at Scheveningen.], but the Russians seemed a lot closer to getting the answers right on this one, too. So why was I still so jumpy about Russia, Russians and the Russian elections?</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">On this flight to Moscow, time was starting to goof me, because I couldn’t figure out whether the 17:45 arrival time was one, two or no hours ahead of Paris time. Right. This is not like playing spatial chess by mail—I was well on my way to losing what little reckoning remained in my possession. I recalled Poland was in the same time zone as Paris—but I usually traveled to Poland on a 25-hour bus trip and measure the time with the number of sandwiches I eat. I just couldn’t do the math here, couldn’t crunch the numbers on my Swatch—or even find the heart to break open the face plate of my space suit enough to ask the kid sitting next to me what the time was—because about an hour and a half out, I was totally alone in my terror zone: Going back to the place where it all began, to do some heavy political work, political theatre really, maybe touch base with some unknown family members, even better, maybe network with some Moscow impresarios, confab about a Russian production of ‘Cut to the Brains’. That’s the ticket! As long as I could still think H’wood (even HollyLodz), I wasn’t totally psycho—yet.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But it was impossible to mellow out. No movie, no music, no PacMan on my phone. Couldn’t find the concentration to read anything I’d brought along. The turbulence was frequent and heavy. Everybody was speaking Russian, which, like Polish, totally wigged me–I didn’t understand a word, and everything was sounding more and more sinister—like everybody was talking about what a pathetic dick I am.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Blow, winds, and crack your cheeks! rage! blow!</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">You cataracts and hurricanoes, spout</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Till you have drench'd our steeples, drown'd the cocks!</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">You sulphurous and thought-executing fires,</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Vaunt-couriers to oak-cleaving thunderbolts,</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Singe my white head! And thou, all-shaking thunder,</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Smite flat the thick rotundity o' the world!</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Crack nature's moulds, and germens spill at once,</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">That make ingrateful man!—</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">—King Lear, (Act 3, scene 2.)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">William Shakespeare</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Finally, after a horrible chicken-fried meal, we started to ease into our approach to Sheremetyevo. The AirBus went into a steep right bank and didn’t come out of it, didn’t stop circling for a full hour. Through the spotty cloud-cover, my first glimpses of Moscow appeared as a series of dying campfires, the embers scattered here and there by the inconsistent fog.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">All the while there were announcements of ‘unintentional’ delays working through three languages, only two of which I could occasionally understand. I think they were saying there was a storm, a big snowstorm. These announcements only added to the anxiety of time running wild on me.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Then we were on the ground, and there was every reason to relax. I was here. And what had appeared from altitude to be water, rivers and ponds, turned out to be snow banks. Yeah, just chillax—indeed. And we sat on the runway, waiting for a stand, a place to park the AirBus, for the next three hours. After the first sixty minutes or so, when the plane began to move toward the terminal, the cabin broke into applause. But we only taxied about 50 yards before stopping for another two hours, and the imprisoned passengers never clapped again.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I was six hours late. And after another interminable wait at passport control, just to show off my pricey (diplomatic?) visa, I walked into the arrivals area to be met by a crowd of young people holding little white signs reading ‘HP’, ‘Cisco’, ‘Cubana’, ‘VW’ and even ‘Tupperware’. All the great merchandizing pyramids were there—kind of a Forbes Weekly-version of the Valley of the Kings—but not one of them was for me. I could find NO ONE to meet me! Just a crowd of strangers speaking a sinister language I couldn’t understand—and it was all the more sinister because I knew that this language, this Russian, was my ‘mother tongue’—the first language I heard at my mother’s breast—when I was first—and last—in Moscow as a new-born. But this ignorance, too, my ignorance of Russian was a product of anti-communist terror.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Well, this was, existentially speaking, pretty fucked up—it’s a good thing that the flight in had been such a bummer or this sense of being abandoned in a strange airport might really have been a buzz-kill. It was round midnight now, and I figured I would just have to call my contacts with the Election Commission, get somebody out here before it got too ridiculously late. But my phone, my trusty Moto, didn’t work. It had worked in the US, all over Europe, even in Poland and Ukraine and Prednistrovia. But not here—not in Moscow, not in the ‘New Russia’. See? It’s always darkest just before your emergency generator blows out.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">And no one at the airport seemed to speak English—not any kind of English I could get across in, anyway. All the people I asked for help acted like they understood what I needed to know, but their instructions always came back in Russian. Some fellow travelers, Brits mostly, just gave me bunk about how you couldn’t get there from here, how my phone numbers were wrong so their cell phones wouldn’t help, and just generally shined me on as only pain-in-the-arse-teabags can do.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">It was becoming indecently late. But, on the advice of the woman who sold them, I bought a phone card (360 rubles, about 15 € or $20), and tried to call my contacts on a pay-phone. The woman at the airport Post Office told me I had to put an ‘8’ for Moscow in place of the ‘7’ that indicated the country when calling from abroad—she told me in Russian, but grudgingly wrote it down because I kept giving her that droopy-eyed ‘duh?’ look. The pay-phone was a bit complicated, too—kinda pre-911 (or maybe pre-1911) with buttons you had to push to finally talk to the party you were trying to talk to—and when I finally got through, it wasn’t any good, anyhow—just some sleepy grumbling in Russian and another hang-up. I felt like my card might be getting thin, so I called my long-lost cousin, Misha, whose number I’d gotten from my sister in California—she’s our family historian and told me Misha spoke a bit of English. [All kinds of bizarre information about my family’s Russian past has come to light since my sister diligently FOIAed the transcript to my father’s 1952 foreign service security hearing, held during his last posting in Torréon, Mexico—the upshot of the proceedings was the trashing a long and full diplomatic career, beginning in 1930s China and passing through the fin-de-guerre USSR, where he committed the indiscretion of marrying an employee of the Russian news service, TASS, an obviously intelligent Russian woman—who, in the logic of good Midwestern alcoholics, was obviously working for Russian Intelligence.] Now, I know I must have sounded a bit desperate to be found and collected from this airport, but the best cousin Misha could come up with was ‘I have email address.’ Great, cuz. I promised I’d call and get his email if and when I ever got to a computer again. As yet I have not kept that promise, and that’s more gunge on my karma, I know.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The taxi drivers were like sharks: just cruising around the shallows of this arrivals hall and now and then striking with a whispered ‘You need taxi?’ Hey, brother, if I knew where I was going, I might just go there in one of your bandit cabs—as I didn’t see any Yellow cab dispatcher anywhere.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">So, I started breaking it down like this here: It was too late to do anything about anything. My Aeroflot back to Paris was scheduled for 13.00 Monday 3 December—sixty hours from now. Could I step off sixty hours in this airport without ever finding my people? If I didn’t make contact with the Election Commission, I’d have to eat the costs of the ticket and the visa, along with the indignity, the total demoralization of returning to Paris without ever having set foot outside the Moscow airport. So to scotch that last one, I walked through the front doors into the icy midnight air—and right back inside again, to lie down on a metal bench and see if I could find the sort of sleep that might knit-up this raveled sleeve of care I was gnawing nervously on—because awake I just kept screwing the poodle.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I looked up on the wall, and it was 4.00 am. Only 58 hours to go. Then, I think, I fell asleep.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">We were hungry when we got to Moscow—So-vi-et.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">—Groucho Marx or George S. Kaufmann</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">6:30 am, Saturday, 1 December.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I guess I thought I was pretty cool, pretty important, when I left Paris. Like last January when I flew out to Hollywood to work on a friend’s film. When I told the Customs Officer I was on my way out to the coast to make a movie, he suddenly got all friendly, like he recognized me as an actor. But the reality of the experience—especially the ten-hour overnight layover at the Newark airport, again sleepless on a hard metal bench—just never meets up to the anticipation or the remembrance.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">It was coming up on 24 hours I had been on this trip, a full day and night since I left my family—without even taking the time to walk my seven year-old son Max to school—and I’m still sitting in this shabby arrivals hall of a Moscow airport—and I DON’T KNOW WHAT the fuck TO DO!</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">My contact still doesn’t answer her phone—if the number I keep dialing is actually hers. One phone number she emailed me has about ten digits, and the other just seven. But like the time difference, I don’t know quite what to make of, or do with, these numbers. This whole deal was very loosely wrapped from the jump. But, god-dayam, this sucks. I need more sleep maybe.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">8:35 am</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Maybe that little extra bit of sleep helped clear my head. Or maybe it was the constant repetition over the airport PA system of the very funny-en-soi word ‘chicken’, bringing to mind images of a rubber hen in a Monkey Kirkland skit. I kept hearing someone say ‘chicken desk’, or ‘chicken time’. The absurdity of it—of the time it took me to realize they were saying ‘check-in’—re-engaged my sense of humor, my sense of the absurd—I don’t know—but I was laughing this time when I went to the Aeroflot counter to ask for help. They seemed more confused than I was. (‘So, you’d like us to put you in a hotel for two days?’—at least, with the day shift, the confusion was in English.) But they did tell me that my second contact number was wrong—it was missing a prefix. (I knew that, but . . . ) I tried adding the prefix from the first number, and whaddaya know! There they were: Alexis and Marina. And sounding really glad to hear I was there and ok—not at all pissed off at me for being so late and not calling sooner. And right away they got busy hooking me up with a ride to my hotel (one of the five Holiday Inns in Moscow). Then they said that a car wouldn’t be possible for another two hours. I said I’d take one of these shark taxis—and then my phone card died. A prowling driver must’ve smelt my joy sweat, and he hit me: ‘You want taxi?’ Ok, how much? There began SALT 4.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The cabbie, poor predator that he was—probably a fallen philosophy or economics professor (I surmised this from the profundity of his silence on all matters other than his fare)—after quoting me $50 for the nearly hour-long trip, had to settle for my very last 45€ (at least $60 at that day’s rate of exchange)—because when it comes to the art of the high-pressure deal, there are few bigger marks than I. But once I had gotten into my hotel room, watched a little of Christiane Amanpour’s highly-vaunted CNN reportage on ‘Czar Putin’ and the ‘new Dark Ages’ in Russia, where there is NO freedom of expression [except for CNN?], and where dauntless opposition leaders like Gary Kasparov [sic![2]] were regularly jailed, I felt myself climbing back up to sub-normal. It might have been the similarity of this CNN/Amanpour report to those from the front lawn of The Hague Tribunal in 2002, when Amanpour declared Milosevic’s ‘the Trial of the Century’, just before slinking off to hide among the Dutch dykes, when the President, in his opening remarks, invalidated one of key images in the NATO/EU anti-Serb iconography and the prosecution’s case (an emaciated Fikret Alic on the wrong side of a barbed-wire pen in which ITN’s Penny Marshall had set her cameras) by presenting a video of the counter-reportage of German journalist Thomas Deitchman. Or the irony of Christiane and Co., once again, seeming to furnish their own contradiction.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But I took a nice little nap, caught some MTV/Russia, a savory buffet dinner with some of my fellow delegates, and then hooked it up off to meet with the Election Commission and its chief, my soon-to-be good friend, Vladimir Churov.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">So much for the overture—here comes the rhapsody.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The logic of facts is the strongest kind of logic.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">—Maréchal Stalin on epistomology</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Here are some of the facts about these elections gleaned from our delegation’s meeting Saturday night with the Election Commission and Chairman Churov.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">There are about 4,500 candidates for the 450 seats in the Duma, the lower house of the Russian Federal Assembly.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Mr. Churov said there are more than 300 International Observers in attendance (other sources cite more than 400, with some 330 from the OSCE alone.)</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The 95,000 polling stations over Russia’s 11 time zones are open from 8 am to 8 pm—so polls in Kamchatka close an hour after they open in Moscow.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In Russia, unlike in some US-styled democracies, they wait an hour after the polls close before announcing results or returns. Americans are in the habit of hearing running tallies, exit polls, and constant media projections (this usually runs along with the fairly transparent ruse of having the election computers ‘go down’ an hour or so after the polls open, so the media projections are all the voters have to go on, and, strangely enough [NOT], when the computers come back online, the election results are just about exactly as the media had called them). So, at 10 am on Monday 3 December, it’s all done, and the results are posted on the Internet and the GSM.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">They seem to go to great lengths here—what might be considered extreme measures in the West—to get out the vote. Soldiers, who during Soviet times voted on their bases, vote in public polling places alongside other Russian citizens. I remember seeing platoons marching along the street toward a voting station and thinking, ‘Oops, the voting’s not going well for the Kremlin.’ But, no, it’s all just the People’s Army voting with the People. And then the Election Commission arranges for ballots to be delivered to invalids, shut-ins, the homeless have special polling places (though I didn’t see any homeless folks hanging around the Holiday Inn, or the McDonald’s next to it, I guess there are some citizens still trying to deal with all their new-found freedom from communism’s guarantees of the basic needs for a decent existence, like health care, education, housing and a job), and Russians residing in 141 foreign countries have places where they can go to vote. They even set up voting places in certain hospitals, asylums and—this one struck a certain chord with me—jails. As in the US, convicted felons don’t have the right to vote, but those prisoners who are awaiting trial do, and they are accommodated. The whole idea seemed to be to get as many people to vote as possible. I thought it might have been a lot easier for the government to do it the American way: vet the voter lists of all seemingly unfriendly types, then let the computers and the media do the heavy ballot-box stuffing electronically. But I guess when you’ve got at least 80% of the People pulling for your side, you don’t have to resort to ‘dirty democracy’.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">And there is all kinds of ‘outreach’ and ways for the voters to ‘feed-back’ their complaints to the Election Commission. Rather than about how the elections are going, 2/3 of Hot-Line calls concern social issues—i.e., health care, pensions, streets and roads (you know, pot holes)—and, according to Churov, out of 6,000 calls, only 3 didn’t get their problems resolved.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">[—I like my new friend Churov, who looks a little like Frederich Engles reincarnated as a Persian cat. He, like several others in the current administration, including United Russia’s recently-named candidate for the Presidency in next March’s elections, the current chairman of Gazprom and Deputy Prime Minister, Dmitri Medvedev, worked with Putin in St Petersburg in the administration of reformist mayor Anatoly Sobchak. In the early 1990s, Medvedev was a legal consultant to the city, and Putin served as its first deputy mayor. Why I like Churov is he takes time to think, to reflect on what he’s going to say—he even gets up from the table and searches his office for reference materials—that kind of ‘pausing’ is cool; I wish I could develop a little of his disciplined serenity.]</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">There were 15 parties eligible to participate in the elections. On 13 September 2007, the Patriots of Russia and the Party of Russia's Rebirth created a coalition, leaving only 14 parties to participate. All 14 parties presented their lists of candidates to the Central Election Commission. However, the Electoral Commission decided the Russian Ecological Party ("The Greens") would not be able to stand, due to a large number of allegedly faked signatures (17%, well-more than the 5% allowed) on their supporters' lists. The Nationalist People's Union decided to endorse the Communist Party. So, the final list of parties for this election included:</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">1 Agrarian Party of Russia</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">2 Citizens' Force</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">3 Democratic Party of Russia</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">4 Communist Party of the Russian Federation</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">5 Union of Right Forces</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">6 Russian Social Justice Party</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">7 Liberal Democratic Party of Russia</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">8 Fair Russia</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">9 Patriots of Russia–Party of Russia's Rebirth Coalition</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">10 United Russia</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">11 Yabloko</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Before we wrapped, I asked my friend Churov just what was up with the OSCE’s refusing to come to his elections. He said he feared the OSCE had been mal-informed, and that a large part of the responsibility for that lay with him. Narcissism? I dunno—I don’t think so. The Russians, like the Serbs, are incredibly patient—much more patient that I could be, even on ‘loads’!—in their dealings with the diseased fascist jackals of the NATO/EU/UN/OSCE-ODIHR/G8 cabal that keep trying to break into the Russians’ ancient estate and devour everything they have created, including their very lives. And they almost achieved this with their criminal backing of the neo-liberal Gorbachev/Yeltsin putsch and sell-off of the late 80s, early 90s.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">After all, this was the same OSCE that, after the Holbrooke/Milosevic talks of October 1998, infiltrated Serbia/Kosovo with its ‘Kosovo Verification Mission’ (KVM), which was made up mostly of ancient spooks and serial killers like William Walker, drawn from Western intelligence agencies whose job, from the outset of hostilities in the Balkans, had been to destabilize Serbia, especially Kosovo, demonize the Serbian/Yugoslav government, and prepare international sensibilities to accept the wanton murder of another Slavic people. This UN-backed ‘black op’ enabled the KLA (UCK) to take back most of the territory it had seized through force of arms after their invasion from Albania early in 1998, and then had lost back to the Yugoslav Army and Serbian Special Police during the summer of that year.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I, very presumptuously, told Chairman Churov that the OSCE were not friends of Russia—even if Russia was a founding member of the organization. I said he owed them nothing, and was certainly not responsible for their mal-information. But my friend Churov is obviously much wiser than I—he certainly knows much more about what I was talking about than I did—so I shut up. And here’s how he laid out the timeline of the OSCE snafu:</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">First, he made the important distinction between the OSCE (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe) and its subset, the ODIHR (Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights). The no-shows were from the ODIHR. The OSCE’s Parliamentary Unit sent more than 300 observers without a hitch.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The OSCE/ODIHR was good to go from the beginning of negotiations on the 2 December Parliamentary elections in June 2007.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Gerald Mitchell, head of OSCE/ODIHR elections section, insisted on coming to Moscow to meet with Mr. Churov personally, but cancelled two meetings because of his wife’s death.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Then on 22 October—at the time of the Polish elections—there was a meeting in the OSCE/ODIHR office in Warsaw where all the problems of the observers’ mission were discussed.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">This 3 1/2 hour meeting resulted in a deal wherein the OSCE/ODIHR observers would come to Russia right after all the parties had been registered.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The OSCE then met with President Putin in Mafra, Portugal, on 26 October 2007, and the Russian President accepted the presence of OSCE/ODIHR observers at the Russian Parliamentary elections in December—it should be recalled that it was Putin, himself, who initially promoted the idea of a Euro-Russian Institute for the promotion of Democracy and Human Rights. Same deal: The observers would come out when the parties were registered.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">On 30 October, party registration was completed, and 372 documents were sent to OSCE/ODIHR. Chairman Churov showed us the invitation sent to the OSCE/ODIHR Director, Ambassador Christian Strohal, which was received on 31 October. With these documents were included lists of all the candidates from all the regions—this reminded me of the huge volume of documents Iraq sent to the UN to prove it had disarmed, and that were intercepted and vetted by the US—but the OSCE/ODIHR response was SILENCE.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">OSCE Ambassador Boris Frlec (Slovenia) showed up at the Election Commission without any visa problems and met with Mr. Churov. Then on 16 November, Churov received three letters from Frlec to confirm the deal as discussed. An hour later a letter from Ambassador Strohal arrived queering the deal—citing difficulties in his experts’ getting visas to enter Russia. Yet the deal was cancelled AFTER Strohal was IN Moscow with his visa—and the other OSCE monitors didn’t start the paper work on their visas until 13 November.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">There was some mention of a ‘coincidental’ meeting in Washington DC around this time between OSCE principals and Nick Burns, US Under-Secretary of State for Political Affairs. Whether or not this meeting had anything to do with pulling the ODIHR election monitors or not, the reasons cited for their withdrawal, withholding entry visas for 70 Human Rights ‘experts’ while routinely admitting over 300 of their OSCE cohorts, just does not pass the Raçak smell-test.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">And that’s where we left it Saturday night at the Election Commission. Sunday was Election Day, and we would spend a good part of it on the short-bus touring polling places. So that Holiday Inn bunk was looking very sweet, indeed—made me forget all about that metal bench at Sheremetyevo.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I never saw a moor</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I never saw the sea</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But I know how the heather looks</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">And what a wave must be</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I never spoke with God</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Nor visited in heaven</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">But certain am I of the spot</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">As if the charts were given</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">---Emily Dickinson</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Another fact: I’d never been up this close to an election before. Watched a few on TV. Even wrote some about how crooked and technologically hijacked the spectacle of US elections has become since—well, certainly since the advent of Monday Night Football-style media attention and the loss of hard copy back-up with the increased (ab)use of touch-screen, paperless computer voting. One of the glib suggestions I made to the TV cameras in Moscow was that the next US election would be conducted through the ESP Channel, voters kicking back in the Barce lounges and thinking about whom they wanted to vote for, while Dionne Warwick and Uri Gellar called the returns from her tea cups and his crystal balls. But I’d come to think so little of electoral politics that I figured I’d just permanently boycott this kind of trick or treat fest. Now I was right dead-off in the middle of the Moscow mix, and democracy was starting to look familiar again.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Moscow has 10 administrative districts (like the 20 arrondissements in Paris). We short-bused it around the rather nicely turned out Southeast district to a few of its 423 polling places.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The first one we stopped off at was in an English language school (#1221). Representatives of Opposition parties are present at all voting stations, and we always ran into a couple of them wherever we went.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">These polling places, like in every other country where folks vote, are set up in some sort of good-sized public building, like a school, library or rec center, and here it’s really done right: plenty of room for free circulation and visiting with friends, a goodly number of election workers to answer questions and keep thing moving along, and, my favorite, lots of savory-looking eatables, healthy snack foods on display—to recharge the old batteries after the rigors of exercising the franchise. None of the places we went to seemed crowded or pressured—even later in the day when the voters were arriving in greater numbers.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">I am told that the young in Russia are very interested in this process, and that 27,000 of them will vote in just this one district.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">How voting works:</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">First the voters present their (internal) passports (just a piece of identification everyone carries). They then get checked on a list and are given a big A3-size ballot (one page, one side only). Then they go into the booth armed only with a PEN.</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The completed ballot is then folded and inserted by the voter into a box. Later the ballots are electronically scanned to see if they are correct and complete, and then they are counted. At nine o’clock, an hour after the polls close, the results are announced. And Moscow being so far west, by the time we got to the Election Commission—about 9:30 Sunday night—the results from nearly all of Russia were in. This is what they looked like:</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Summary of the December 2, 2007 Russian Duma election results</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">[Parties and coalitions</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Seats ]</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">United Russia</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Edinaya Rossiya)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">44,714,241 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">64.30%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">315 seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Communist Party of the</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Russian Federation</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Kommunistiãeskaya Partiya</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Rossiyskoy Federacii)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">8,046,886 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">11.57%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">57 seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Liberal Democratic Party</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">of Russia</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Liberal'no-demokratiãeskaya</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Partiya Rossii)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">5,660,823 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">8.14%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">40 seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Fair Russia</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Spravedlivaya Rossiya)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">5,383,639 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">7.74%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">38 seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Agrarian Party of Russia</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Agrarnaya Partiya Rossii)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">1,600,234 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">2.30%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Russian Democratic Party</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">"Yabloko"</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Rossiyskaya Demokratiãeskaya</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Partiya "Yabloko")</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">1,108,985 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">1.59%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Civilian Power</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Grazhdanskaya Sila)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">733,604 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">1.05%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Union of Right Forces</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Soyuz Pravych Sil)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">669,444 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">0.96%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Patriots of Russia</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Patrioty Rossii)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">615,417 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">0.89%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Russian Social Justice Party</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Rossiyskaya Partiya</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Spravedlivosti)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">154,083 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">0.22%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">******</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Democratic Party of Russia</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">(Demokratiãeskaya</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Partiya Rossii)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">89,780 votes</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">0.13%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">No seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">========</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Valid ballots</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">68,777,136</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">98.91%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">-------</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Invalid ballots</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">759,929</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">1.09%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">----------</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">==========</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Total votes cast (turnout 63.71%)</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">69,537,065</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">100.00%</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">450 seats</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">**********</span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Eligible voters</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">109,145,517</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">[Source: Russian Election Commission—and none of the other parties won enough votes to gain any seats.]</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">American Democracy is a form of government organized to serve the interests of American Business—Foreign democracies are governments organized to serve the interests of . . . American Business.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">—My paraphrasing of something I remember Professor Chomsky saying,</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">maybe in that Canadian bio-doc, Manufacturing Consent.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The critics of Russian-style Democracy are in the habit of citing the 1999 elections when making their invalidating comparisons—stating, for example, that the Communists, the real opposition, with their 11.57% showing in 2007, did much worse this time than in 1999 (24%). True. But in the intervening 2003 elections, after Vladimir Putin had effectively begun to turn Russia around, the Communists saw their 1999 total cut nearly in half to barely 13%, and their nearly 12% showing in 2007, because of the enormity of the voter turnout and the overwhelming popularity of United Russia, actually reflected an increase in their share of the popular vote (ca 8 million) and the number of Duma seats they won. So what? Well, for one thing, this makes the Communists’ joining in the reactionary Western chorus of complaints about how ‘dirty’ these elections were seem even more CNN-petty bourgeois bitchy.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The bulk of the complaining seems to be not about how the election was run, but about the inordinate power that the government wielded in promoting its achievements and, thereby, further elevating the profile of its party, United Russia. On the face of it, this kind of criticism comes off as little more than sour grapes from losers who couldn’t make the relatively low 7% cut—or those like Kasparov, who have no dog in the fight at all. A real victory of style over content, where the will of the people is sublated by the rules of the ‘multi-party democratic game’. That a government or a political party uses the popularity its achievements have earned it to increase and consolidate its power is about as natural as politics get. That is to say, for power to act in any other way would be unnatural, irrational, even grotesque unto monstrous, and certainly absurd. In a word, it would be anti-democratic.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">And ‘absurd’ is the best word to describe the sort of criticism that fell on these elections:</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL)—the corner for my boy Daniel’s hustle—reported that they considered the elections ‘a show election’. [Get it? Like a Stalinist ‘show trial’?] Well, Danny, if those numbers you showed me on election night were right (righter than your notion that the Molotov/Ribbentrop deal was cut in 1940), it certainly was an enormous ‘show’ of popular support for the Putin government.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">The British newspaper The Independent wrote, "Critics condemned the election as an exercise in phantom democracy. Although voters had a choice of 11 parties, the only ones with a chance of making it into Russia's notoriously feckless Duma are either creations of the Kremlin, or loyal to it." and "Many Russians believe that the loss of freedom has been an acceptable price to pay for the stability.” —Unlike multi-party democracies like Britain or the US, where there are far fewer parties to choose from, where what two or three parties there are serve the same elite business interests, and where civil life under the US’s Patriot Acts (I & II) and Britain’s Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act makes one wonder just who is protecting you from whom? In the end, this kind of criticism is mere ‘Projection’, laying one’s own faults and weaknesses on the other, which is a most cowardly and dishonest form of ego defense.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Nikolai N. Petro's opinion article in the International Herald Tribune was less cravenly hypocritical, though just as patronizing: "Far from indicating a retreat from democracy, the Russian electorate's rejection of the current opposition may be a sign of the country's progress toward a mature democracy."</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In Denmark's daily Politiken, it is noted that the Russian election "could be best described as a swindle." The paper argues that Western countries should not accept the results "lest they compromise their own democratic values and deprive Russians of hope in a democratic future for their country". —What ‘democratic values’ can the melancholy Danes be talking about? My best guess is they mean that these results are going to encourage Gazprom to continue protecting Russia’s wealth in energy resources from the predations of the Western Business [read Waste] culture, the real masters of all ‘democratic’ governments everywhere.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">And if this kind of repressive sublimation needed any back-up, we have Britain's Financial Times observing that "Russia's relations with the West threatened to hit a new low . . . as Western leaders and institutions denounced parliamentary elections at the weekend as unfair and undemocratic. But independent observers suggested both sides could seek to contain the damage as Russia heads into a crucial and uncertain period." —Whose economy is in deeper shit? This seems like more cowardly projection from America’s office boys.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In Brussels, that great Russophile and Big George Robertson’s successor as NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, said through his spokesman that he is concerned "about the conduct of the elections, in particular when it comes to freedom of expression and association," but there was no sign of any change of the alliance's policy towards Moscow. Van den Brande also said there was no prospect of Russia being thrown out of the Council of Europe. –Yeah, right, especially as long as Russia is furnishing nearly all of Europe’s natural gas. But NATO has always been known for its pragmatism (if not its decency) in dealings with its Eastern brethren—the 5-year terror-bombing of Yugoslavia on behalf of EU ‘financial and commercial security’, the militarization and political occupation of Russia’s near-abroad, the sponsorship of so-called Islamic freedom fighters in anti-Russian campaigns in Afghanistan, the Balkans and the Caucasus—why let something as nebulous as these unsupported allegations of election fraud interfere with doing business?</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">As might have been expected, a much more reasonable analysis of these elections came from Russia’s neighbors in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan). Observers from the SCO inspected 30 precinct election commissions in the electoral districts of the city of Moscow. Their judgment was that “the election of deputies to the State Duma, in the election districts observed by the Mission, was legitimate, free and open, and basically conformed to the requirements of the national legislation of the Russian Federation and its international obligations."</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Not that it matters by now, but the SCO observations were pretty much my own—except that I know diddly about ‘the national legislation of the Russian Federation and its international obligations.’ While in Moscow, I was often asked about my impressions of these elections. All I could come up with was to say that my impression was that the election was very impressive. [Geez, I hope the interpreters fixed that in post!] But what really struck me about my whole Russian experience—what very pleasantly surprised me and gave me much needed new hope for the future (if not mine, at least for Max’s future)—was how really, deeply unimpressed the Russians are by the West.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">You know, the Russians are a wise and decent people—like the Serbs, they’ve seen a lot and they’ve paid close attention to their history—and they seem to know that as long as they have their country—as long as they own their homeland and their history—they’ll be all right. And they will continue to rescue Humanity from its predators.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">A very sage Russian general I met at the ‘Hate Speech’ conference in Belgrade last February, General Leonid Ivashov, describes perhaps the ultimate hope for the world that is offered by Russia and its fellow SCO member-nations, with a citation at the end of his superb article on GlobalResearch[3]:</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">In 1938, German philosopher W. Schubart wrote in his Europe</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">and the Soul of the East that it is not Europeans but Russians</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">who have the mindset by which humans can justify their eternal</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">predestination. Russians are guided by the absolute, by the</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">universal feeling, the Messianic soul... When it comes to the</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">main issues of life, Europeans should regard Russians as an</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">example, not vice versa. If Europeans seek to return to the</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">eternal goals of mankind, they should adopt the Russian-Eastern</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">perception of the world.</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">By and large, those who were doing the most complaining about these elections seemed to be desperate to convince the world of certain aged absurdities about Russia and its history—especially its Soviet history. The 20th Century was proof of just to what foul and wasting purposes these absurdities will be put. As another of my dope 18th century homeboys, Voltaire, put it,</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">>People who believe in absurdities will eventually commit atrocities.<</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Mick Collins</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">CirqueMinime/Paris</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">12 January 2008</span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">------------------------------------------------------------------------</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">[1] Lituchy, Barry M., ed. Jasenovac and The Holocaust in Yugoslavia: Analyses and Survivors Testimonies. Jasenovac Research Institute, New York, 2006.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">[2] According to my friend Vladimir Churov, Gary Kasparov represents no officially recognized political party in this election and is not considered the leader of anything—except, maybe, his chess club, and certainly leads no organized opposition movement—anywhere, but in the intoxicated imaginings of some CNN editors.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">[3] Interactions between Civilizations and their Mutual Assistance</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">Heartland Expanding, or The Shanghai Cooperation Organization</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "tahoma" , "helvetica" , "freesans" , sans-serif;">by Gen. Leonid Ivashov, @ GlobalResearch.com</span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-62040222574006910232018-03-11T11:52:00.001-07:002018-03-11T11:52:18.311-07:00Solving The Milosevic Murder: An Open Letter to Carla del Ponte from Me. Jacques Vergès & Dr. Patrick Barriot (from June 2006)<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: 24px; font-weight: normal;">{</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-weight: normal;">On the 12th anniversary of the </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-weight: normal;">iatrogenic assassination of a great anti-fascist leader, CM reposts this letter from another great anti-fascist hero, Me Jacques Vergès.<span style="font-size: large;">}</span></span></span></h4>
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Solving The Milosevic Murder: An Open Letter to Carla del Ponte from Me. Jacques Vergès & Dr. Patrick Barriot (from June 2006)</h3>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">Slobodan Milosevic, a tragic hero</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif;">His sodden, mendacious & soulless persecutor</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">[Coincidences are oxygen for Conspiracy Theorists. But no self-respecting paranoid would go to air with only a couple of them. If one draws a long enough historical line in which to contextualize his originally crack-pot coincidences, he will eventually be able effectively to separate the wheatie coincidences from their chafe {I know it's 'chaff', but wanted to pay homage to one of the last great living malaprop artists—you (or he, at least) should know who he is.} </span><span style="font-family: "trebuchetms";"> </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">That the Columbine High School massacre of 20 April 1999 took place at the height of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia/Serbia over Kosovo {just three days before Cruise missiles, targeted with the connivance of CNN and The Larry King Show, destroyed Serbian Radio & TV in Belgrade, killing 16 young journalists and staff members} was a coincidental story point in Michael Moore's academy award-winning documentary 'Bowling for Columbine'. </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">The so-called OJ Simpson Brentwood massacre of June 1994, with its subsequent spell-binding, nearly year-long trial (the not-guilty verdict came in October 1995), which caused a media-mesmerized American public to abandon the beating heart of its criminal-justice system, the presumption of innocence, like it was a coked-out, HIV-ridden whore, occurred contemporaneously with the mass slaughters in Rwanda, after the US-backed double-assassination of the sitting presidents of Burundi (Ntaryamira) and Rwanda (Habyarimana) and around the ensuing battle for the Rwandan capital city of Kigali (April to July 1994), and the RPF’s massacres in the refugee camps of Rwanda (Kibeho, 22 April 1995) and Eastern Zaire (now Congo, which continue to this day), all might serve as a coincidental excuse for the Clinton Administration’s continuously expressed regret for neglecting to use that ‘g’ word before the UN, while soon after making it the moral engine of their diplomatic vocabulary for describing the Rwandan mass killings as one of the greatest genocides of the 20th century. </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">To avoid seeming too cynical or too fatuous or both, let me just wrap up with a sketchy list:</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">1. The Oklahoma City bombing of the Murrah Federal Bldg., in which 19 pre-school children were among the 168 fatalities and 680 injuries, took place on 19 April 1995 and drew white folks’ attention away from the wanton slaughter not just of Black Africans in Rwanda and Congo, but also of the massacres of unarmed Muslim women and children at the height of NATO-backed siege, by these very same 'innocent' Muslims, of Serbian-held territories in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which culminated in the 'genocide' of 8000 Muslim men and boys in Srebrenica, and laid down cover-fire for the Private Military Contractor-led Croatian 'Operation Storm' with its 'ethnic cleansing' of 200,000 Serbs from the Krajina (the old military border region controlled by break-away Serbs since 1991), in which atrocities by Croatian forces continued well after the territory had been seized.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">2. The 11 September 2001 attacks on the Homeland are so fraught with coincidental, contradictory, anecdotal and outright nut-wad conspiracies, from the US government's ‘19 culturally-envious, alcoholic, strip joint-hopping, Islamo-fascist Saudi and Egyptian hijackers’ theory, to the ‘flying holograms the media-done-it’ theory, to the ‘dematerializing microwave death-ray super-weapons’ theory, to the good old KGB ‘pre-planted nukes’ theory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The sad truth is that the government's explanation, and the established orthodoxy that founds the whole Kafkaesque ‘War on Terror’, is so weak, so illogical, so unexplainable, as to make almost anything else seem plausible.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">3. Friday's Newtown, Connecticut, wasting of 20 first graders at the Sandy Hook Elementary School comes at a most critical time for a vast meta-group of geopolitical villains scratching desperately to bury their stinking geostrategic turds. Again, military violence is at a peak in the Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia. The Obama Administration, still slouching under the moral weight of defending Israel's militaristic expansionism through the use of the CIA’s targeted assassination/drone-strike program, has just announced its support for the Syrian Opposition as the sole representatives of the Syrian people, the very people they've been quite busily trying to torture, murder or otherwise privately dominate. This poly-morphous, loose assemblage of hired killers or, to be more genteel, Private Military Contractors, mercenaries on the CIA/NATO dime, who, like their 'innocent and unarmed' mujahideen brethren<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>back in Bosnia during the 90s, are fond of splashing their atrocities, their summary execution of prisoners, their public beheadings, all over You Tube and Facebook, has received the imprimatur of our recently reelected president just at the moment the Obama2 administration is trying to change jackets, trying to get out of those old, blood-soaked Clinton/Bush-era duds and into something more stylish and seemly.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">The US Opposition, the Foxy Republicans, are looking for yet one more way to torpedo the US President's moral authority, to undermine the second important democratic mandate he received in his recent reelection victory. As is their wont, however, in choosing Benghazi-gate as their battle-axe, they have failed to note that this particular weapon cuts both ways. So, they got rid of Susan Rice (and, perhaps, even Mme Clinton), but for all the wrong reasons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The full chorus of forces inciting chaos and outrage on the global stage are now in serious need of any kind of public distraction from their venal bungling and craven ineptitude.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once again, the sacrifice of innocents has arrived just in the nick of time.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">As I hope my dear friend Joe Goodrich, a connoisseur and practitioner of fine mystery writing, will concur: Coincidences, the more remote the better, are the yeast with which great mysteries are brewed. Sifting out the red herrings and fleshing in the connections between seemingly unrelated incidents is how murder mysteries are solved.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">With the recent exhumation of the remains of Yassir Arafat in hopes of finding evidence supporting the conspiracy notion that the PLO leader’s death did not result from 'natural causes' but was, in fact, brought on by Polonium poisoning at the hands of Israeli intelligence, another seemingly ordinary and natural expiration of an important geopolitical figure, Serbian and Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, has been called into question. </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">In literature, as in the penal code, a hostage or a prisoner of war cannot die of 'natural causes', but only at the hands of another (even if that other is he, himself), and both Arafat and Milosevic were very much prisoners and hostages of their enemies: The PLO leader confined by the occupying IDF to his offices in Ramallah, while the Serbian president was imprisoned for more than five years in the old Nazi joint at Scheveningen, near The Hague Tribunal.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">On De-Construct.net (linked below on the right of this blog), Robin de Ruiter presents his "Who Killed Slobodan Milosevic and Why". After reading the piece, it seemed like the right and proper time to re-post our own attempt at solving this gnarly mystery. </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">Below is our 2006 translation of an open letter to the then-ICTY prosecutor Carla del Ponte by renowned international Defense lawyer Jacques Vergès and former UN Kosovo peacekeeper Dr. Patrick Barriot, in which it is suggested that President Milosevic was forced to leave our world at the height of his powerful arguments, not just in his own Defense against charges of war crimes and crimes against Humanity, but of his most successful and intricately detailed Defense of the History of his nation, his people and our world.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">After the Prosecution had failed to make any of the several cases they had filed and re-filed against President Milosevic, and after 'the accused', as he came to be known in the media, had begun to make an ironclad argument for the righteous resistance of the Yugoslav and Serb people against the Western (US/EU/NATO) aggression intended to dismember and sell-off the home of the Southern Slavs, as well as a definitive exposition of the bad faith, foul intentions, and false history that was being promoted and defended by this legally-baseless, NATO-backed UN ad hoc court, it became glaringly obvious that the Tribunal could not convict him on the evidence, nor could they acquit him without calling their own very existence as a weapon of NATO war into question. So, the ICTY, NATO and the UN, made the only call available to them: Milosevic Must Die.</span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">If this re-post from June 2006 doesn't solve the Milosevic mystery for you, doesn’t convince you about who the real murderers were, who the real terrorists are, and why our children continue to be taken; we hope it will, at least, permit you to look beyond the distractive history of personalities, of psycho-biography, and of media melodrama, to see the real forces that are degrading our lives by trivializing our real History. </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">In any case, you should never fall for the conjurer's trick and look the wrong way.—mc]</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">MILOSEVIC MURDER: AN IATROGENIC JUDICIAL ASSASSINATION--Open Letter to Madame Del Ponte, ICTY Prosecutor, and the Doctors assigned by ICTY</span></h3>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">[Here is the English language version of an open letter to Carla Del Ponte and the iatrogenocidaires on staff at the ICTY/Scheveningen UN death camp in The Hague. Jacques Vergès is right up there with my all-time favorite Defense shysters: Sam Liebowitz, KO Hallinan, Clarence Darrow, Chris Black--I was going to say Me V's my own personal Johnny Cochran, but the Junk Yard Dog ain't what he used to be--and not just because he's dead, either. Maitre Vergès and his croaker sidekick (whom I don't know [sic--I now count Dr. Patrick Barriot as one of my dearest friends and closest colleagues from the Paris days]) lay out a murder mystery worthy of Hercule Poirot, the original Holmes-boy, or Jimbo Rockford. In fact, doing this translation made me feel like I was working on a Quincy rewrite--or, for the young 'uns out there, a CSI-Miami script. Only problem here is, it's obvious from the jump who done it. They've been doing it and will probably keep doing it until a lot of coats get pulled as to just how deadly shitty it is to live in a false world, with a consciousness founded almost entirely on lies and house music. But I'll shuddup here. Dig it. --mc]</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Open Letter to Madame Del Ponte, ICTY prosecutor, and to the Doctors assigned by The Hague Tribunal</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Maître Jacques Vergès and Docteur Patrick Barriot</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Doctors possess the art of treating and relieving the suffering of their patients by the use of medicines, and their effectiveness never stops growing. Unfortunately, this power is sometimes used to silence those prisoners who won’t be broken.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Case of Prisoner IT.02.54.T</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Slobodan Milosevic suffered from severe and unstable high blood pressure (malignant hyper-tension with systolic readings frequently at 220 and 230), aggravated by the conditions of his detention. This high blood pressure had grave repercussions, both with his heart and his brain: left ventricular hypertrophy, troubles with repolarization of the precordial flow evident on EKGs suggest obstruction, arterial sclerosis of vessels in the neck (particularly the right carotid) and of intracranial blood vessels. This malignant hypertension required a heavy treatment consisting of: a beta-blocker (metoprolo: 200 mg), a calcic inhibitor (amlodipine: 20 mg), a conversion enzyme inhibitor (enalapril: 40 mg) and a diuretic (hydrochlorothiazide: 50 mg).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Throughout the last half of 2005 Slobodan Milosevic also experienced symptoms of an inner ear disorder (located in the cochlear vestibule, the membranous labyrinth of the inner ear), specifically an impairment of his hearing that became progressively disabling: a buzzing or ringing in his ears, diminished acuity approaching deafness especially in his right ear, pain in his right ear that was aggravated by having to wear headphones, dizziness. All these signs point to an attack on the inner ear originating from the intracranial blood vessels.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A vascular pathology aggravated by stress</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The conditions of Slobodan Milosevic’s imprisonment played an important role in the aggravation of his vascular illness, particularly the stress connected with his isolation from his family. Since his abduction and imprisonment at The Hague nearly five year ago, Slobodan Milosevic was not authorized to receive visits from members of his family. A few months ago, Slobodan Milosevic wrote (in French) to Javier Solana, Secretary General of the Council of the European Union (EU) and High Representative to the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security. He wrote the following:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“Mr. Solana, You know very well that I was the leader of Yugoslavia</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">and its armed forces at the moment you launched air strikes against</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">my country, and you also know that at present I find myself in your</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">prison at Scheveningen. The fundamental difference between myself</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">and the other detainees around me is not just that I am the only head</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">of state imprisoned here, but also that I am the sole person here who</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">is deprived of any possibility of seeing his family. I describe my</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">situation to you because I am not sure you have been informed of</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">the conditions of my detention, and I cannot imagine that a respectable</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">man would be responsible for allowing such villainy. Reprisals against</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">an enemy’s wife and children are not the gestures of an honorable man.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In light of the high office you held and continue to hold today, I have</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">no doubt that you will take all necessary measures to enable my family</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">to travel freely to the Netherlands in order to visit me.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Slobodan Milosevic.”</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Obviously, these necessary measures were never taken.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The stress of organizing his defense was another factor deleterious to Slobodan Milosevic’s health in the opinion of the Dutch cardiologist appointed by the ICTY, a doctor who, as we will see, was not susceptible to the slightest compassion for his patient, ‘The Accused’. In a letter dated 23 November 2005, Dr. P. Van Dijkman (staff cardiologist at Bronovo Hospital) wrote to Dr. P. Falke (the doctor at the detention centre):</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“In light of his work schedule, it is normal that the patient should</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">feel fatigued. He takes part in three session per week and spends the</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">rest of his time in preparation, in interrogating, among others, his</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">witnesses. That does not leave much time for him to rest. It is most</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">likely that his blood pressure will continue to elevate in the course</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">of these stressful court sessions.”(1).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The medical expertise of 4 November 2005</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Three independent specialists examined Slobodan Milosevic, on his request, the 4th of November, 2005: Dr. M. Shumilina, angiologist, a specialist in cerebral (venous) circulation at the Institute for cardio-vascular surgery at the Bakulev clinic in Moscow; Professor V. Andric, ear/nose/throat specialist (ENT staff at the VMA hospital in Belgrade); and Professor F. Leclercq, chief of the cardiology staff at the Arnaud de Villeneuve hospital (CHU de Montpellier).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Professor F. Leclercq confirmed suspicious signs on the EKG and prescribed further examinations (coronary CAT scan, myocardial scintigraphy) to better evaluate the coronary circulation (2). Soon after the announcement of the death of Slobodan Milosevic, Professor Leclercq sent us a message specifying:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“I am sad that the examinations we asked for were not done.”</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Beyond that, the Professor had insisted on the necessity for an effective period of rest:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“It is inarguable that stress is playing a great part in the</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">irregularities in blood pressure and that a period of rest must</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">be ordered.”</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Dr. M. Shumilina and Professor V. Andric concurred on the vascular origins of the disabling inner-ear condition (3, 4). In view of the examinations conducted, especially the magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), Dr. Shumilina submitted as evidence vascular anomalies on several levels: the brachiocephalic trunk (innominate artery), the inside right carotid artery, the right vertebral artery, the coronary arteries. According to Dr. Shumilina, there also existed certain anomalies in the cerebral venous circulation linked to an inadequate treatment of the vascular illness from which Slobodan Milosevic suffered. Dr Shumilina and Professor Andric also prescribed additional examinations (ultra sound imaging of the blood vessels in the neck, cerebral arteriography).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The critical point of this independent expertise is that the three specialists established a connection between the symptoms of the inner-ear disorder (especially the dulled auditory perception) and the extremely high blood pressure. But this connection was vigorously denied by the Dutch doctors assigned by the ICTY, with the singular exception of Dr. J. De Laat (Leiden University Medical Centre) who wrote on 28 November 2005 to Dr. P. Falke:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“It is probable that his cardiovascular condition plays a role in</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">the patient’s auditory difficulties” (5).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">But his opinion was ignored.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The conclusion of the independent doctors’ report was without ambiguity:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“After considering the results of the medical examinations</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">indicated in the patient’s file and carried out at the time of our</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">visit on 4 November 2005, we can conclude that the state of the</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">patient’s health is not stable and that complications are possible.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">His condition demands follow-up examinations in order to find the</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">precise origins of his current problems. It is necessary that the patient</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">be given a period of rest, that is to say, a cessation of all his physical</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">activities and all of his intellectual effort for at least 6 weeks.”(6).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The report of the experts group thus brought up certain unresolved problems, at once diagnostic and therapeutic. It also emphasized the gravity and urgency of the situation. The report also cited that the patient should be given a provisional release toward a period of hospitalization at the Bakulev Institute in Moscow, the Russian government having offered all guarantees of security for the return of Slobodan Milosevic to The Hague after treatment had been carried out. The Bakulev Institute has the technical capability to offer both the diagnostics (coronography, cerebral arteriography) and therapeutics (coronary dilation, arterial by-pass) necessary, as well as top specialist under the direction of Professor L. Bockeria. Professor Bockeria determined that Slobodan Milosevic was in ‘critical condition’ and predicted a ‘cardio-vascular catastrophe’. (7).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Disagreement and controversy</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The conclusions of the independent experts group were contested by the Dutch doctors assigned by the prison authority and became the object of a double controversy. The first controversy pitted Professor F. Leclercq against Dr. P. Van Dijkman. In a report addressed to Hans Holthuis, registrar of the ICTY, dated 14 November 2005, Dr. P. Falke stated:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“Contrary to the conclusion of the examining doctors (V. Andric,</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">F. Leclercq and M. Shumilina), the treating physician (P. Van</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Dijkman) concluded that there was little probability that the</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">vascular anomalies had a connection with the symptoms presented.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The treating physician determined that a period of rest would not</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">have any positive effect on these symptoms.” (8, 9).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This opinion is confirmed a few days later in a letter from Dr. Van Dijkman, dated 18 November 2005 and addressed to Dr. Falke. Here is what Dr. Van Dijkman thought of the prescriptions of Professor Leclercq (additional examinations and rest):</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“This last point seems to me a little excessive in view of the</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">examinations already carried out (. . .). As of now, I don’t</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">see any argument for changing the procedure and, from my</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">point of view, there is no justification on a cardiological basis</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">for changing the way the trial is being conducted.” (10).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This position is reaffirmed several days later in another letter, dated 1 December 2005, and again addressed by Dr. Van Dijkman to Dr. Falke:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“In my letter of 18 November 2005, I indicated that I did not</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">see any reason to change treatment and, from the point of</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">view of cardiology, there was also no reason to change the way</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">the trial was being conducted (. . .). The three foreign doctors</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">who examined Mr. Milosevic recommend a 6 week period of</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">rest be granted him immediately. This seems to me to be</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">a totally arbitrary period of time for which, in my opinion, no</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">justification has been presented.”(11).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">As we can see, Dr. Van Dijkman peremptorily contradicts the opinion of a professor of cardiology. At the same time he contests the prescription of additional examinations for the purpose of a more precise diagnosis and the granting of a period of rest during which to effect therapy. Nonetheless he declares himself incompetent to judge the pathologies of the inner-ear and has nothing to say about Dr. Shumilina’s opinions on the cardio-vascular problems. He would have had to have taken into account the opinions of his colleagues or have asked the opinion of an internist. Too sure of himself, he seems more comfortable with diminishing the convalescence of a sick man than with achieving an accurate diagnosis. It is important to note here that even in the opinion of Professor J.H. Kingma (former Inspector General of the Dutch Ministry of Health), Dr. Van Dijkman would have had to consider the opinion of another specialist:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“Professor Kingma believes that the opinion of an additional</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">specialist must have been required to advise Dr. Dijkman in the</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">treatment of The Accused. A specialist in internal medicine</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">would probably have been good counsel at this stage because</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Accused suffered from arterial hypertension, a condition that</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">effects all the organs of the body and not just the heart. Professor</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Kingma offered to speak to Dr. Van Dijkman about the possibility</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">of seeking an additional opinion.” (12, 13).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The second controversy set Dr. Shumilina against Dr. N. Aarts (a Dutch neurologist) over the link between the observed symptoms of the inner-ear disorder and the patient’s mis-treated high blood pressure. For Dr. Shumilina and Professor Andric, the vascular origins of the ear problems were beyond any doubt and that contradicted the interpretations of the Dutch doctors. (14). A document from the ICTY dated 14 December 2005 specifies most unambiguously:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“Dr. N. Aarts, specialist appointed by The Tribunal, believes that</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Mr. Milosevic demonstrates no pathology necessitating treatment.” (15)</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Only Dr. J. De Laat, as we said, confirmed the connection between the vascular illness and the signs of an inner-ear disorder, but his opinion was not considered.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The assurance, let’s call it arrogance, with which Dr Van Dijkman contested the opinion of Professor Leclercq and the arrogance with which Dr. Aarts contested the opinion of Dr. Shumilina and Professor Andric are suspicious. These ‘experts appointed by the ICTY’ did not allow for the slightest doubt in their diagnoses, nor did they adhere to any professional code of ethics, be it with regard to a sick man, whose health they had been charged to preserve, protect and defend, or with regard to their fellow medical professionals, whose opinions should have been considered in light of their great experience and competence. In fact, these doctors were much more influenced by the arguments of the Prosecution than by those of their colleagues. Let’s take note again that when the one doctor appointed by The Tribunal declared himself incompetent and handed off the patient’s file to another physician, that second doctor’s opinion went along with that of the independent experts. The opinion of Dr. J. De Laat was solicited by Dr H. Spoelstra (ENL service of Bronovo Hospital) in a letter dated 21 November 2005 because the latter, appointed by the ICTY, believed that certain problems afflicting Slobodan Milosevic were outside his area of competence and he wanted the opinion of a third person. (16)</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Unfounded accusations concerning the non-observation of treatment</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In July and August 2004, Dr. Van Dijkman and Professor R. Tavernier addressed reports to the ICTY expressing their doubts that The Accused was actually taking his medicine.(17) It is important to note that immediately after this medical accusation was made, several confidential memoranda were issued by the authorities at the detention center: memorandum of 31 August 2004, signed T. McFadden, director of the Detention Center; memorandum of 14 October 2004, signed T. McFadden; memorandum of 26 October 2004, signed J. Hocking, vice-registrar of the ICTY (18, 19, 20). These memoranda supported the doctors’ theses and suggested certain retaliatory measures that would keep Slobodan Milosevic from mounting his own defense (21) and eliminate certain facilities that had been accorded him in order to prepare his witnesses.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">At the end of 2005 and the beginning of 2006, a new series of memoranda was forthcoming from the authorities at the detention center aimed once again at curtailing the rights of the defense: memorandum of 7 March 2005, signed J. Hocking; memorandum of 6 December and 19 December 2005, signed T. McFadden; memorandum of 20 December 2005, signed H. Holthuis; memorandum of 6 January 2006, signed P. Falke; memorandum of 1 February 2006, signed F. Gilmour, assistant director of the detention center; memorandum of 13 February 2006, signed F. Gilmour (22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27). All these memoranda again accused Slobodan Milosevic of willfully trying to aggravate his health by refusing to take the medicines prescribed by Dr. P. Van Dijkman and by taking other, non-prescribed medications. These memoranda cite as support certain medical reports stating that the levels of prescribed medications in the patient’s blood are abnormally low. As a gesture of good faith, Slobodan Milosevic offered to submit to additional blood tests, under strict medical supervision, in order to better administer the prescribed medication and to search out the non-prescribed medication. The most important blood tests were conducted on 12 January 2006 (28, 29, 30). The report issued 24 January 2006 by Dr. D. Uges and Dr. D. Touw (pharmo-toxicologists, experts in forensic medicine) concluded that</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“there is solid data in the results of these pharmacological tests to support that</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">‘The Accused’ is not taking, or is irregularly taking, his prescribed medication, and</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">that it seems evident that this could be the cause of his persistent arterial hypertension.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">This report, once again, cites the abnormally low levels of the prescribed medicines in the patient’s blood, even though this medication had been administered under strict medical control and within the framework of widely recognized blood tests, and even at the demand of Slobodan Milosevic. It should be noted as well that the toxicologists limited their investigation to two medications, metoprolol and amlodipine, and that they didn’t think it useful to measure the levels of enelapril (especially essential to the treatment) or hydrochlorothiazide. The reports clearly stipulates:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“We decided not to check for enalapril or hydrochlorothiazide.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Furthermore, the sensitivity of the test-methods used is subject of some concern, and the separate laboratories of Drs. Uges and Touw do not use the same procedures. Dr. Touw seems to have used a less sensitive method of detection by UV chromatography rather than the more sensitive chromatographic separation in a liquid phase. But the interpretation of the results differs as a function of the sensitivity of the methods of measurement, a hemodynamic activity being observable from upward of 6 micrograms per liter for amlodipine and from 20 micrograms per liter for metoprolol.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A major point must be highlighted about the blood tested on 12 January 2006: at no time was there any mention made by the laboratory in its results of the discovery of rifampicine. On the contrary, this antibiotic, known for a tendency to trigger enzymatic induction, is mentioned in the discussion of just how to explain the abnormally low levels of metoprolol and amlodipine. A reduced blood level of certain medications can result from, among other causes, poor digestive absorption, various medicinal interactions, an enzymatic induction mechanism, or a rapid metabolism due to genetic duplication (CYP2D6, CYP3A4). The report states:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“In measurements where amlodipine is a substratum of</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">the enzyme CYP3A4, the concentration of amlodipine could</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">be reduced by an enzymatic induction caused by the taking</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">of rifampicine,”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">and further on:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“At this stage, we can not furnish a satisfactory explanation for</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">the low levels of metoprolol and amlodipine.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In other words, at the time the results of the January 2006 blood tests were issued, the expert toxicologists knew nothing for certain, but only had some suppositions. They suggest the possibility of an enzymatic induction, and they cite as an example of a good enzymatic inductor: rifampicine. But at no time do they indicate the presence of rifampicine in any of the blood samples. Curiously, two month later, they announced having discovered an elevated level of rifampicine in the samples from 12 January, specifically 0.8 mg/liter of rifampicine and 1.1 mg/liter of desacetyl-rifampicine, which, according to them, corresponds to the absorption of a therapeutic dosage (about 10mg/kg/day or about 2 capsules of 300 mg in a single dose for an adult). But this result, which appeared in a letter from Dr. Touw to Dr. Falke, dated 23 February 2006 (31), then in a letter from Dr. Falke to ICTY registrar Holthuis, dated 3 March 2006 (32), was not communicated to Slobodan Milosevic until 7 March 2006.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Slobodan Milosevic never took rifampicine in an attempt to aggravate his health, and he hadn’t taken any other kind of antibiotic during his nearly five years of imprisonment. We should remember that the cardio-vascular illness from which Slobodan Milosevic suffered was neither an absolute nor even a relative counter-indication to the taking of this antibiotic, effective against numerous bacterial infections, and not only against tuberculosis or leprosy. Rifampicine, in cases of repeated use, is only capable of diminishing (and not nullifying) the efficacy of certain medicines by means of enzymatic induction. Many questions naturally spring to mind about the methods of these ‘expert toxicologists’: How was it that the presence of rifampicine was not detected in the other different blood samples? How could we verify that the occasional use of rifampicine would cancel the effects of a powerful therapeutic regime (diuretic, anti-oxidant, beta-blocker, enzyme conversion inhibitor)? Why wasn’t a liver scan ordered to determine if there had been an increase in hepatic enzymes? Why were levels of enalapril and hydrochlorothiazide not measured? Why was the presence of the metabolites of the medications not looked for? Why were these tests not run with a more sensitive method like liquid phase chromatography? Why wait till 7 March to inform the patient of the results of his blood test conducted on 12 January? Why was the computer printout indicating the discovery of rifampicine never produced by Dr. D. Uges? One is struck dumb by such thoughlessness, such inconsistency and such incompetence.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">If Slobodan Milosevic had wanted to counteract the effects of his medication, it would have been easier just not to take the medicines than to take the drugs he’d been prescribed while at the same time taking a non-prescribed drug (rifampicine), which is difficult to get, would be readily discovered during shake downs of his cell (it comes as an easily recognizable red pill), colors the urine and can be easily detected in blood tests. Let’s also remember, contrary to what has appeared in the media, Slobodan Milosevic could receive neither medicines nor alcohol from the outside. Medication was taken with a glass of water in the presence of a nurse. His cell was regularly searched when he was not there, which is illegal. As to the presence of nordiazepam, a metabolic agent used in many benzodiazepines and detected in some of the blood samples, it was too low to have had any pharmacodynamic effects. These effects would have been, in any case, rather ameliorative to the hypertension. And these traces of nordiazepam correspond to the old prescription for diazepam written by Dr. Falke.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The ICTY Order of 26 January 2006, which refers to the memorandum from H. Holthuis of 20 December 2005, restates the accusations of 2004:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“The Accused willfully manipulated the course of the trial</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">and willfully manipulated the condition of his own health by</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">not taking the medications that had been prescribed to him</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">and taking other medications that had not been prescribed to</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">him by doctors appointed by The Tribunal. The Accused was</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">found in possession of potentially lethal quantities of non-prescribed</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">drugs on two occasions in 2004 (during an inspection of his office</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">in August and again in the inspection of his cell during the week of</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">29 November). The medical reports issued after the August discovery</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">made mention of traces of non-prescribed medicines in the blood of</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The Accused.” (33)</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The regular treatment of Slobodan Milosevic included the anti-hypertension medicines we have cited, a medicine treating heightened cholesterol levels (simvastatine: 40 mg), small quantities of aspirin (ascal: 300 mg), an antihistamine (cinnarazine: 25 mg), and occasionally diazepam and diclofenac. What then were these ‘potentially lethal’ medications found in Slobodan Milosevic’s office and cell? In the Summer of 2004, guards from the detention center found in his office an envelope marked ‘Misha’ containing some benzodiazepines (midazolam and prazepam). This was an envelope belonging to one of his lawyers, Dragoslav Ogjanovic, which had been forgotten in Slobodan Milosevic’s office. Whatever the circumstances, these medications were inoffensive unto beneficial to his condition. On 1 February 2006, 21 pills of an anti-hypertension medicine, Prilazid Plus (a compound of cilazapril and hydrochlorothiazide), were discovered in Slobodan Milosevic’s cell. This discovery became the object of a new memorandum dated 2 February 2006 and signed by J. Hocking (34). In fact, these pills, found with a note written in Cyrillic, had been expired since March 2003. These were the pills that Slobodan Milosevic had in his pocket when he was abducted from Belgrade in June 2001, and that had been confiscated at the time of his processing into the detention center. Curiously these pills reappeared during the 1 February 2006 search just in time to support the thesis that Slobodan Milosevic was trying to manipulate his own health. Once again, these were drugs the effects of which could only have been beneficial to a patient suffering from arterial hypertension.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The forensic report of Dr. W. Zwart Voorspuij, dated 11 March 2006, concerns the discovery of the body of Slobodan Milosevic in cell E04 of the detention center. Before even describing the discovery of the body, Dr. Voorspuij declares in his report:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">There were indications of failure to adhere to treatment and the</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">taking of non-prescribed medications. The results of a blood</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">test administered in January 2006 revealed the presence of rifampicine</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">(at therapeutic levels) and diazepam. What’s more, he was taking</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">a medication which is not available in The Netherlands (Vascase</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Plus, similar to Co-Renitic). The rifampicine could have triggered</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">an enzymatic induction leading to an increased metabolism of the</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">other medicines. Certain prescribed medications were not found</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">in the blood or were found at abnormally low levels.” (35).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">It is astonishing that a doctor charged with noting the death of a prisoner he knew not at all should lead off his report with unfounded accusations suggested by the ICTY. At this stage of the investigation, his role is limited to noting the facts and only the facts. Dr. Voorspuij indicates that Slobodan Milosevic was taking a medication, Vascase Plus, not available in The Netherlands. But Vascase Plus (a compound of a conversion enzyme inhibitor, cilazapril, and a diuretic, hydrochlorothiazide) appears on the prescription sheets, particularly those from July and August 2002 (36). How could a drug, supposedly not available in The Netherlands, have been prescribed in the detention center? Did Dr. Voorspuij commit an error in mentioning Vascase Plus? Did he mean to say Prilazid Plus, mentioned earlier, which is also a compound of cilazapril and hydrochlorothiazide? This kind of confusion is serious in a coroner’s report. In any case, this was a medication that was being prescribed to Slobodan Milosevic before his abduction in Belgrade as well as in the detention center at Scheveningen. Finally, it should be noted that no trace of any conversion enzyme inhibitor (be it Vascase, Prilazid or Renitec) was found by these ‘expert toxicologists’.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Journalists and Doctors ‘embedded’ by the ICTY</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The unfounded accusations made against Slobodan Milosevic by these doctors allowed the Prosecutor’s office to curtail his rights to defend himself. As usual, the positions of the Prosecutor were repeated and broadcast far and wide in the media, especially the French media. Here are a few examples:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The 16 March 2006 issue of the weekly Le Point speaks</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">of “the medicinal mélanges in which the prisoner indulged,</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">hoping to reduce the effectiveness of the treatment being</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">administer to him,” and goes so far as to say that “it was the</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">ingestion of these chemicals that snared the Serbian dictator</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">in his own trap.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Jacques Amalric writes in the 16 March 2006 Libération:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“Milosevic was able to obtain counter-indicated medications</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">with an eye toward so altering the condition of his health</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">as to give greater merit to his request for provisional release</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">to seek care in Moscow.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The same thesis is developed by Stephanie Maupas who, in the</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">pages of the 19-20 March 2006 Le Monde, suggests that</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Slobodan Milosevic took non-prescribed medications in order</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">to make his ‘escape’ to Russia. Stephanie Maupas cites</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“traces of rifampicine, a drug against tuberculosis, which</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">nullifies the effects of the treatment prescribed for his</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">cardiovascular problems.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Suspicions of poisoning.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Slobodan Milosevic, whose health was in steady and unrelenting deterioration from the beginning of 2006, seemed convinced that the Tribunal was poisoning him. 11 November 2005, Dr. P. Falke noted that Slobodan Milosevic was in a state of exhaustion and declared that he was incapable of attending his trial (37). 21 November 2005, this same Dr. Falke alerted H. Holthius that Slobodan Milosevic had suffered a spike in his blood pressure, that his “arterial pressure was beyond acceptable parameters” and that he could not attend his trial (38). The effects on his hearing had become incapacitating. Slobodan Milosevic’s suspicions that he was being poisoned were based largely on the fact that he was not informed of the discovery of rifampicine in his 12 January blood test until two months later on 7 March 2006. And he knew very well that he had never knowingly or willingly taken any of this drug.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">It seems improbable that the ICTY would want to aggravate his health by administering rifampicine to curb the effectiveness of his treatment for hypertension. In effect, the rifampicine would have had to have been administered regularly and with the patient’s knowledge. There are other enzymatic inductors which are easier to handle, and there are certainly drugs more effective and harder to detect that could be used to aggravate the cardiovascular health of a patient. Finally it is difficult to understand why the ICTY would order blood tests to search for non-prescribed drugs (particularly the test of 12 January 2006), knowing that the rifampicine would certainly be discovered. On the other hand, the Tribunal had a strong interest in the ‘discovery’ of rifampicine to support its theory that Slobodan Milosevic was not adhering to, but, in fact, manipulating his treatment. To the ICTY, since Slobodan Milosevic was willfully aggravating his own health, he did not deserve the slightest considerations of leniency, and it became more legally reasonable to curtail his rights to defend himself.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Thus on 24 February 2006, the Tribunal rejected the demand for hospitalization that would have allowed Slobodan Milosevic to be properly treated in Moscow. Slobodan Milosevic addressed a final appeal, in the form of a hand-written letter dated 8 March to the Russian Foreign Minister, for an emergency hospitalization in the Bakulev Institute of Cardio-Vascular Surgery in Moscow. He died three days later, Saturday 11 March 2006, in cell E04. His death at the Scheveningen prison followed those of Slavko Dokmanovic, Milan Kovacevic and Milan Babic. The autopsy performed by the Dutch Institute of Forensics determined that Slobodan Milosevic died from a myocardial infarction (a heart attack) and that he had no traces of toxic medicines in his blood. Clearly the death of Slobodan Milosevic could never have been assigned to the normal and predictable evolution of his cardio-vascular pathology if this condition had been properly treated. It was therefore a case of ‘judicial assassination’ brought about by the inhuman conditions of his detention and the artless and inappropriate medical care ‘agreed to’ by doctors carrying out the orders of the prison authorities.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Suicide eliminated as reasonable possibility</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Contrary to some impetuously advanced theories, Slobodan Milosevic did not commit suicide. In the first place, those who knew him well understood his total commitment to fighting for the dissolution of the ICTY, which had failed abjectly to produce any material evidence of his guilt. Mr. J. Bissett, the former Canadian ambassador to Yugoslavia, who testified before the ICTY at the end of February 2006, described Slobodan Milosevic working as relentlessly as ever with his sense of humor undiminished. The day before his death, Slobodan Milosevic had a phone conversation with Milorad Vucelic of the Socialist Party of Serbia. He said to Vucelic with great energy:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“Don’t worry. They will not destroy me. They will not break me.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">It is I who will win!”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">In fact, prosecutor G. Nice had acknowledged some months before that the project for a ‘Greater Serbia’, the lynch pin to the prosecution’s case, did not rest on any established facts. It is therefore stupid to pretend that the taking of rifampicine or some other non-prescribed medication could have been responsible for a sudden death comparable to a form of suicide. The suicide theory can easily be struck from the list without leaving a shadow of doubt, especially since the autopsie did not reveal the slightest presence of a suspicious substance.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">A medically assisted judicial assassination</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The doctors had no obligation to achieve results, but they did have an obligation to employ certain means and they had to dispense their care in conformity with the facts of current science. However, the doctors of the ICTY demonstrated such great incompetence in both their diagnostics and their therapeutics that they could reasonably be compared to those who fail to offer assistance to someone in danger. The only diagnosis they presented, that of Slobodan Milosevic manipulating his treatment for his own ends, served as a strong justification for the prosecution to argue for the curtailment of their patient’s rights to defend himself in person in court. They never acted as medical professionals responsible for the health of a ‘Patient’, but rather as penal functionaries charged with the surveillance of an ‘Accused’. The internal documents of the ICTY show a perfect collaboration between the Dutch doctors, the prosecutors and the authorities at the detention center, with the common goal of reducing the rights of the defense. These doctors must be brought in to court to answer for their failure to aid someone in danger, in as much as independent specialists whose competence and experience is beyond question had indicated the gravity of the situation and the risk of serious complications.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The baseless accusations made against Slobodan Milosevic were meant to achieve (and in many instances did achieve) the following:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">1. To keep him from defending himself and assigning counsel,</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">against his will, to represent him (Steven Kay et Gillian Higgins).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">2. To eliminate the facilities that had been accorded him for the preparation of his defense by the ‘Order concerning the Preparation and Presentation of the Defence Case’ of 17 September 2003.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">3. To reduce the time allotted for the organization of his defense and increase the number of court sessions from three to four or five per week, so that Slobodan Milosevic would have neither the physical nor material means to prepare his witnesses, and would eventually find the fatigue and stress unbearable.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">4. To reject his request for emergency hospitalization at the Bakulev Institute. The doctors assigned by the ICTY accused Slobodan Milosevic of not taking his prescribed medication so as to make him solely responsible for the steady decline in his health. This done, they were relieved of having to search out the real causes of the alarming symptoms presented by Slobodan Milosevic, and they justified the refusal of emergency hospitalization in Moscow by asserting that all that was needed, according to them, to return him to good health was for Slobodan Milosevic to take his medicine properly. They thereby deprived Slobodan Milosevic of a measure of leniency afforded to other prisoners (V. Kovacevic, P. Strugar).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">From August 2004, Dr. P. Van Dijkman and Professor R. Tavernier indicated to the court that Slobodan Milosevic was probably not taking his medicine. But there was no evidence to support such an accusation, which did serious damage to Slobodan Milosevic in the judgement of the court, and which reflected to a much greater extent the derelictions rather than the obligations of care giving. And then these doctors assigned by the ICTY reiterated this accusation and exalted their lone ‘diagnosis’ as the explanation for the degradation of Slobodan Milosevic’s health. Dr. P. Falke stated that</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">“The Accused put his health and his life in jeopardy by not</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">correctly adhering to his treatment.”</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">Several times this general practitioner rendered peremptory opinions on subjects outside his area of competence (pharmacokinetics of diazepam, the validity of UV chromatography, etc.). Furthermore, the reliability of his prescriptions is far from being established: occasional prescriptions or prescriptions ‘on demand’ were not noted on the prescription charts. We have also highlighted the blank spots in the diagnoses of other doctors assigned by the ICTY, be they ENT (Dr. H. Spoelstra), neurologists (Dr. N. Aarts) or toxicologists (Dr. D. Uges, Dr. D. Touw). An analysis of internal documents of the ICTY shows that the reports of the doctors (1, 8, 9, 10, 11, 17, 25, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32) preceded and even perhaps generated the memoranda of the prison authorities (18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 34) and the charges of the prosection (39). These doctors bear a heavy responsibility in the death of Slobodan Milosevic by myocardial infarction. It is undeniable that this was a case of judicial assassination with the complicity of doctors, or said another way, a medically assisted judicial assassination. We must say that the assigned counsel, Steven Kay and Gillian Higgins, during the first three months of 2006, defended the rights of Slobodan Milosevic by denouncing certain of the actions previously discussed here (40, 41).</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">These are the facts, Madame Prosecutor and Doctors of the ICTY, and we challenge you to deny them and to bring us before the Tribunal.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: large;">The confidential documents cited here as references were communicated to us by certain members of the Prosecutor’s Office who are indignant over the behavior of their chief.</span></div>
<div style="font-family: "trebuchet ms", trebuchet, verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="font-family: "trebuchet ms", trebuchet, verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="font-family: "trebuchet ms", trebuchet, verdana, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">
<h2>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Références.</span></h2>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">1. Lettre du Dr. P. Van Dijkman datée du 23 novembre 2005 et adressée au Dr. P. Falke, IT-02-54-T, pages 45804-45805.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">2. Rapport du Pr. F. Leclercq daté du 4 novembre 2005, IT-02-54-T, pages 45840-45842.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">3. Rapport du Dr. M. Shumilina daté du 4 novembre 2005, IT-02-54-T, pages 45845-45846.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">4. Rapport du Pr. V. Andric daté du 4 novembre 2005, IT-02-54-T, pages 45843-45844.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">5. Lettre du Dr. J. De Laat datée du 28 novembre 2005 et adressée au Dr. P. Falke, IT-02-54-T, pages 45800-45801.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">6. Conclusion collective (Pr. F. Leclercq, Dr. M. Shumilina, Pr. V. Andric) datée du 4 novembre 2005, IT-02-54-T, page 45839.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">7 Lettre du Pr. L. Bockeria datée du 14 décembre 2005 et adressée à Fausto Pocar, président du TPIY, IT-02-54-T, pages 45765-45766.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">8. Rapport du Dr. P. Falke daté du 14 novembre 2005 et adressé au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, pages 45822- 45823.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">9. Rapport du Dr. P. Falke daté du 14 novembre 2005 et adressé au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, page 45820.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">10. Lettre du Dr. P. Van Dijkman datée du 18 novembre 2005 et adressée au Dr. P. Falke, IT-02-54-T, pages 45813-45814.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">11. Lettre du Dr. P. Van Dijkman datée du 1er décembre 2005 et adressée au Dr. P. Falke, IT-02-54-T, page 45667 et page 45791.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">12. Avis du Pr. J.H. Kingma, ancien Inspecteur-général de la Santé des Pays-Bas, IT-02-54-T, page 45515.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">13. Geoffrey Nice, The Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milosevic, 28 février 2006, pages 45514-45517.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">14. Rapport du Dr. M. Shumilina daté du 14 décembre 2005, IT-02-54-T, page 45787.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">15. The Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milosevic, 2 mars 2006, IT-02-54-T, page 45667.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">16. Lettre du Dr. H. Spoelstra datée du 21 novembre 2005 et adressée au Dr. P. Falke, IT-02-54-T, page 45807.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">17. Rapport du Dr. P. Van Dijkman daté du 18 août 2004, IT-02-54-T, pages 37641-37643.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">18. Mémorandum interne du 31 août 2004 signé T. McFadden, IT-02-54-T, pages 45642- 45644.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">19. Mémorandum interne du 14 octobre 2004 signé T. McFadden, IT-02-54-T, pages 45645- 45647.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">20. Mémorandum interne daté du 26 octobre 2004 signé J. Hocking, IT-02-54-T, page 45648.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">21.Ordre du 22 septembre 2004 « Reasons for Decision on Assignment of Defence Councel.» assignant Steven Kay et Gillian Higgins.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">22. Mémorandum interne du 7 mars 2005 signé J. Hocking, IT-02-54-T, page 45508.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">23. Mémorandum interne du 19 décembre 2005 signé T. McFadden, IT-02-54-T, page 45640.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">24. Mémorandum interne du 20 décembre 2005 signé H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, page 45641.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">25. Rapport du 6 janvier 2006, adressé par le Dr. P. Falke au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, page 45634.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">26. Mémorandum interne du 1er février 2006 signé F. Gilmour, IT-02-54-T, page 45613.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">27. Mémorandum interne du 13 février 2006 signé F. Gilmour, IT-02-54-T, pages 45542-45546.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">28. Rapports du Dr. D. Touw datés du 16 et du 20 janvier 2006 et adressés au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, pages 45583-45588.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">29. Rapport du Dr. D. Uges daté du 24 janvier 2006 et adressé au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, pages 45623-45627.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">30. Résultats des analyses toxicologiques adressés le 20 janvier 2006 au TPIY par le Dr. D. Touw, IT-02-54-T, pages 45558-45566.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">31. Lettre du Dr. D. Touw datée du 23 février 2006 et adressée au Dr. P. Falke, IT-02-54-T, page 45506.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">32. Lettre du Dr. P. Falke datée du 3 mars 2006 et adressée au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, page 45507.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">33. Ordre du 26 janvier 2006, « Submissions following trial chamber’s order du 26 janvier 2006 », IT-02-54-T, page 45619, paragraphe 6.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">34. Mémorandum interne du 2 février 2006 signé J. Hocking, IT-02-54-T, page 45611.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">35. Rapport médico-légal du Dr. W.A. Zwart Voorspuij daté du 11 mars 2006, IT-02-54-T, page 45470.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">36. Fiches de prescriptions médicales faisant apparaître le médicament anti-hypertenseur « Vascase Plus », IT-02-54-T, pages 45522- 45525.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">37. Rapport du Dr. P. Falke daté du 11 novembre 2005 et adressé au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, page 45827.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">38. Rapport du Dr. P. Falke daté du 21 novembre 2005 et adressé au greffier H. Holthuis, IT-02-54-T, pages 45811.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">39. Geoffrey Nice, The Prosecutor v. Slobodan Milosevic, le 6 février 2006, IT-02-54-T, pages 45576-45578.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">40. Arguments de Steven Kay et Gillian Higgins pour la défense de Slobodan Milosevic, 20 février 2006, IT-02-54-T, pages 45527-45539.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;">41. Arguments de Steven Kay et Gillian Higgins pour la défense de Slobodan Milosevic, 6 mars 2006, IT-02-54-T, pages 45509-45512.</span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-15981745166100684062018-01-19T12:27:00.000-08:002018-01-19T12:27:16.377-08:00<div id="indent" style="background-color: white; font-family: georgia, times, serif; font-size: 15px; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 20px; margin-right: 20px; text-align: justify; text-indent: 20px;">
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Rwanda: The General's Story<br />
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A Conversation at the <em>Swans Café...</em></div>
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Mick Collins, Interviewed by John Steppling</div>
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<img alt="My Photo" class="photo" height="200" id="profile-photo" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiqmTSAPBqbogUAm5ahroknmAUI-eVP4anKrlUKX_fDaO1FwdDvFj5rMEcRexisFBjjveX2RaVmpnA-35SXFhCY-eRfT2PrRBsJ6BfMpZfkWbQ05a_hsi4Gexs6_YWeTclXiGXA9ZkSjdeE/s200/Coach%2527s+pick++DSC_7475.jpg" style="max-height: 280px;" width="133" /> <a href="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQFSJ6mCVhQCU1goF74K0Z73ia0lqGvAV2qdSLl_RpdoyIuRVeU" imageanchor="1" style="background-color: transparent; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Related image" border="0" class="irc_rii" src="https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQFSJ6mCVhQCU1goF74K0Z73ia0lqGvAV2qdSLl_RpdoyIuRVeU" /></a></div>
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[Seems Rwanda is back in the news, being used as an example of the New Africa: its criminal leader, the warlord Paul Kagame, is the New Lumumba or Gadaffy; and its capital, Kigali, the New African Jerusalem, home to neo-Conservative free-enterprise, with strict law and order, and neo-Liberal Human Rights (esp. for Women). Never mind that the cost of this 'economic miracle' was the literal slaughter of millions of innocents and the razing of what had been called the Switzerland of Africa, a Revolutionary Socialist Rwanda, with its Single-Party (the MRND) Constitution modeled loosely on that of the DPRK, and tight (but discreet, French-mediated) relations with the Soviets and China. Yet the zero point, the very beginning of Rwanda's "How to Succeed in Business by Killing Off the Excess," is always the expediently named 'Tutsi Genocide'. By surviving this 100-day juggernaut of the crazed majority Hutu, the tiny minority, the aristocratic rulers of a feudal yesteryear, the Tutsi, became more than heroes--they are, if only to one another, nearly demigods.</div>
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But in the following conversation, Steppling and I discuss how it all really began and what was being done to whom and by whom. This chat took place some time ago, when ideas of democracy still had currency on the left, before Obama began to reintroduce the Public weal to an American society that had long since been thoroughly Privatized. Like all real Democrats (say, Habyarimana, Stalin, Fidel . . .) Obama was abandoned and subverted by his putative comrades. It is important to study Rwanda; but from year zero, that being 1 October 1990. Here's an appero: --mc]</div>
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<img alt="Image result for Christopher Black" class="_WCg" id="uid_dimg_7" 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style="margin-left: -27px; margin-right: -11px;" title="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9A97M00d9NU" /> <img alt="Image result for augustin ndindiliyimana" class="_WCg" height="137" id="uid_dimg_6" 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style="margin-left: -9px; margin-right: -2px;" title="http://www.therwandan.com/ki/2014/02/11/arusha-gen-ndindiriyimana-na-major-nzuwonemeye-bagizwe-abere/" width="103" /></div>
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Maître Chris Black Major-General Ndindiliyimana</div>
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<span id="mini" style="font-size: 11px; font-stretch: normal; line-height: 1.2;"><em>(Swans - June 20, 2005)</em></span> <strong>John Steppling:</strong> Let's start with the overview of media information on Rwanda. From the glaring (<em>Hotel Rwanda</em>) to the less clear (Gourevitch and the <em>New York Times</em>). How did that happen -- how did it happen in the former Yugoslavia -- and what are the repercussions for Africa?</div>
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<strong>Mick Collins:</strong> The "disinformation" has been consecrated as a kind of popular historical record -- much like the <em>Tales of Uncle Remus</em>or the <em>Song of the South</em> -- these events taking place in a dark and far away land. <em>Hotel Rwanda,</em> rather than being a glaring example of the Human Rights lobbies' propaganda for further militarization of the continent, is accepted as a fictional film that is "based on a true story of how one man's humanity saves the lives of many." But like all the stories that stipulate to this Rwandan Genocide of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus by extremist Hutu soldiers and the Internahamwe militia, the <em>Hot'L Rwanda</em> propaganda gas bag is a pastiche of bits and snippets of mumbo jumbo folk tales and voodoo history. For example, Gourevitch, in his "We Wish to Inform You...," spends several pages going on about how the Tutsi, unlike the Hutus, were probably not descended from Ham and were therefore more European than African in the racial lineage. As with Yugoslavia or even Chechnya, it's all about ancient warring tribes, or ethnic and feudal conflicts dating back to pre-colonial times. None of the basic hard historical facts are ever addressed with due relevance; it's all about hatred and hate speech and human rights violations, rather than military aggressions, national defenses, and imperialist conquests.</div>
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<strong>Steppling:</strong> Since you are writing a book on General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, I think you should introduce and put in some context the bare outlines of his story, too.</div>
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<strong>Collins:</strong> It is called <em>The General's Book on Rwanda,</em> and, right, the General is Rwandan Major General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, who was the head of the <em>Nationale Gendarmerie</em> during the period of time in which what has come to be referred to as the "Rwandan Genocide" of 100 days (7 April to 4 July 1994) took place. And everybody knows the boilerplate of "800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus slaughtered by extremist Hutus." But, so far at least, my writing hasn't really been about any kind of personal story of the General's life. It's about what really happened in Rwanda between 1 October 1990 and sometime after the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took over (or "liberated," as they would have it) the country on 4 July 1994 -- because the mainstream version couldn't be further from the truth.</div>
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First, the short version of how and why the media disinformed and continues to disinform: Unlike what Clinton and Albright pissed and moaned about -- how they were sorry they didn't pay more attention to Central Africa until it was too late -- the U.S. was 100 percent behind the destruction of Rwanda (see Robin Philpot's interview with Boutros Boutros-Ghali). It was part of a larger plan to bring down Mobutu and open the region to total dependence on Western financial, commercial, and military institutions. The bookends to this monstrous nation-o-cide were the invasion of Rwanda from Uganda by forces of the RPF on 1 October 1990, and the shooting down of the Falcon 50 business jet that was carrying the Hutu presidents of Rwanda (Juvenal Habyarimana) and Burundi (Cyprien Ntaryamira) on their way home from peace talks in Dar-es-Salam on the evening of 6 April 1994; again, by the RPF, on the order of their commander and the current president (military dictator's more like it) Paul Kagame.</div>
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Both these events triggered mass slaughter that would qualify as genocide in anyone's book. After the October invasion a four-year reign of terror like that of the Contras in Nicaragua (only much bloodier) was established claiming tens of thousands of lives and internally displacing nearly a million more. And just before the double assassination of the Hutu heads of state -- on the morning of 6 April 1994 -- another massive invasion from Uganda was launched, in conjunction with the RPF's coming out of their military sector in the NE around Mulundi and pushing into the DMZ toward the capital Kigali. And this second aggression pushed everyone who would move into Congo -- those who didn't move, didn't move ever again -- and the slaughter it generated continues in Congo to this day in the name of Rwandan national security against recurring genocide. In Congo, since 1996, as many as 3 million "genocidaires" and their families have been sacrificed to Rwandan national security -- and the export of Coltan, which Kagame now controls. Rather than deal with these two well established and highly significant historical events, writers like Gourevitch, Samantha Power and Alison Des Forges concentrate solely on interethnic, inter-tribal (Tutsi-Hutu) tensions being behind the "human rights violations by the Rwandan government."</div>
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They make it all about "hate speech" from the "extremist Hutu" camp and the discovery of vague and, frankly, dubious evidence of the planning of this genocide of the invaders and occupiers (Tutsis) by their victims (Hutus) -- like "lists" (potential genocide victims or infiltrated enemy agents?) and one million imported "Chinese Communist machetes" (suspicious enough in, say, South Central L.A.; but for an agrarian culture, a coffee- and tea-growing country with very dense vegetation?). In a strange, tangential way, the Human Righters try to make sense of this nonsensical plot to exterminate the minority Tutsis by imputing distant class antagonisms as the cause -- and those who are only told little bits of Rwandan history (e.g., the Tutsis were cattlemen, while the Hutus were farmers; the Tutsis the aristocracy, the Hutus the slaves, etc.) find it quite morally gratifying to construct an elaborate "Stop the Fucking Genocide" ideational structure out of the notion of the crazy Hutus in the toxic-colored clown wigs wiping out entire decent middle-class Tutsi families.</div>
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All the concern over "hate speech," especially over "Hutu Power Radio" (RTLM) which opens <em>Hot'L Rwanda,</em> serves to fuzz out what was in fact a desperate national defense against large scale foreign aggression (the mother of all war crimes according to Nuremberg) and make it out to be a pre-planned extermination of an entire people. But in order to make this false notion stand up it is not only necessary to cover up the two book-end invasions, but also never to speak of the boundless US financial, strategic and material support for both October 1990 and April 1994 aggressions. Training of troops and special technicians took place all over the U.S. For instance, according to Wayne Madsen's report (heavily based on Freedom of Information Act data to French publisher Charles Onana, missile training for the Ugandan and Rwandan RPF forces (who were shooting all kinds of military and civilian aircraft out of the skies above Rwanda, Burundi and Zaire long before 6 April 1994) was centered around Phoenix, at the Barry Goldwater Test Range of Luke Air Force Base. The Military Intelligence Center at Fort Huachuca, Arizona also served as a training center for foreign forces and was where the RPF forces trained for three months in 1994 preparing for the April invasion, again from Uganda. Madsen has a long list of Ugandan and Rwandan RPFers that were trained at Fort Benning, Georgia between 1979 and 1997. And then, of course, there was Kagame's own alma mater, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, which had an extensive military intelligence training program -- where Kagame was "studying" just before he came to help out with the October 1990 invasion.</div>
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<strong>Steppling:</strong> So it was these extensively trained foreign invaders -- with a fully functioning military intelligence apparatus, including a ubiquitous anti-government (read anti-Hutu, anti-Habyarimana) propaganda program which long predates the civil defense broadcasts of RTLM that have been recontorted into anti-Tutsi hate speech -- for the French, this is the primary, though very flimsy basis for the genocide of 100 days theory that keys their current collaborationist's self-loathing.</div>
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<strong>Collins:</strong> As you can see, a short answer to any question about Rwanda is impossible for me. How's this: All the disinformation was created to hide the key role played by the U.S./U.K./U.N. in the targeted destruction of the Rwandan revolution -- just like Iraq, Yugoslavia, the Palestinian Authority, Russia, Venezuela, et alia.</div>
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<strong>Steppling:</strong> So how did you get off into this story? Last time I looked you were all about defending Milosevic. And not much of what you're talking about here is getting discussed in the U.S., or even in Europe -- at least not in any of the stuff I read. I can't remember the last time I heard a good word about the Hutus.</div>
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<strong>Collins:</strong> I got interested in Rwanda while working with Christopher Black on the Yugoslavia/Milosevic dossier. Chris is the General's lawyer before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, where he is charged with taking part in the genocide. Chris got me invited to Belgrade in October 2001 for the first meeting of the International Committee to defend Slobodan Milosevic (ICDSM), where I presented my paper comparing the 78-day terror bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 to 9/11. I was writing for a French language monthly, <em>Balkans Infos,</em> at that time, and getting more and more involved in the defense of President Milosevic. One of those 1960s Student for a Democratic Society purges went down within the ICDSM and I wrote a history of the Committee that tried to separate the sheep from the goats. Coincidental to this story was that the great Poobah and Nazi-baiter, Jared Israel, and his henchmen and hangers-on, got purged from the ICDSM (and to this day, Jared pretends not to know who I am). Because of this history I met another lawyer who'd worked in Arusha and came to work for the ICDSM, Tiphaine Dickson. She got me even more interested in Rwanda. It's impossible not to see the parallels between the targeted destructions of these two revolutions and the subjugation of these two moderately independent and overwhelmingly popular governments.</div>
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As I mentioned in an earlier e-mail, the corporate media (both Nazi and Trotzi) have always been about supporting Western imperialist (anti-communist) adventures. So when Gourevitch or the <em>New York Times</em> writes about Rwanda or Yugoslavia, they always write from a stupidly narcissistic Western subjectivity. These are always wars between ancient tribes or ethnic or national minorities that have been going on for centuries -- the residue of medieval feudal conflicts exacerbated by colonialism or neo-colonialism. The targeted nations are never given any credit for having a national history or political culture, much less for understanding the intricacies of democratic governance. And with the kind of reflexive racism that permeates the Western public consciousness, it doesn't take much to get one's audience to believe that Serbs make a national pastime of raping strangers' wives, then barbequing their kids, and that Africans simply dress up to eat the victims of their ritual sacrifices. It's all about Conrad and the <em>Heart of Darkness</em> and niggers will die...</div>
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When I met the General in the UN's Xray detention unit outside Arusha, right next to this <em>très</em> cool little Safari airport, I met this incredibly dignified and learned, albeit quite military, man. We're about the same age (60ish), but I was a 1960s draft dodger and Ho-Ho-Ho Chi Minh radical who fought on the barricades in 1968 Paris, while General Ndindiliyimanaa, after graduating top of his class from the Belgian École Militaire, was working crowd control on the nude beaches of Ostend. I never thought a military man could become such a close friend.</div>
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About six months before my first visit to Africa, the General, through Chris, sent me about 400 pages of his notes, memoires, and reports (all in French -- like most of the writing on this region, which used to be known as francophone Africa until the anglophone and anglo-trained and financed RPF took over), and I began to study.</div>
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Now, even without the context of the October 1, 1990, RPF invasion from Uganda (30,000 Rwandans wasted in 30 days, before the RPF forces were driven back into Uganda with the help of Mobutu's ZAF and the French -- who today just squeal with ecstasy when proclaiming "nous sommes tous des genocidaires!") -- but even without this frame of reference, Gourevitch's "non-fiction novel" is a piece of anecdotal fluff. The same "I hid under a pile of corpses and watched my family raped and killed" stories we heard from Bosnia, Kosovo, Kuwait, Sudan, etc.</div>
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Even outside the context of the RPF's four-year reign of terror, every bit as heinous as, and bloodier than, that of the Nicaraguan Contras; with the RPF's capital in northeastern Rwanda, in the tea plantation at Mulundi, which quickly superseded the Rwandan capital of Kigali in the international community's (led by the Human Rights lobby) recognition as a political and military negotiations center, with the U.S., the U.K., the U.N., the WHO, the WTO, and all the Bretton-Woodies doing all their new business in Mulundi; with the RPF's radio Muhabura long the precursor to "Hutu Power Radio RTLM" in broadcasting anti-Rwandan (Habyarimana) government propaganda to destabilize the citizenry and cover up the countless and ever-spreading RPF massacres of any and all locals regardless of tribal affiliation -- because the RPF and Kagame considered local Tutsi to be collaborators with the Hutu revolution and fair game for extinction.</div>
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Even without the context of the UN-led entry of the RPF into Kigali (it was UN General Dallaire, the source of Gourevitch's fictive "We Wish to Inform you . . ." cable, who borrowed a black Mercedes town car to lead the RPF troops in their triumphal grand march to their heavily-armed occupation of the "acropolis" of Kigali, the Congrès National de Développement (CND) -- real pity was that this creepy resonance to the Nazis entering Paris was wasted on hacks like Gourevitch and the editors at the <em>NYTimes.</em></div>
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Outside this context, the story told by the Western media and supported from the Left and the Right has been a pathetically condescending and liberally patronizing exercise in historical inversion: blaming the victims for their own mass murder, and victimizing the true villains in a gruesome act of criminal solidarity.</div>
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<strong>Steppling:</strong> Alright, as I can see, there are no short versions on topics like this. I am interested -- and I say this as someone less than well informed on the subject -- in how the U.N. functioned in this context, and how the Romeo Dallaire story gained such traction. I also think it's worth discussing the Rwandan revolution, if you can. What was at stake here for the West?</div>
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Also, we hear a lot about Coltan now, and who owns what mineral rights and who sits on what board in which mining conglomerate....so maybe a little back story on this would be helpful.</div>
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<strong>Collins:</strong> Speaking now of the U.N.: If you remember that Bolton tirade where the cuckoo came all the way out of his head, and he ranted about how the U.N. exists only at the whim of the U.S. and to do its bidding and it always does exactly what the U.S. tells it to do, you've got to think that even though he is certifiably nuts, on this point he was exactly spot on. The U.S. or the West has used the U.N. as its own private sheriff's department -- especially in Yugoslavia and Rwanda.</div>
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After both countries had been invaded by foreign military forces in 1990-91, and the national defenses against these outside invasions were morphed into "civil wars," into ethnic, religious, nationalistic, and/or tribal wars among indigenous groups, and the "International Community" began to instigate peace negotiations to establish power sharing (e.g., in Yugoslavia: the Cutilheiro Agreement (1992), all the Vance/Owen deals (1992-95), Dayton Accords (1995); Rwanda: The Arusha Accords (1992-93)) the U.N. was ordered in as a peace keeping force to mediate between the warring sides. But in both cases, their efforts were openly in support of the Western proxy forces. In Yugoslavia, the U.N. set up the "safe havens" program, which was supposed to create disarmed zones where civilians might be saved from the on going wars. The most famous of these "safe havens" was perhaps Srebrenica, site of the supposed Bosnian Serb genocide of 8,000 Muslim men, women, and children. However, Srebrenica was never disarmed and, in fact, served as the operational centre for the Bosnian (Muslim) Army's 2nd and 5th Corps -- from whence the infamous Bosnian mass murderer Naser Oric ordered and executed the massacre of more than a thousand Yugoslav villagers. The UN peace keepers not only did nothing to restrain the Bosnian Muslim forces from attacking their Bosnian Serb homologues, but several were in fact killed in overt provocations of the Bosnian Serb forces to attack Srebrenica. To this day the U.N. has done nothing to clarify the propaganda lie of the Srebrenica genocide -- perhaps because it plays such a key role in maintaining the authority of the UN illegal Tribunal at The Hague.</div>
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In Rwanda, one should consider the tragedy called the Rwandan Genocide as a narrative bounded by two events: (1) The 1 October 1990 invasion of this small, most densely populated nation in Africa by a foreign Army, a special wing of the Uganda National Resistance Army known as the Rwandan Patriotic Front; and (2) the shooting down on 6 April 1994 of the Falcon 50 business jet carrying two African (and coincidentally -- or not -- Hutu) heads of state, the chief of the Rwandan armed forces, several other high-ranking government officials and the entire French crew. The U.N., through the offices of its Tribunal in Arusha continues to refer to this invasion as a "trespass" and gives greater political significance to the so-called human rights violations by the Rwandan government in arresting suspected RPF troops or their infiltrators for the destabilization of the nation (at the time of the October 1990 invasion, word was that there were between 4,000 and 12,000 such RPF agents throughout the country). This minimizing of the invasion to a "trespass" led to the minimizing of the national defense to a campaign of ethnic and regional conflicts, which would easily morph into a genocide with the contorting of lists of espionage agents into genocide hit lists, and the discoveries of arms caches, quite a normal aspect of any national self defense, into violations of UN sanctions and embargos -- while the UN mission, itself, did everything it could to maintain the supply of arms to the RPF, even to the extent to covering the delivery of the missiles that would shoot down the presidents' plane in truckloads of firewood. Finally, its facilitating the assassination of the two presidents on 6 April extended to the feigned desire for, then the diversion and distraction of, any and all investigations into what is still regularly referred to as an "accident." The investigations that actually took place, principally the one by Australian lawyer Michael Hourigan, at the instigation of then ICTR prosecutor Louise Arbor, were suffocated in their cribs when they showed too clearly the implications of the RPF in the event that supposedly led to the Genocide.</div>
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To this day the U.N. has hidden any information about the shooting down of the presidents' plane. The black box was hidden out in Kofi Annan's offices in the New York UN Headquarters. When, around the 10th anniversary of the Genocide, the box was finally discovered, the U.N. sent it to a "disinterested country" to have it examined. That "disinterested country" was the U.S.; and the black box was found to have been erased.</div>
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There's more -- and more and more -- that demonstrates how Rwanda was just another nation targeted for free-market takeover. The "Humanitarians" came up with their genocide model as a cover for the murderous invasion, occupation, and exploitation of the Rwandan slab on the superhighway to the exploitation of the vast mineral riches of Congo.</div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-42387137055755403382017-11-20T12:02:00.000-08:002018-01-18T07:14:42.980-08:00Translator's Notes to PM Jean KAMBANDA's Rwanda in the Apocalypse of 1994<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Jean KAMBANDA</div>
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Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Rwanda</div>
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(7 April to 16 July 1994)</div>
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<span style="font-family: "times" , serif;">[I recently had the great honor and pleasure of translating Rwandan Prime Minister Jean KAMBANDA's book, <i><b>Rwanda in the Apocalypse of 1994</b></i> and hope it will soon be available for all Anglophones to read. It is an important story that casts light on the current impossibility of reconciliation, with Justice and moral rectitude, in that country as it is now ruled by the war-criminal Paul Kagame. Here are some of the Notes I attached to the translated text.</span><span style="font-family: "times" , serif;">--mc]</span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "times" , serif; font-size: 18.0pt;">Translator’s Notes<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-line-height-alt: 14.0pt; mso-pagination: none; text-align: center; text-autospace: none;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "times" , serif; font-size: 18.0pt;"><br /></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="margin-left: .5in;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "times" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“</span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">The philosopher's task </span><span style="color: #606060; font-family: "times" , serif;">consists </span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">in comprehending </span><span style="color: #606060; font-family: "times" , serif;">all of </span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">natural life through the </span><br />
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"> more </span><span style="color: #606060; font-family: "times" , serif;">encompassing </span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">life of history.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>--Walter
Benjamin, Selected Writings, Vol. I, (1913-1926)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>THE BELKNAP PRESS OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Cambridge, Massachuesetts<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>London, England<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="margin-left: .5in; mso-add-space: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Understanding the
(recent) History of Rwanda (Central Africa) is a daunting, but wildly
interesting, pursuit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jean Kambanda came
to my attention in 1996 while I was working in Paris on the Yugoslavia dossier.
I was writing about the so-called ‘<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Bosnian
Genocide’</i> for a small French-language monthly newsletter, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Balkans-Infos</i>, when a colleague on the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">B-I</i> Editorial Committee, Diana Johnstone,
renowned journalist, expert on Atlantist relations, and the author of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Fools’ Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO, and
Western Delusions</i>, introduced me to International Defense attorney
Christopher Black.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chris cleared up a
misconception popular among Eurocentrics, that Slobodan Milosevic, former
two-term president of Serbia and among the leaders of the rump-Yugoslavia (when
it was just Serbia and Montenegro), was thought to be <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">the first national leader to be charged with</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Genocide</i> for allowing the killing of 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and
boys by troops of the former-Yugoslav army’s (JNA) Drina Corps led by General
Radko Mladic, which occured in July 1995 in the UN-declared ‘<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Safe Haven</i>’ of Srebrenica.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chris told me that, in fact, that distinction
went to the Prime Minister of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Interim</i>
Government of Rwanda (between the assassination of President Habyarimana
[6/4/94] and the military seizure of Rwandan Capital City, Kigali, and with it
the power of the State, by [Ugandan] Major-General Paul Kagame and his mercenary-comme-refugee-RPF
‘<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">rebels</i>’): <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mr. Kambanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The need to record such
seemingly small details became an obsession with me as I started a blog
(CirqueMinime/Paris) and began reading outside of the mainstream writing on
Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Philip Gourevitch’s generally sentimentalized (even mendacious)
rendering of the RPF takeover of Kigali, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">We
Wish to Inform You. . . etc., </i>very much mainstream and against which I had
been warned by many Africa-hands, nonetheless brought to my attention that in
the 1930’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Hutu</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">intellectuals </i>were becoming so effective in their Soviet Communist
agit-prop that the Arch-Bishop of Kigali was forced to issue an edict warnng
the Rwandan people of the terrible fate Communism held for them;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Then, still within the Popular Current, while reading what I
mistakenly thought was the original (French) version of General Dallaire’s
book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">J’ai serré la main du diable</i>, I
learned of an almost colleagial, even romantic relationship that had developed
between the bloody ‘rebel’ leader, Kagame, and the Chief of the UN Aid Mission
to Rwanda (UNAMIR)—including a number of ‘sleep-overs’ in Mulindi prior to the
fateful missile strike.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">While visiting General Ndindiliyimana in jail in Arusha, he
turned me on to a book by an RPF lieutenant, the late Joshua Abdul Ruzibiza, </span><i style="color: #515151; font-family: Times, serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">Rwanda l’histoire secrete</i><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif; text-indent: -0.25in;">, which
delineating the finer points of RPF strategy, making it obvious just who and
how and to what ends had both the Rwandan Government and Military been
decapitated on 6 April 1994, bringing the invaders of the country to the realization
of their final plan;</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Then the works of Pierre Péan (esp. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs</i>, and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Carnages: les guerres secretes des grandes puissances en Afrique</i>)
revealed motives among Western powers that might bring about the sort of
disaster that befell Rwanda (e.g., a cupiditous lusting after access to all the
wealth of Congo and the Great Lakes region, generally) and greatly developed a context
for the strong case against the current RPF government of the country.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Though I translated many excerpts from the works of the
aforementioned and other French writers and posted them on the CM/P blog, my
first serious long-form translation was of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Bruguière Report</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Of course,
an official English-language version of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">BR</i>
was issued by the Commission of Inquiry—just as the ICTY and ICTR issued
transcripts and reports in both French and English—, but I found many
detail-errors (like the provenance of the Presidential jet on 6/4/94 or the
political chains of command in the Yugoslav Republics [e.g., Slobodan Milosevic
was never President of Yugoslavia]) went uncorrected and continue to pollute
unto poison the discourse still today.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">The first complete book I translated was brought to me by French
Legionnaire Col. Jacques Hogard, one of the officers on the French Rescue Mission
to Rwanda, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Operation Tourquoise</i>, as
well as being a Yugo-hand with subsequent service in Kosovo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He asked me to translate the book by Ambassador
Jean-Marie-Vianney Ndagijimana, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">How
General Paul Kagame Sacrificed the Tutsi</i>.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Then the works of the Cameroonian investigative journalist
Charles Onana came to my attention, especially his works on Rwanda and the
International Justice system, and Charles gave me my second book to translate, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Coupe d’État in Côte d’Ivoire</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was a gripping story of how Laurent
Gbagbo was brought down by the West with the criminal utilization of
France—much as is still happening in the former <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Pré Carré</i> today.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Disagreements as to the translation of certain terms (e.g., <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Invasion</i> for <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Intervention</i>, etc.) were thought to be “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">less than objective</i>” and the English version has not been
published.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(MI6?)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "symbol"; mso-bidi-font-family: Symbol; mso-fareast-font-family: Symbol;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">·<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> --</span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Finally, Chris Black brought me Prime Minister Jean Kambanda’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Rwanda in the Apocalypse of 1994, </i>and my
cup of significant details raneth over.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Do these little pieces
of information really matter?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the
doomed presidential jet with Rwandan President Juvénal HABYARIMANA and his
Burundian counterpart and fellow democratically-elected Hutu Head-of-State,
Cyprien NTARYAMIRA, on board—as well as their entourages, which included the
Rwandan Army Chief of Staff, </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;">Déogratias
NSABIMANA (thereby allowing the killers to decapitate the Rwandan government
AND its military with a single missile strike)—began its fateful flight from
Arusha (as is still mistakenly posited by various anti-Kagame/anti-Habyarimana
sources) rather than its actual provenance from Dar es Salaam and a bogus
regional peace conference called by Kagame-god-father and Ugandan President
Yoweri Museveni, for the sole purpose of setting up a mass assassination, can
anything of historical significance be gleaned from the perpetuation of such an
error?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I believe that the devilish
details also carry the angels of Historical Truth—that same ideal that Jean
Kambanda has claimed to be his overriding motive.</span><span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In early 2001, as Chris Black was preparing the
defense of Chief of the Rwandan National Gendarmie during the ‘troubles’
(1992-1994), Major-General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, he invited me on a TGV-ride
from Paris to Brussels, to attend a memorial service for General
Ndindiliyimana’s sixteen-year-old son, Alain, who had recently died from
treatment for leukemia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On that short
train ride, Maître Black, with a thumb-nail resumé of recent Rwandan history,
piqued my curiosity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it was when we
reached Alain’s memorial service in Dendermonde and I heard the General’s family
and friends reading his young son’s letters to his father (each time a reader
recited the word ‘Papa,’ I could hear my own young French son, Max—then just
three--addressing me, telling me how very important was this story that he had
promised to record for his Papa), I was overcome.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I became convince that this was a story, still
an extraordinarily little-known history, that I, too, had to tell. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After seventeen years
in Europe, mostly in Paris, I returned to the US in 2011 and was asked to make
a presentation at New York City’s Brecht Forum: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Rwanda/Libya: Same Counter-Revolution, Different Day</i> (</span><a href="http://www.radio4all.net/index.php/program/58369)"><span style="font-family: "times" , serif;">http://www.radio4all.net/index.php/program/58369)</span></a><span style="color: #4472c4; font-family: "times" , serif; mso-themecolor: accent5;">.</span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"> I was shocked at how much more
this leftish crowd knew about Libya’s </span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: #545454; font-family: "times new roman" , serif;">Jamahiriya</span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="background: white; color: #545454; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"> </span></i><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Revolution</span></i><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"> than they did about Rwanda’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">MRND</i> national-movement—because of an anti-French bias over Libya’s
difficult relations with its neighbor, and France’s ally, Chad, Gaddafy took up
strong positions in support of Kagame and the RPF and against the Habyarimana <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">MRND</i> government as to the 1994 Genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ironically, this pro-Kagame bias brought
Gaddafy in line with his arch-enemy Israel, which felt the criminal regime in
Kigali represented the victimized Tutsi, known by some as the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Jews of Africa</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such incongruities—almost uniquely on the (privileged)
Left—were resolved, as is the Left’s historical wont, by siding with neither of
the opposing forces (ni-<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">RPF</i>, ni-<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">MRND</i>), but merely opposing the power
that be at the moment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And without
concern for the devilish details, it is quite easy to oppose the murderous
Kagame who now rules Rwanda while still demonizing the diabolical dictator,
Head of the Single-Party, the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">MRND </i>State.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"> </span><span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">I doubt that Mr.
Kambanda and I would agree on all the implications of the esoteria that makes
up recent African history, but, at the same time, I hope the details of Jean
Kambanda’s story will reflect the true Good and Evil in the ways the historical
contours of this tragic region are being interpreted and implemented.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">Mick Collins, for CM/P<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">New York City, 15 November 2017<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #515151; font-family: "times" , serif;">.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 14.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-69836940007168720462017-10-01T15:07:00.001-07:002017-10-01T15:07:17.562-07:00Why Syria, Libya, Sudan? It's Support for the Palestinians, Stupid!<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifnf3dfZT8WbiQVZ2BOEQxtGVh9GpxupHg-kaeWxVHQMA3YCcg5SnjmS8OIGdoM0anNt7PJ38DqN2O8DrwCpv7m2PDByLSaZpNTPDmXy7CMf04PXJnpaCzf6xIR-tAeOSdpHsgzfFvGW0/s1600/Onana.jpg" onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5563598497474973314" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifnf3dfZT8WbiQVZ2BOEQxtGVh9GpxupHg-kaeWxVHQMA3YCcg5SnjmS8OIGdoM0anNt7PJ38DqN2O8DrwCpv7m2PDByLSaZpNTPDmXy7CMf04PXJnpaCzf6xIR-tAeOSdpHsgzfFvGW0/s320/Onana.jpg" style="cursor: pointer; display: block; height: 301px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 250px;" /></a><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Investigative Journalist Charles Onana<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiL6pWz7R42LfU8KF4YjwSuofgbm5iOB3MFURKMs6QdpYlROx9RA1AdHq-n9_xFUilwnxKxQHn1HH0x_OyO1MYuXVJrxgiRDhsfAcTbhC9hYlZmTuNoPs4hXZk5i9KPWHZMOkAWc3ACxLU/s1600/Al-Bashir.jpg" onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5563598490991768130" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiL6pWz7R42LfU8KF4YjwSuofgbm5iOB3MFURKMs6QdpYlROx9RA1AdHq-n9_xFUilwnxKxQHn1HH0x_OyO1MYuXVJrxgiRDhsfAcTbhC9hYlZmTuNoPs4hXZk5i9KPWHZMOkAWc3ACxLU/s320/Al-Bashir.jpg" style="cursor: pointer; display: block; height: 320px; margin: 0px auto 10px; text-align: center; width: 213px;" /></a><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Sudanese President Omar al Bashir</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">Before & After Rwanda: 'Al-Bashir & Darfur: The Counter-Investigation' [Chapter 8]--by Charles Onana (trans from the French by CM/P)</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[Late last year some one called to tell me she had just seen a TV Special on the Sudan which featured George Clooney as the concerned American artist who, without presuming to know much about what's really been going on in the region beyond, say, the last couple years (background was what his US State Dept. minder, John Pendergast*, was there for), has totally committed himself to ‘ease the misery of the Sudanese people.’ My caller said that Clooney was so good looking, and so good at looking deeply concerned for this dusty 'Humanity', that the Special quickly became about what a great guy Clooney is, and she asked if I could give her a little socio-historical context for Sudan and environs that might explain just why Clooney’s the Man.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Now, I like George Clooney—love all his work with the Cohen Bros. and especially with Soderberg, on the Ocean's series and ‘Outta Sight’ (from the book by Elmore Leonard, another guy I would love to sit down with and have coffee and talk movies and Rwanda**). I even love all Clooney’s Jr Rat Pack, like Brad Pitt, Matt Damon and Don Cheadle (though the late Bernie Mac was the real shizzle in that series). But I don't think I'd want to give much time to considering their opinions on the Geopolitical History of US/UK/Israeli War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity in Africa and the Middle East.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">But once upon a time, long ago, in a place far, far away, I was a petty player in the Hollywood Dream Industry. So I know that when someone offers you a script with a fat, righteous role in it for you, the first thing you do is NOT run it over to the Brookings Institution to have it fact checked—or call Ed Herman and Noam Chomsky to get their take on your character's narrative arc. If your manager’s reader says you'll love it, and your agent’s reader says you'll love it, and all your poker buddies say (it sounds like) you'll rock in it: then you probably will. Even a smart guy like Don Cheadle couldn't pass up making a self-less hero out of one of Rwanda's greatest Quisling con men, Paul Rusesabagina, in 'Hotel Rwanda.'</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Hell, Cheadle got one of the three Oscar nominations for Terry George's teabag rendition of “Welcome to Kigali" ***, and Clooney was just voted a special Humanitarian Emmy by the Hollywood Foreign Press Association—and this at a moment when the recipients of Clooney’s Humanity, Southern Sudan, the site of a 50+year civil war, armed and financed, for the most part, by Israel and its allies as a way too deepen its security zone (as well as its water table) and keep its all-important arms industry fat and happy, is conducting its own voting on secession from Northern Sudan or Khartoum.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">And Sudanese President, Omar al-Bashir, is not making it easy for Hollywood humanitarians to demonize him. He told his old friend, US President Jimmy Carter, that he wished the South well, however their elections turned out, and that the North would assume the full burden of the national debt it shares with the South. Tough to keep prosecuting a country as a supporter of terrorism when it delivered ‘Carlos the Jackal’ to France, and offered to hand Ossama over to Bill Clinton (but Bill begged off).</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Thing is, both Carter and al Bashir are known to be Palestinian symps, so . . . well, . . . you know. Even putative leftists in the West cannot break themselves of their gutless ni-ni ways. You know how they do: Yugoslavia: ni-NATO, ni-Serbia; Rwanda: ni-Tutsi, ni-Hutu; Iraq: ni-Saddam, ni-Bush. They just have to preface every defense of Sudan with a personal acknowledgement of their full awareness of the horrible Human Rights record of the Islamist-Arab regime in Khartoum.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">With all this fetid propagandistic bilge getting awarded great golden trophies, is it any wonder most people don't really know what's happening, to whom or where, outside their local Cineplexes? But that's where we come in.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">As with most of the hard information on Africa and the Arab world, its chroniclers have chosen to work in French (go figure). Recently two excellent books have come out:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Charles Onana's 'Al-Bashir & Darfour: La Contre-Enquête,' on Éditions Duboiris (Paris, 2010);</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Pierre Péan's 'Carnages: Les Guerres Secrètes des Grandes Puissances en Afrique,' on Fayard (Paris, 2010)</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Here below, we excerpt Chapter 8 from Onana's work on Sudan and the ICC Prosecutor Moreno Ocampo. The translation is ours, and it has been authorized by the writer. It is our dream to be able to bring English editions of many such books, but it seems difficult unto impossible to find publishers with the courage to tell the true history of events in Africa and the Middle East since, say, WWII, in any mainstream Anglo-Saxon press.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">And these works are essential to any understanding of who we are, of our reasons for existing the way we do in this age of Waste: wasted value, wasted time, wasted energy, wasted imagination, and senselessly wasted lives.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">But I'll let Charles Onana tell you. And in the link which just precedes Chapter 8, Onana answers some important questions about misconceptions on the Conflict in Sudan--mc]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">___________________________</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Notes:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">* During the Clinton administration, Prendergast served as Director of African Affairs at the National Security Council and Special Advisor to Susan Rice (the current administration's UN ambassador) at the Department of State, in which capacities he was involved in a number of peace processes [sic] in Africa. He has also worked for two members of the United States Congress, UNICEF, Human Rights Watch, the International Crisis Group [Geo Soros' outfit], and the U.S. Institute of Peace [even sic-er]. But this is from Wikipedia.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">**See Leonard’s ‘Pagan Babies’, about a fallen priest’s return to post-genocide Rwanda to . . . or better yet: don’t bother.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">*** An allusion to Michael Winterbottom's 'Welcome to Sarajevo,' a horribly twisted and unethical apology for British ITN's potted images of 'Serbian Death' camps (remember Fikret Alic on the wrong side of the barbed wire?) that justified Britain's criminal aggression into Bosnia, and their wanton razing of a former ally, Yugoslavia). This kind of stuff is all over this blog.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">__________________________________________</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Interview with Charles Onana on certains questions about Sudan:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=au7TdSKsOsE</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">__________________________________________</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">from: Charles Onana’s Al-Bashir & Sudan: A Counter-Investigation</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Chapter 8</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bush and Kouchner:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The Obsession with Genocide in Darfur</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In the last six years, Darfur has become the focal point for all the attention of the International Press and of certain organizations, the self-proclaimed defenders of the Rights of Man (commonly called Human Right). In the US and in Europe, just as in Africa, a wide-ranging campaign has developed through which public opinion is being sensitized to the situation in Darfur without necessarily learning anything about what is actually going on there.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Certain Anglo-Saxon researchers and writers have tried exceedingly to explain the nature, the causes and what is at stake in the conflict going on in Darfur. But their work has routinely been jam-packed and covered all over with the propaganda of the “genocide.” [1] So, very few people have been able to grasp the real, predominant interests in this region, or the motives for the war that is taking place there.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Before decrying the situation that prevails in this zone, one must first remember some essential facts. Darfur, located in the West of Sudan, is made up of three states: Western Darfur (Gharb Darfur), Northern Darfur (Chamal Darfur), and Southern Darfur (Janoub Darfur). It covers an area of 196,404 sq km and has a population of around 6 million people, who belong to different groups and come from diverse origins.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The story of the people of Darfur is a story of meeting and mixing. Diverse cultures and different kingdoms arose and prospered in Darfur. This territory was of great importance to the kingdoms of Central and Western Africa because of its abundance of camels, sheep and horses that could be purchased at very low cost. If the name “Darfur” means the “House of Fur,” time wound up changing the ethnological and sociological map of this territory.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">As early as the 12th century, the Sultanate of Dajos, with origins in North Africa, established its rule in this region after a war of conquest. The Dajos—or At-Tadjwin—settled in the eastern part of Darfur. Toward the 15th century, another sultanate led by the At-Tandjour replaced the Dajos and settled in the northern part of Darfur. Their influence exceeded that of the Dajos. It is under the Sultanate of At-Tandjour that the first great mixing of populations took place. Because at this time, the people known as Arabs began to mingle with the Furs or Fors. Then, other influential groups appeared in the middle of the 17th century.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In this region, the power of the royalty began progressively to form itself around Islam. The migratory influx of Arabs then was large and they came from the North, the East and the West. Considered together, the immigrant populations of Darfur came from the Arabian peninsula and North Africa. Though these people mingled with the natives of Darfur, they never made them disappear. Moreover, the growing influence of Islam in Darfur did not inhibit the pursuit of ancient cultural practices. So, the animists lived next to the Muslims without this causing any trouble or conflict. This made the historian Lidwien Kapteijns declare that until the 1880s “Islam remained in that region a ‘communitarian Islam,’ a ‘syncretic’ Islam, that is to say, the people were considered Muslim in as much as they were subjects of a Muslim government, but they continued to observe a goodly number of religious practices that were non-Islamic.” [2]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In dealing precisely with the peoples of Darfur, it must be said that as far as the phenomenon of migration is concerned, the native people played a major role in the political, economic and social evolution of the region. This is especially the case with the Furs, who in the beginning made up the essential demographic of this territory. This population also suffered from the slave trade. It is interesting to learn, in a letter written 12 July 1799, that Napoleon was already manning his forces with slaves from Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Here is exactly what he wrote to the Sultan of Darfur:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In the name of God, merciful and compassionate, there is no other God than God and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Mohammed is his prophet. To the Sultan of Darfur, Abd-El-Rahmons, servant of the two</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">holy cities, and caliph of the glorious prophet of God, Master of the worlds, I write you</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">this to recommend Aga-ca-chef, who is with you and his doctor Soliman, who come to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Darfur to deliver to you my letter. I desire you send to me two thousand male slaves,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">older than 16 years. Believe, I pray you, in my desire to do something for you that you</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">will find to be agreeable. Signed: Bonaparte.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">As is shown by what is happening there today, Darfur has always been a land of conquest. This was the case in 1875 with the Turkish invasion, then with other different English, French and German expeditions.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In the beginning, the Furs were the only inhabitants of the mountainous region of Djabel Mara. Then, eventually, they were joined, on the outskirts of the desert, by the Zaghawas, a nomadic people from among the Bedouins who populated Darfur and a part of the territory of Chad. This was also the case with the Masalits, who inhabited the Waddaï, a territory that extends from Darfur to the Chadian border: “They were first and foremost an agricultural people, whose basic crops were millet (dukhn), harvested from the sandy soil of the North, and the sorghum (dura) from clayey soil of the South.”[3] Finally, we find here the Nwabiya, of Arabic origins and who lived essentially from their grazing lands. Other groups and sub-groups, more or less numerous, also contributed to the population and evolution of Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">So, the crisis in Darfur is not fundamentally the result of an impossible cohabitation among groups of the population. It resulted, before everything else, from a combination of internal and external factors exploited by the Sudanese and by foreigners for political ends. We will see elsewhere that the principal armed groups that wage war today in Darfur certainly depend on these groups of the population, but that they are also very largely supported by foreign forces.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Contrary to what certain people believe, the use of the term ‘genocide’ to describe the conflict in Darfur did not appear in 2003 or 2004, at the height of the war and the displacements of the populations. It was already being used in the US in 1998, that is, even before the advent of the crisis in Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">A retired American military officer named Milliard Burr used it in an official speech on Sudan. Burr was a consultant to the US Committee for Refugees (USCR) and served in Sudan as director of logistics for USAID from September 1989 to March 1990.[4] In an internal report described as a “working paper,” dated December 1998 and entitled “Evaluation of the genocide in South Sudan and in the Nuba mountains, 1993 to 1998,” he paints a grim picture of the war in this country:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Since 1993, a certain number of eye-witnesses have stressed that the military activity and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the social and political policies of the Khartoum government against the Nuba people in</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the South of Kordofan appear to be a genocide. So, this document is an attempt to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">obtain as much information as possible about the effects of the government’s activity in</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the mountainous Nuba region since the revolutionaries took power in Khartoum on 30</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">June 1989. As we will see, this date marks the intensification of the genocide that extends</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">from South Sudan to the Nuba mountains.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This working paper will have to include a study of the Beja and their allies in the East of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Sudan and the Fur and the Massalit in the West of Sudan. As with the Nuba, the Arabs</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">who dominate the Khartoum government have politically and economically isolated the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">‘suspect’ ethnic minorities from the peripheries of the country and authorized military</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">attacks against them.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Burr especially casts suspicion on the Khartoum government and states that his report will have to include the people of Western Sudan, the Fur and the Massalit. As one can see, his arguments contain many of the premises on which the 2004 discourse of the Bush administration is based, like the confrontation between Arabs and Blacks in Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It is also a prelude to what will later become “the genocide in Darfur.” This famous working paper was first put together within the US Committee for Refugees in October 1993. But the second version would attract much more attention, especially from certain members of the US House of Representatives who wound up organizing Congressional hearing in 1998.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">What should be understood is that during this entire period Milliard Burr was not working alone. He was supported throughout by one of the key players in the Darfur story: Roger Winter. Winter had been the director of the US Committee for Refugees since 1981. He went on to be an assistant administrator at USAID and then an advisor to the Bush administration on Sudan.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">A pro-rebel activist, he was one of the principal supporters of the extremist Tutsis who organized the 6 April 1994 attack on the sitting Chief of State of Rwanda. According to Remigius Kintu, president of the Ugandan Democratic Federal Union, and thoroughly conversant with the facts of the Great Lakes region of Africa, “Roger Winter directed logistics for the Tutsi rebels of the RPA from the mid-90s through to their victory in 1994.” [5] Kintu goes on to relate something Winter told an African exile: “Now that I’ve stabilized Rwanda, I’m going to get seriously busy with Sudan.”</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Very close to Israel and some of the power grids that encouraged the destabilization of Central Africa, Roger Winter was also a dedicated supporter of the SPLA (Sudanese People’s Liberation Army), the Sudanese rebel movement led by John Garang. Once he had wrapped up his mission with the Tutsi rebels led by Paul Kagame, who brought down the government in place in Kigali, he effectively turned his attentions to Sudan. His objective: Contribute to the destabilization of the Islamic regime in Khartoum led by president Al-Bashir.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">He began by telling the LA Times that the tragedy in Sudan is like Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo all rolled up into one. He then, through the offices of the US Committee for Refugees, let it be known that the conflict in Southern Sudan was the bloodiest since WWII. He set at 1.9 million the number of people killed in the last 15 years of the Sudanese civil war. He stated that 10,000 civilians had been killed due to the “intentional policy of the Sudanese government”[6] , which was to say that a “genocide” had been committed in Southern Sudan by the government in Khartoum. Even the Southern Sudanese rebel leader John Garang had never dared to use such terms.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Winter also said that most of the victims were caused by government bombardments intended to terrorize the civilian population. He made the same charge during his appearance before the US Congressional hearings in 1998. In a 14-page statement he alleged that the Sudanese government practiced slavery and that more than two million were killed directly or indirectly by the repressive policies of this government. He recommended that the US take the lead in an international action against Sudan and insisted that Europe be excluded from this action because, he said, Europe practices a soft policy with regard to Sudan.[7] When one considers this person’s ethno-militaristic activism in favor of the extremist Tutsis in Rwanda, one can easily understand his social motivations on Sudan.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">As concerns the lead-up discussion and some of the propaganda about existence of a “genocide” in Sudan, and particularly in Darfur, the reality is totally something else. For professor Mamood Mamdami, it is all important to specifically identify the causes of the crisis in Darfur, some of which are found long before President Al-Bashir took power.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The first goes back to the British colonial policy that divided up the land among different tribes. This policy deprives nomadic tribes of land while benefiting the settled and semi-nomadic peoples. The nomads were finally forced to travel to settled territories to find pasturage and feed their livestock.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The second cause lies with the change in climate and a third with the free circulation of arms and the interference of foreigners, as we will see in Chapter 11. This analysis dovetails at certain points with that of French researcher Roland Marchal. In an article published in the review Polique aftricaine no. 95 of October 2004 and entitled “The conflict in Darfur: blind spots in the North-South negotiations in Sudan,” Marchal points out:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This civil war did not break out simple because of the deterioration of neighborly</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">relations between different groups; on the contrary, it crystallized three dynamics</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of unequal importance, each of which had its own place in time: the destabilization</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of economic policies in one region, the deleterious role of the State and the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">effects of the civil war in Chad, yesterday and today.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The description and analysis of the origins of the conflict in Darfur are worthy of an entire book unto themselves because the ethnic, economic, political, climatic, and military aspects of the subject are overlapping and complex. Contrary to the simplistic directions taken by certain ideologists and self-ordained experts who slide through a superficial presentation of a conflict between “Blacks and Arabs,” it would be more useful and of greater relevance if the conflict were analyzed in the context of its history, sociology, geography, climate and politics, with the goal of understanding the interactions of all its dimensions. This sort of exercise is not within the scope of this book. But for the reasons of intelligibility, we will point out some essential elements that should contribute to a better understanding of the conflict.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Following on the views of professor Mamdami, we can add the fact that the draught led to the displacements of people and livestock from the North of Darfur toward the South and the West of the region. These migrations in search of water, fertile land and the means for subsistence, created various frictions between the peoples of Darfur. The farmers saw their lands invaded by herdsmen in search of grazing land for their livestock. The herdsmen were later run off the farmlands and sometimes even from their own camps. The rustling of animals and the looting of foodstuffs became widespread. Different ethnic groups found themselves pitted against one another for various reasons. The long conflict in Chad led to an unregulated traffic in small arms throughout the region. Tribal militias and a variety of armed groups in Darfur created a situation of insecurity and permanent tension in the whole country. In this context, the entire area became explosive.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">When war was ignited in Darfur in 2003 with an attack by the rebels of the SLA (Sudanese Liberation Army) and the MJE (Movement for Justice and Equality), who occupied the town of Gulu in the North of Darfur, the US engineered the signing of a peace agreement between Khartoum and the rebels of South Sudan. So this sudden attack was not a mere chance of scheduling.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It came as pressure was mounting on the Khartoum government, which had been hopeful of bringing an end to the long years of war with the South. By supporting the emergence of new “rebel groups” in Darfur, the enemies of Sudan created another war, without having to answer to the promoters of peace.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">To cover their tracks and keep their new military-political agenda from being discovered, the US created a new international propaganda campaign against the “genocide.” A careful reading of the work of certain researchers shows how the process of conditioning public opinion on the existence of a “genocide” in Darfur has developed.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">For William Engdahl, who for the last thirty years has written on questions of energy, geopolitics and economics, propaganda for the “genocide” in Darfur was initiated without any serious investigation or the slightest concern for the truth:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Curiously, when all the observers noticed that Darfur was experiencing large population</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">movements, great suffering and tens of thousands or even as many as 300,000 deaths over</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the last few years, only Washington and those NGOs close to it used the loaded term</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">“genocide” in speaking of Darfur. If they could get a large enough opinion-group to sign</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">on to the charge of “genocide,” that would open the possibility of a strong intervention by</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">NATO, and bring Washington in as a player favoring “regime change” in the internal</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">affairs of Sudan.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The theme of genocide was used, with the full support of Hollywood and its stars like</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">George Clooney, to justify an intervention by the United Nations and a de facto</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">occupation of the region by the UN casques bleus and troops from NATO. Still today, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Sudanese government energetically refuses all outside intervention, which is not at all</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">surprising.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The American government continuously evokes the term “genocide” when referring to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Darfur. It is the only government that does this. Under Secretary of State Ellen</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Sauerbrey, head of the Office of Populations, Refugees and Migrations, said in an online</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">interview with USINFO on 17 November 2007: “The genocide going on in Darfur,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Sudan—a gross violation of Human Rights—is among the premier international subjects</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">that concerns the USA.” The Bush administration persisted in saying that a genocide has</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">been underway in Darfur since 2003, despite the fact that a mission of experts from the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">UN, headed by Italian judge Antonio Cassese, reported, in 2005, that no genocide has</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">been committed in Darfur, but rather grave violations of Human Rights.[8]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Judge Antonio Cassese[9] was, in fact, named President of Commission of Inquiry on Darfur in 2004 by the UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan. In his report, submitted to the Secretary General after three weeks of investigation in Darfur, he concluded: “The Commission has come to the conclusion that the government of Sudan has not conducted a policy of genocide.” He stressed: “In a general way, the policy of constantly attacking, killing or forcing the transfer of members of certain tribes is not being carried out with the intention of destroying, in whole or in part, any racial, ethnic, national, or religious group, as such.” [10]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Despite the conclusions by this Commission of experts, the discussion of “genocide” continued to be promoted throughout the US, in an almost obsessional way, especially by the neo-cons and certain pro-Israel organizations.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">US Secretary of State Colin Powell was one of the pioneers of the official and erroneous discussion of the “genocide” in Darfur. He even threatened to file charges against the Sudanese government for “genocide against the black population of Darfur.” Coming from an African-American of influence, this declaration could not have been more seductive.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">On 29 May 2007, President George Walker Bush decided to take his own shot at the Sudanese government:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The people of Darfur have suffered for a long time under the iron fist of a government</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">that has closed its eyes to the bombardment, the killing and the rape of innocent</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">civilians. My government is calling these actions by their name: genocide. The world</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">has a duty to help put an end to this (. . .) I make the following promise to the people of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Darfur: the United States will not turn its eyes away from a crisis that has shocked the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">conscience of the world.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Before making this statement, Bush weighed in on the crisis in Darfur at an 18 April 2007 meeting organized by at the US Holocaust Memorial Museum:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">After seeing these images, there can be no doubt that “genocide” is the only word</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">capable of describing the situation in Darfur, nor that we have a moral duty to put</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">an end to it.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">If the Republicans were out in front of the campaign on “the genocide,” the Democrats did not hang back and twiddle their thumbs. The Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry, also convinced that “a genocide was going down in Darfur,” declared during the 2004 presidential campaign in a Black Baptist Church: “If I were the President, I would act now on Darfur. As I have been saying for months, I would not sit around and do nothing.” Is this a great way to court the Black community and to get the majority of African-Americans, almost blindly, to support a vision that has no bearing on reality or what?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The American press played a decisive role in this manipulation of public opinion. By not describing or analyzing the facts but rather interpreting them in a partisan way, certain American journalists reinforced and popularized the official version of the “genocide in Darfur.”</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Nicholas Kristof, reporter and op/ed writer for the New York Times, was identified by Professor Mamood Mamdami as a zealous promoter of “ethnic cleansing in Darfur.” After six trips to Sudan, Mamdami said, Kristof began to talk about how “the Arab leaders of Sudan had forced 700,000 Black African Sudanese to flee their villages.”[11]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Was this mobilization an expression of an overflowing love for the Blacks of Africa or was it a cover for less seemly political and economic objectives?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The latter is more plausible because it is based on the intense and comprehensive observations of an international network of active partisans in the discussion of the existence of the “genocide” in Darfur. In France there are many such partisans in the obsessive discussion of “genocide in Darfur.” Curiously enough, they use the same vocabulary as do their trans-Atlantic allies. As examples there are Bernard Kouchner, Jacky Mamou, André Glucksmann and Bernard-Henri Levy, who have been holding forth for years on Darfur—or, more precisely, on the “genocide in Darfur”—so much so that they cannot stop themselves making the contorted comparison to the events in 1994 Rwanda, or even to The Holocaust.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">They are so impassioned that they lash out violently at the slightest detractor who dares diminish their narration on Sudan. Darfur is their private game preserve.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In the book Urgence Darfur [Darfur Emergency], which they devoted to this region, each expresses with a great deal of “emotion” his abiding “love” and “compassion” for the inhabitants of Darfur. Simply thinking about Darfur and its people gives them palpitations. They have suffered so much over all this that they are now inconsolable.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bernard Kouchner is the one who has sort of found “genocides” everywhere. He usually sees them before the rest of the world and, in the current case, will not stand for the word “genocide” being questioned in Darfur:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Sudan is governed by Omar Al-Bachir, who came to power in a military coup and is</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">supported by an Islamic fundamentalist regime.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In Darfur, a territory the size of France inhabited by 6 million people, certain leaders,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">who came from settled Muslim populations, have been trying for some 15 years to build</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">a democratic and secular opposition. In reprisal, General Al-Bachir has been allowing</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the development (at least as he has been arming and paying them?) of Arab militias, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">janjawids, whose murderous raids have created a reign of terror among the civilian</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">population. The following is better known: horrendous massacres, villages burned to the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">ground, women systematically raped, children burned, whole populations hunted down,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">starved, packed into shabby camps, in Chad, especially. The total is nearly 300,000 dead</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">and millions displaced.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">And, as usual, the silence of the International Community, despite some UN Resolutions</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">notably recognizing the existence of crimes against Humanity, despite warnings from the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">former US Secretary of State Colin Powell, who first talked of “genocide” in describing</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the crimes of the Khartoum regime. This habitual discussion about a word, often sullied,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">must not bring a smile. At this time, the French Foreign Minister confirmed that it was</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">not a matter of a genocide and appeared to set himself up under the banner of Khartoum:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Once again the International Community appeared to be at cross-purposes.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The UN Security Council did not know how to make an attitude of voluntarism prevail,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">and the protection of the civilian populations in Darfur could not be assured. Remember,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">South Sudan, animist and Christian, was pitted against the Northern Muslim funda-</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">mentalists in the course of a war of more than 30 years waged under the command</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of John Garang. Thanks to the American’s intervention the conflict was wound down to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">a fragile peace and the participation of the Southerners in the government of General</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Al-Bachir.[12]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Drawing souvenirs from his selective memory, the great promoter of “Humanitarian Intervention,” goes on with his usual lyricism:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Darfur. A name that sounds like an admission of collective impotence leavened with compassion. A name particularly remote, the umpteenth symbol of exotic massacres about which we know very little and in the face of which we feel especially powerless. After Somalia and Rwanda, here are the new victims that slap the conscience of the West and beseech it for aid. How can we answer them?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">After shedding crocodile tears, the ever-paternalistic Kouchner, who once bore sacks of rice on his back for the endangered people of Somalia, takes off on one of his endless appeals for neo-colonialism:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The 10,000 civilians who are massacred in Darfur each month need us. The peoples of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">neighboring states, who see the assaults of Islamists armed by China go unpunished, need</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">us. Africa needs us.[13]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Who, in Africa, is still sensitive to this tear-jerking cynicism?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">A French researcher wraps up very well the highly partisan ideological positions on Darfur of Bernard Kouchner and his pal Bernard-Henri Levy:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">At a certain point, something astonishing happens: When it seems the media have turned</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">their backs on the conflict, celebrities, self-proclaimed militants for the cause of Darfur,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">put it right back on the front page.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In France, this “People journalism” reached new heights when, in 2007, the writer/ philosopher Bernard-Henri Levy turned up briefly in Chad and Darfur, with a rebel faction financed by the American coalition, Save Darfur. They published no fewer than five articles, including a double-pager in Le Monde. (. . .) At first glance, the description of the conflict by the likes of a Bernard-Henri Levy is not fundamentally different from that of most other journalists—Arabs v Africans. The difference is, however, that celebrities and militants are not content to simplify matters; they have to construct an ideological discussion unconnected to what is happening on the ground, but very much connected to their own preoccupations.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In the US, the rhetoric of genocide has mobilized the Jewish community, while the pitting of Africans against Arabs has simultaneously involved the Black community and the fundamentalist Christians Right. In France, Bernard-Henri Levy, and Bernard Kouchner before him, both of them in Le Monde, recapped the conflict as a confrontation between moderate Muslims and Islamists, the same opposition the two of them described—even wished for—elsewhere when dealing with the question of Islam in France, as in the debate over the wearing of the Islamic veil. Generally, in speaking about Darfur, they are really speaking, above all, about France and Europe.[14]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In reality, Bernard Kouchner never had a truly impartial position on the war in Sudan, nor on almost all the other African conflicts that, directly or indirectly, involved the US. His ideological or partisan arc often crossed and rejoined those of the US and Israel. As in Biafra (Nigeria) and Somalia, so in Rwanda and Sudan, he marched in the same direction as Washington and Tel-Aviv. It is especially striking to note that as a member of the French government he has sometimes taken the initiative, against the advise of French authorities, to meet secretly with John Garang, the Sudanese rebel supported by the US and Israel. Zygmunt Ostrowski, who made the trip with him, tells a strange story that testifies to Kouchner’s parti pris for this Sudanese rebel leader:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Dr. Bernard Kouchner, Secretary of State for French Humanitarian Action, made the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">decision to come to South Sudan to meet Dr. Garang in Kapoeta, despite the opposition</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of the authorities in Paris! He arrived in Nairobi in April 1991. Once again, the French</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">ambassador, Michel de Bonnecorse, tried to persuade Dr. Kouchner to cancel his visit to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">South Sudan, where he had wanted to come “unofficially,” by way of the Sudan/Kenya</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">border at Lokichoggio, and without a visa! Bernard Kouchner set up this deal personally,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">at a time when he was being challenged by the French Foreign Minister up to the very</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">last minute. The Military Attaché at the French Embassy went all the way to Lokichoggio</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">to try and talk Kouchner into scrapping his plan.[15]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Ostrowski states that on his return to Paris, “Bernard Kouchner had to explain himself to President François Mitterand.”</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In the campaign on Darfur that was growing in France, Bernard Kouchner played a prominent role. This is backed up by Rony Bauman, former president of Médecins sans Frontière, who succeeded Kouchner as the head of that organization:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Kouchner played a driving role in this campaign. For example, it was he, along with</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bernard-Henri Levy, who organized the big meeting on Darfur with La Mutualité during</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the 2007 presidential campaign. All the top political personalities were in attendance.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This was a way to put serious weight behind their drive and to get a popular acceptance</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of the term “genocide” to describe the conflict in Darfur. Kouchner contributed to the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">creation of a hyper-dramatic situation by making the world believe that there were 10,000</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">dead each month. A despicable way of sculpting and arranging the facts.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Kouchner’s obsession with the subject of genocide no longer needs demonstration. It</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">began with the war in Biafra where he got into Humanitarian Aid. There too, at that</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">period, I can remember he was already saying that the people of Biafra were being</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">threatened with a genocide. He has not stopped talking about it since. We used to say</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">about him that the bigger the mass grave, the more virtuous was the spokesman for the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">mass grave.[16]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The same obsession with genocide is palpable in Jacky Mamou, president of the Collective, Urgence Darfour, and close to Bernard Kouchner. This ideologue and propagandist “genocide in Darfur” narrative beats his drum as forcefully whether for Rwanda or for Darfur:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">After the horror of the Tutsi genocide the International Organization committed to the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">application of the “Responsibility to Protect.” This concept was adopted triumphantly by</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">a unanimous vote of the UN General Assembly, where the leaders of every country on the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">planet are represented.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">But as in Rwanda, while they were prattling on about a hypothetical peace process, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">mass killings continued. On 9 October 2006, the UN High Commission on Human Rights</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">denounced again the large scale massacres in the South of Darfur, led with the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">approbation and material support of the Sudanese government.[17]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The parti pris by Bernard Kouchner and Jacky Mamou for the Tutsis in the tragedy of Rwanda is also obvious. There again, the positions of Kouchner, close to the vision of the Clinton administration, diverge markedly from those of French officers and from certain Ministers and other high Authorities in his country.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Even if the Tutsi rebels, supported by the US and Israel, assassinated at least five French nationals in 1994, Kouchner prefers the rebels to the French widows who demand truth and justice for their husbands murdered in Kigali. Even if these Tutsi rebels continue to try to shoot down the French military with bogus media campaigns, Kouchner cannot bring himself to question the Kigali regime on anything. Even if the Tutsi rebels are currently being sought on charges of committing crimes against Humanity by French and Spanish courts, for Kouchner and his friends this remains a non-event. Even if these criminal Tutsis have slaughtered millions of Congolese and massively pillaged the riches of the RDC for their own person benefit, as well as in the interests of American multinationals,[18] these victims just have no presence in the analyses of Kouchner and his friends. Their camp is that of the Tutsis, full stop. The French widows and the military can still complain. Their truth has no importance. Kouchner & Co. support the cause, and the version of history, that is the Tutsi rebels’, just as elsewhere they have thrown in with the rebels in Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">All these Central African rebellions, heavily armed and promoting violence as a means of settle political issues throughout the region, seem close and kindred spirits to them.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">When Jacky Mamou and other of Dr. Kouchner’s friends discuss Darfur, memories of the Tutsis in Rwanda appear as a sort of leitmotif. Is this the best way to arouse emotions and heighten indignation? In any case, they never really let this process take full effect.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Moreover, this is how Jacky Mamou, who characterizes the government of president Al-Bashir as “an Arabo-Islamist regime that is massacring the African population,” bleats about the “genocide in Darfur”:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It is urgent today to mobilize international public opinion to say that they will not accept</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">war crimes and crimes against Humanity being committed in Darfur. It is unthinkable</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">that we would sit by and watch another Rwanda take place, 12 years after the genocide</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of the Tutsis.[19]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">He concludes his questionable appeal for Darfur by recalling the Tutsi victims, before whom the whole world must prostrate themselves:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Everyone agrees that Darfur is the blind spot in international solidarity. Would that this</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">collection of writings could rekindle the readers’ interest in this part of the world and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">mobilize public opinion, because until now the democracies have left the victims alone to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">face their torturers. Hopelessly alone. As if the tragic history of the last century—begin-</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">ning with the genocide of the Tutsis in Rwanda—has taught us absolutely nothing.[20]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">After milking his litany for the suffering of the “Tutsi genocide,” Jacky Mamou gives us an idea of what is at the heart of the collective Urgence Darfour:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The collective Urgence Darfour is a coalition made up of personalities, of organizations</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">and of citizens who are indignant with the silence and the weak mobilization around this</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">first genocide of the 21st century.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Among the organizations: SOS Racisme, Brave Garçons d’Afrique, le Mouvement de la</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">paix, la Ligue international contre le Racisme et l’Antisémitisme (LICRA)[21], le</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Mouvement pour la Paix et contre le Terrorisme (MPCT), Eursud, Vigilance Soudan, le</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Comité Soudan, The Simon Weisenthal Center, the Union of Jewish Students of France</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">(UEJF), Christian Solidarity International (CSI).[22]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">According to Mahor Chiche, former vice-president of the Collective Urgence Darfour, what characterizes this organization “is its lack of internal democracy and transparence.”[23]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Among these organizations, the hard core is still, as in the case of Save Darfur in the US, made up of groups that are pro-Israel. The Braves Garçons d’Afrique, which works for the rehabilitation of the history and images of Africans and their descendants in France, were schooled on Darfur without ever really knowing the true agenda of Urgence Darfour. They expressed to us reservations over the methods and objectives of the collective Urgence Darfour.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">André Glucksmann, a friend of Bernard Kouchner’s, is another one of those impassioned by the “genocide in Darfur” and by the drama, not of the Rwandans, but of the Tutsis, their favorite victims.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In Darfur, he sees only “Africans killing other Africans and Muslims executing other Muslims. No question of blaming a wicked stepmother. Stupid to point to a ‘clash of civilizations.’ Impossible to blame European colonialism or American imperialism as a way to reframe the horror of this hundred year-old ideological portrait.”[24]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">So it is clear: for Mr. Glucksmann, Darfur is a battlefield on which African savages kill African barbarians and violence-crazed Muslims, all thirsty for blood. Neither Europeans nor Americans play the slightest role in this essentially local conflict. We dare believe it!</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In tidying up around the conflict, by ideologically turning the question of Darfur into one of massacres among “savages,” and by flipping reality upside down with such assertions, André Glucksmann is trying to misdirect the analyses of inexperienced researchers and to falsify any understanding of this conflict.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Another friend of Kouchner’s, very “traumatized” by the “genocide of the Tutsis,” and probably also by the one they say is going on in Darfur, is Bernard-Henri Levy. B-HL is, as he describes himself, a specialist in the “investigative novel,” that is, writing that makes a whole lot of fiction out of the truth. The people of Darfur are, according to him, in agony. He has seen the “genocide” in Darfur and it has broken his heart. He has never gotten over these visible emotions:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">What I saw there, saw with my own eyes, was the heart of what will become, if we do</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">nothing, the first genocide of the 21st century, at once exceeding the imagination, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">understanding and the limits of what can be tolerated by civilized humanity.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">I saw villages burned, over hundreds of kilometers: not a living soul; not a trace of a</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">human presence; just great circles of ash, the remains of a metal box spring twisted by the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">flames; a child’s shoe; a piece of a dinner-plate; or, once, miraculously spared by the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">fire, the end of a voter’s card on which could only be read, as in a Modiano novel, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">first letters of the owner’s name.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">I saw, from Bahai to Beirmezza, over a little more than 400 kilometers, crossing a Darfur</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">empty of inhabitants, become a desert, the horrible work of the janjawids, these militias</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">on horseback, literally the devil’s horsemen, who go by the hundreds, sometimes by the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">thousands, and more and more often backed up by the armor of the regular Sudanese</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Army, and who loot, burn, torture, behead, and do not leave until they have, literally,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">scorched the earth.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Finally I saw—this, perhaps, even more revolting—poor men and women facing such</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">cruelty with home-made weapons, defended by a barefoot army, and in a state of absolute</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">isolation and abandonment, which could only be compared to what I saw 14 years ago</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">in Bosnia, and before that in Rwanda.[25]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The French researcher Jérôme Tubiana took several trips to Darfur into the zone where Bernard-Henri Levy seems to have been. He remains skeptical after having read B-HL’s testimony. In an article entitled (Bad) Things Seen in Darfur, Jérôme Tubiana wonders about the visual rigor of the “investigative novelist”, as B-HL describes himself:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It was to revisit Darfur that I took a look at the article by Bernard-Henri Levy in Le</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Monde of Tuesday 13 March. I read these Things Seen in Darfur with much more interest</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">because the writer traveled to a region (Dar Zaghawa, in the northwest of Darfur) that I</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">had visited four time since 2004. My first surprise was when I noticed that these familiar</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">places were often misspelled and misplaced: Bir Meza (not Beirmazza) is not 60 km</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">north of Amarai but 60 km west; Dissa (not Deissa) is not 15 km east of Bir Meza but 5</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">km south.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The writer does not seem much concerned with precision, whether about the places he</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">visited or the people he met. For example, the rebel chief “Tarrada” is presented as the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">one who “conceived” of the victorious raid in the rebellion of El-Fasher, the capital of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">North Darfur, in April (not in February as indicated) 2003. But the rebel leaders and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">troops who took part in this inaugural battle agree that the person who conceived it</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">was, only logically, Abdallah Abakar Beshar, first military chief of the Sudanese</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Liberation Army (SLA), dead in combat January 2004. Tarrada did not lead any of the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">three groups who took part in this raid. He was only one military leader among dozens of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">others, and not the tactical genius the article evokes.[26]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Mr. Tubiana adds:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">What is fascinating is that Bernard-Henri Levy seems to have met only pro-Abdelwahid</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">rebels, yet he did not visit any of the zones controlled by this faction (the west of the Jebel</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Marra plateau, quite further south), and the region he did visit was clearly under the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">control of other factions. (. . .) For all that, the rebels in Darfur, like rebels everywhere,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">also sometimes live off the local populations. Even if the relations between combatants</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">and civilians seemed to have improved since the rallying around Minni Minnawe, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">former rival of Abdelwahid for the movement, to the Khartoum government, the Darfur</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">rebels often rustled livestock, forcibly demanded taxes and hijacked food aid.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Jérôme Tubiana concludes with astonishment:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Whatever the justification, arming the rebels was a declaration of war by the West, with</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">these armed groups as their proxies, against the State of Sudan. This war would certainly</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">be interpreted, in the Muslim world and elsewhere, as a new front in the global conflict</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">between the West and Islam. To see Darfur through this lens, as has been demanded</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">since the debut of the American coalition Save Darfur, which financed B-HL’s trip—is no</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">service to the people of Darfur who, Arab or not, are all Muslims and proud of it. When</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">B-HL delights in seeing “very few mosques” in Darfur, his vision is off: even if mosques</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">in Darfur are sometimes only earthen houses or just lines of rocks placed in the sand,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">each village, destroyed or not, has its mosque. There is no religious war in Darfur, and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bernard-Henri Levy is on the wrong track when he sees this conflict as a confrontation</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">between “radical and moderate Islam”—resampling a formulation of Bernard</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Kouchner’s, who sees in Darfur “Muslim fundamentalists trying to impose the charia on</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Muslim moderates.”[27]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">When he discusses Darfur, Bernard-Henri Levy locks himself into a steel cage of ethno-racist references. It is very difficult to analyze him except through an ethno-racial or ethno-religious lens. He quickly loses the Cartesian spirit and any sense of nuance when faced with the complexities of African political crises, especially those in Rwanda and Sudan. By reductionism and at the cost of great ideological shortcuts, he deals out prefab opinions to better beat up on those who contradict him:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">We are fully aware, in the end, of the racist nature, purely racist, of a conflict which, the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Zaghawa and Masalit tribes in revolt against Khartoum, itself, like them, being Muslim,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">no longer has the excuse, as in the South, of being a war of religion and so must present</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the image of a war driven only by hatred, by the white Arabs of the North of a population</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">whose only crime is having too dark a skin. (. . .) There are those for whom this war at the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">end of the world, where we can no longer see it, between the evil rich of Europe and the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">decent poor of the Third World, is of no interest at all: ah, these progressives, who get so</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">much more talkative when the conflict is one between Israel and Palestine! Ah, these</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">anti-imperialists and other anti-globalizationists, who, when it comes to a war that has</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">created five hundred times more dead, but in which neither Israel nor the West plays any</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">part, suddenly have nothing to say.!</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">There are in France certain organizations whose duty and specialty, one is led to believe,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">is the defense of Black minority victims, either of discrimination or the denial of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">remembrance, and who are also conspicuous by their silence: because the enemy no</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">longer has the face, here either, of the Jewish slave merchant and the looter of African</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">forests? Because this war between Arab and non-Arab Muslims, once again, complicates</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the old set-up? Because it is the terrible confirmation, in fact and indeed, of the historical</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">thesis contending that the massacre of Blacks in Africa was an African crime, and,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">particularly, as much an Arab as a Western affair? Because it is the evidence, for</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">example, that those who would charge one Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau with revisionism</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">were not only ignoramuses but swine? In short, there are all those who have one reason,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">different each time, to feel embarrassed, and who would like it every much if what El</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bachir has to do, he would do quickly and without a lot of noise.[28]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This catch-all, virulent discourse by Bernard-Henri Levy neither explains nor proves anything quite so much as his own profoundly ethno-racist image of the conflict in Sudan and his visceral loathing for the government in Khartoum. How can one believe, after this intellectually vacuous sermon, that he is honestly concerned about the tragedy of the Blacks in Darfur?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">His fixation with skin color and his utilitarian relations with Africa weigh heavily on his vision of the continent. For those who don’t know him, B-HL is not interested only in the desert oil zones of Darfur, he has already made a good deal of money in the exploitation of wood from African forests, and his businesses in this domain would have treated Blacks as less than slaves.[29] Darfuris had better watch out.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">His flights of lyricism over humanitarian aid in Darfur are a smoke screen and his great sensitivity for the suffering of Blacks is still just bad theatre.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The influence Bernard-Henri Levy holds over the French media and his extremely close relations with the rebel chief Abdalwahid Al-Nour affect the understanding of the crisis in Darfur in a great many French households. More serious, the light-handed treatment of and, sometimes, the connivance of certain journalists with his propaganda initiatives have contributed to changing the facts and giving a sort of “legitimacy” to the rebels.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Along this line, Jérôme Tubiana stresses:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The predominant narrative in the Western media was not without consequence in Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It degrades the positions of the participants in the conflict, especially the rebels and the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">displaced civilians, who have begun to refer to themselves as “Africans” and to use the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">term “genocide” to describe any kind of incident that results in fatalities. Sensing</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">support from the media, and from the West, in general, they have become more rigid in</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">their negotiations. The statements by rebel chief Abdelwahid Mohamed Nour, in exile in</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">France, tend much more today than when he was on the ground in Sudan toward a</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">radical critique of the Khartoum government as being “Islamist.”[30]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Rony Brauman, former president of Médecins sans frontières, knows Darfur very well—as he does both Bernard-Henri Levy and Bernard Kouchner. According to Brauman:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bernard Kouchner, Bernard-Henri Levy, André Glucksmann and all the people of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Urgence Darfour and of the collective Darfour, have a profound distrust of the facts.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">They eviscerate the reality and choose only what suggests the killings are on a one-way</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">street or what indicates that the killings are en masse. I remember when Bernard-Henri</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Levy reacted violently against the use of the term ‘armed conflict’ in Darfur. For him,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">“this is not an armed conflict, this is a massacre of innocents. To say otherwise is to spit</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">in the faces of the victims,” he proclaimed. This is his vision of things. For me, I</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">profess and persist in saying and demonstrating that what is happening in Darfur is an</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">armed conflict in which the violence and oppression come as much from the government</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">side as from the rebellion. The rebels are well-equipped people who deliver severe blows</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">to the Sudanese Army. This is not a simplistic reading like that carried out by people</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">who would permit you to understand what is going on in Darfur.[31]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Rony Brauman was not spared for having expressed a different point of view on the subject of Darfur. He was the target of a global lynching by those same pity peddlers. Bernard-Henri Levy had already accused him of revisionism:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">There is a small clique of revisionists in Paris who began by relativizing, by banalizing,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">by denying what is going on in Darfur, he stated to AFP. They think, he said, that a Third</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">World state like Sudan could not really be a murderer and that these victims, supported</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">by American public opinion cannot truly be the victims.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bernard-Henri Levy goes after him, profoundly annoyed by Rony Brauman’s refusal to submit to his vision: “They do the dirty job of insulting the dead in Darfur.” His answer is also astounding when Rony Brauman calls into question the appropriateness of the term genocide for Darfur:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It is a strange polemic, he says, cagey and, truth be told, so shabby that it has been</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">developed, for the past few weeks, on the backs of those massacred in Darfur. There are</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the hair-splitters who dedicate an inordinate amount of energy to haggling over whether</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the word genocide is justified or not: as if this were the real question! As if it were not</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">enough to see the century open on a massacre the death toll of which, by any reckoning, is</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">not lower than a mere 300,000! And as if it would make any difference, from the point of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">view of the victims, themselves, if they knew that this amounted to a crime against</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Humanity, a large-scale war crime or, in fact, a genocide. . . .</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">There are horror mongers who explain to us, with their calculators where their hearts</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">should be, that we are entering into [sic] a new program of violence and that, with the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">frequency of the killings diminishing, and for good reason, it would behoove us to control</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">our overly emotional opinions—excuse the almost rustic simplicity of this last remark, but</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">I believe that, in the face of human cruelty, one can never be overly emotional—and I</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">believe, maintaining all proportionality, that, as we argued in 1944, since the number of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">deportations had diminished from Germany and Poland, which had become almost</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Judenfrei, it was imperative to calm down and negotiate with Hitler.[32]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Bernard-Henri Levy has the maddening tendency, when he runs out of relevant information or is incapable of deeper reflextion, to start angrily blowing smoke. Gradually, as the debate becomes more complicated and his arguments reach their limits, he plays his wild card: the deportation of the Jews or Hitler. These two aspects of WWII are totally incongruous and completely inappropriate to the use of the term “genocide” about the crisis in Darfur.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">All this is as if Hitler is the only credible gauge by which it is possible to quantify or qualify these horrors, or, moreover, to disqualify them. These intellectual shortcuts are legion and do great harm to any understanding of the conflict in Darfur. Since B-HL is incapable of explaining, even by reverting to “philosophy,” his discipline of choice, just how whatever is happening in Darfur constitutes a genocide, he contents himself by referring to his usually well-informed contradictors as “horror monger” or “salon geostrategists”:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">There is this former doctor without borders, morphed into a salon geostrategist, who took</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">great pains, in last week’s Journal de Dimanche, to explain to supporters of political</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">pressure on the rulers in Khartoum and, thus, to their Chinese protectors, that, in Darfur,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">there are Sudanese killing other Sudanese, and that in these inter-Sudanese massacres,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">“Peking is not at all involved”: this is to write off all the Security Council Resolutions</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">blocked by China’s abstention or veto; this is to return an ethnic critique of a tragedy</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">which is, on the contrary, more relevantly viewed in its deep political dimension; this is to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">revive the nasty little night music, an alibi for all the inaction, for the intertribal, local,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">not to say racial wars, about which the West has nothing it must do other than wash its</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">hands of them. . . .</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This polemic, I repeat, is as vain as it is sickening. And we must keep ourselves from</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">going there, beyond the immobilizing effect it never fails to have on a public that may be</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">just beginning to awaken.[33]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The former doctor without borders that Bernard-Henri Levy refers to as a “salon geostrategist” is none other than Rony Brauman. The remarks that Brauman made on the subject of Darfur are neither sickening nor immobilizing. They are, however, intended to promote reflection, well-founded analysis, something that could not be disapproved by a “philosopher of the Enlightenment.”</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">How can these people, who for so many years have carried on a campaign against “the genocide in Darfur,” remain totally oblivious to the debate over whether genocide in Darfur actually exists or not? Why reject the idea that such a debate could lead to a solid and fruitful intellectual confrontation, perhaps even begin to form viable and concrete solutions? Why do these same people systematically oppose all those who dare to pose precise questions about their discussion of the subject of “genocide” and its planning, its political context and its different actors?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">How is it possible that researchers and philosophers, or individuals who pass themselves off as such, refuse to put their work and their discoveries about the “genocide in Darfur” up against those of people with information and opinions contrary of theirs?</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Truth is, Rony Brauman tries to distinguish what is revealed by the “investigative-novel” from verifiable reality. It seems clear that the factual truth interests neither André Glucksmann nor Bernard-Henri Levy nor Doctor Bernard Kouchner. Rony Brauman concludes:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">I know them well, and I can tell you that their nonchalance with regard to the facts or</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">reality is total.[34]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This clan of ideologues always gathers around wars and genocides. Together they speak of the genocide of the Bosnian Muslims at Srebrenica[35]; together, they pointed an accusing finger at the “genocide of the Tutsis” in Rwanda; together, they shaped public opinion to the idea that a genocide, similar to the one in Rwanda, was underway in Darfur and that it was being perpetrated by the Khartoum government and the janawids.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The facts and the complexities of these crises are of little importance to them. Of little importance is also from where the truth has come, even when it is disclosed by honest protagonists or from independent observers from the UN or elsewhere.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In all these regions they designate who are the torturers and who are the victims. In Bosnia, the torturers are the Milosevic regime and his Serb militias; in Rwanda, it is the regime of the late President Habyarimana and the Hutu militias. In Soudan, it is the regime of President Omar Al-Bachir and the janjawid militias. In these files, their rhetoric is the same and their methods identical. They prefer redundancy on the “genocide” rather than exhausting themselves in research or in questioning the facts. Intellectual reflection and supported research tires them out. These are experts on fast food thinking, easy to serve to the masses, assisted by a certain television.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The members of Urgence Darfour like those of Save Darfur base their programs on a schematic and binary presentation of Sudan, with “Blacks or Africans” on one side, and on the other “Arabs.” Is it necessary to point out that this version of reality is more appropriate to the Sudan of the 17th or 18th century when the great waves of migration put the peoples of the Arabic peninsula into Sudan, as we have previously discussed? Three centuries later, it is astonishing to notice that a reading of Save Darfur and Urgence Darfour shows no evolution at all of the Sudanese people. Is it also necessary to point out that, today, all the people of Sudan are Africans and not Arabs? Then there is President Al-Bashir, himself: if one judges merely by his physical appearance, he can only be considered a Black African, in the sense intended by Save Darfur and Urgence Darfour. Only by the fact that he is Muslim would these associations make of him an Arab and not an African head of State.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Since 2003, and this is true, Darfur has been plunged into war. But, something that is not spoken of enough, if at all, is the role of the Great Powers in the history of this crisis. An expert and African diplomat, Mohammed Hassan, sheds useful light on this aspect:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The basis of the conflict is, without any doubt, the great economic and social retardation</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of the province of Darfur. However, the explosion of violence that has taken place there</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">since 2003 is, above all, a consequence of American interference. Since the middle of the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">90s, this interference is more and more striking. First, the Americans gave military</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">support to the rebel movement in the South led by John Garang. If the Americans had</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">succeeded in weakening and dividing the country, they would only have had to harvest the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">booty. But their little plan failed: the North stood tough.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The Americans then chose another tactic—from 2000-2001: diplomatic pressure came to</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the fore. And American control became greater.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">An example of this is the Sudan Peace Act that Bush had passed in 2001. This is a purely</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">colonial law.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">It placed the negotiations between the North and South under the direct control of the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Americans. The peace talks lasted 22 months. Their progress was evaluated every six</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">months, not by the Sudanese people, but by the US Congress, and if the negotiators scored</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">some good points, the Congress would release $100 million in aid per year. One of the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">American negotiators stated to Reuters: “We are on the 99th version of the peace agree-</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">ment. I rewrote the text every day. I think the definitive version will be ready on the 19th</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of April. They will end up folding.” Just to show how far the control by the Americans</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">has already gone. But this strategy will not lead to a complete submission by the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Khartoum government to the American diktat. The Americans always want more and</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">always to go farther. Each concession is followed by a new demand, until enslavement is</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">total.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">In this context of interference and blackmail, always greater and more openly declared,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">one part of the Darfur elite believed they could get a bigger slice of the Sudanese pie,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">hoping to get it with US support. Since 2003, certain non-Arab tribal chiefs have created</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">militias and mounted military raids. Then, the chief of an Arab tribe in Darfur, a local</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">judge and director of a bank, was kidnapped. The government reacted by bombing.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The conflict would never have grown to this intensity without the continual interference of</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">the US, which supported all the forces that could contribute to the weakening of the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">Khartoum government.[36]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">A French group formed around an organization called L’Appel franco-arabe [The Franco-Arab Appeal] presents a very similar analysis:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">The greatest misfortune for Sudan is, paradoxically, its potential wealth, because for</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">several years international experts have thought that beneath the country lies one of the</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">world’s largest oil deposits, not to mention the ore of rare and precious metals.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">This buried treasure whets the appetites of outside powers and has the immediate effect</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">of fanning the flames of internal conflicts because the rebels see themselves being wooed</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">with arms and military advisors by those who hope to get their hands on these riches by</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">taking advantage of the political disorder and the weakening of the State.[37]</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">So it is for this reason that the big media and the ideologues speak to us only of the regime in Khartoum, which they abhor, the janjawids, Humanitarian Aid and the UN Intervention Force.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">By hiding the truth about Darfur behind all that emotion and fake compassion, certain media keep the public from discovering what is hidden behind the obsession with “genocide” in Darfur,</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">NOTES:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[1] Professor Mamood Mamdami has done a great deal of work on the conflict in Darfur, and his book, Saviors and Survivors: Darfur, Politics and the War on Terror, is an important contribution on the origins and evolution of this conflict. The British researcher David Hoile also published two fundamental works that analyze the causes and what is at stake if the tension persists in Darfur: Darfur in perspective, London, the European-Sudanese public affairs council, 2005, 278 p., and Darfur: The road to peace, London, the European-Sudanese public affairs council, 2008, 526 p.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[2] Cf. Kapteijns, Lidwien, Mahdisme et tradition au Dar For, Paris, l’Harmattan, 2006, 352 p., p. 22.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[3] Cf. Kapteijns, Lidwien, op. cit., p. 38. This historian retraces the history of the Masalit in the work cited above. A document rich in the history of Dar For.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[4] Milliard Burr co-wrote a controversial book in 2006 on the financing of terrorism. The book was banned by a British court because of slander. He cast suspicion on Sudan in a chapter of this book entitled “Islamic Charity Organizations and Revolutionary Sudan.” The editor judged that the evidence presented by the writers to support their arguments was inconsistent.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[5] Interview with the writer.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[6] Cf. “1.9 million dead in 15-year Sudan war,” agency reports in Los Angeles Times, December 11, 1998.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[7] Cf. America’s Sudan policy, a new direction? Testimony of Roger Winter submitted to the US House of Representatives Committee on International Relations; Subcommittee on Africa; Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights: 28 March 2001.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[8] Engdahl, William, China and the USA in New Cold War over Africa’s Oil Riches: Darfur? It’s the Oil, Stupid, May 20, 2007.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[9] Professor Antonio Cassese was the first President of the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) from 1993 to 1999 and was President of the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur in 2004.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[10] Cf. Report by the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, Sept. 2004, UN.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[11] Cf. “The Politics of Naming: Genocide, Civil War, Insurgency,” in London Review of Books, March 8, 2007.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[12] Cf. Urgence Darfour, under the direction of Morad El Hattab, Des idées et des hommes, Paris, 2007, 316 pages, pp. 77-78.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[13] Cf. Urgence Darfour, op, cit., p. 81.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[14] Cf. Tubiana, Jérôme, “La médiatisation du conflict au Darfour,” at http://www.grotius.fr/node/41.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[15] Cf. Ostrowski, Zigmunt, Le Soudan à l’aube de la paix, Paris, l’Harmattan, 2005, 314 pg., p. 93.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[16] Interview with the writer 30 June 2009 at the headquarters of Médecins Sans Frontières in Paris.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[17] Cf. Urgence Darfour, op. cit., p.93.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[18] Cf. Onana, Charles, Les tueurs tutsi: Au coeur de la tragedie Congloaise, Paris, Duboiris, 2009, 320 p.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[19] Cf. Urgence Darfour, op. cit., p. 95.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[20] Cf. Urgence Darfour, op. cit.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[21] LICRA [the League Against Racism and Antisemitism] is very close to pro-Israel organizations like the Anti-Defamation League in the US and the very powerful B’nai B’rith.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[22] Cf. Urgence Darfour, op. cit., p. 95.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[23] Interview with the writer.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[24] Cf. Urgence Darfour, op. cit., p. 35.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[25] Cf. Le Monde of 13 March 2007.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[26] Cf. Revue Mouvements http://www.mouvements.info/Chose-mal-vues-au-Darfour.html.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[27] Cf. Revue Mouvements http://www.mouvements.info/Chose-mal-vues-au-Darfour.html.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[28] Cf. Le Point of 13 April 2006.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[29] Cf. Nicolas Beau and Olivier Toscer, Une imposture française, Editions Les Arènes, 2006, 214 ps., p. 57.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[30] Cf. “La médiatisation du conflict au Darfour” in http://www.grotius.fr/node/41, op. cit.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[31] Cf. Interview with the writer.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[32] Cf. “Darfour: stop aux polémiques indécentes,” bloc-notes de Bernard-Henri Levy in Le Point, no. 1813, du 14 juillet 2007.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[33] Cf. “Darfour: stop aux polémiques indécentes,” bloc-notes de Bernard-Henri Levy, op. cit.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[34] Interview with the writer.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[35] In May 1994, at the moment of the European elections, Bernard-Henri Levy and André Glucksmann forcefully militated against what they called “the ethnic cleansing of Kosovo.” They were on the list “Europe begins at Sarajevo.”</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[36] Interview with the writer.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif;">[37] Cf. Drweski, Bruno, Doggui, Sliman, Vargas, Yves, Soudan pour une paix veritable au Darfour, Pantin, Le temps des cerises, 2004, 58p., pp. 15-16.</span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-38714834750058682032017-09-13T15:02:00.000-07:002017-09-15T18:51:41.604-07:00Carnage: The Secret Wars of the Great Powers in Africa--Chapter 16, by Pierre Péan<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiuXM6H04zUpukdcpKIN4g4SEGDX-eaG6yR7UuZ6Mbs4QagNljIz777AHnR97m4lCkZiNnavpBCl83AAR5Bhs8R5PgtYQBkkZUnI9V0S_lG5XU_WsPlgI_H7g8bHfT5UgBnLqdDAvB-igI/s1600/PP%25C3%25A9an.jpg" style="color: #888888; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, 'Palatino Linotype', Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.399999618530273px; text-decoration: none;"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5681566401109352754" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiuXM6H04zUpukdcpKIN4g4SEGDX-eaG6yR7UuZ6Mbs4QagNljIz777AHnR97m4lCkZiNnavpBCl83AAR5Bhs8R5PgtYQBkkZUnI9V0S_lG5XU_WsPlgI_H7g8bHfT5UgBnLqdDAvB-igI/s1600/PP%25C3%25A9an.jpg" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.0980392) 1px 1px 5px; background-color: white; border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.0980392) 1px 1px 5px; float: left; margin: 0px 10px 10px 0px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" /></a><br />
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<span style="text-align: justify;">[It has taken quite a while to finish the translation of this chapter 16 of Pierre Péan’s huge book Carnage:</span><span style="text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="text-align: justify;">The Secret Wars of the Great Powers in Africa.</span><span style="text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="text-align: justify;">These Secret Wars seem to have kicked up their intensity a notch and dialed down their secrecy quotient—a less cute way of saying it would be that the wars in Africa and the Middle East and Eurasia, etc., have gotten a lot hotter and a lot more out in the open.</span></div>
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The near-eradication by NATO forces (and the Western financial and commercial interests for which they kill) of the infrastructural and political advantages (e.g., The Great Man-Made River, The All-Africa Telecom Satellite, development of the African Central Bank and Monetary Union. . .) created for the Libyan population by The Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, the revolution led by Muammar Gdaffi that made Libya the most developed country, with the highest standard of living and the greatest practical democracy, in all of Africa, is the sort of real Crime against Humanity—made the more grotesque with its ‘celebration’ by the Walmart revolutionaries of Occupy-WETFE and their fear-addled Liberal Comicocracy stylists (Stewart, Colbert, SNL and, once my fave, Tosh.0, all giggling and gaggling at the bloody sodomic gang-murder of a 70 year-old genuine revolutionary—and under a white flag at that!—was unspeakably craven, beyond pathetic and below contemptible)—the type of crime that has been unknown since the last illegal aggression against a popular government: say, Afghanistan’s, Iraq’s, Syria’s, Lebanon’s, certainly Iran’s, not forgetting Sudan’s, Yugoslavia/Serbia’s and Rwanda/Congo’s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span></div>
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So, what was once to us the indescribable horror of a human holocaust has become our daily bread.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span>Bon appétit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And with each passing day that found this translation unfinished, the events out in the world have just made the subject of Péan’s work more and more pertinent.</div>
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In the earlier translation of chapter 6 of <i>Carnage</i><span style="font-style: normal;">, posted here at the beginning of the year, we learn that North Africa, like the Near- and Middle-East, has long been a profound security zone for Israel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span>But in chapter 16 we see that the need for sustained military violence and the general wasting of material and human resources in Africa is as essential to the economies of The Great Powers of the West as it is to that of the plucky little ‘US aircraft-carrier for Democracy’ tucked off between ‘terrorist’ Gaza (Hamas), ‘terrorist’ Lebanon and Syria (Hezbollah), and ‘Islamic extremist & terrorism-sponsors’ Iran and Egypt.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Again, the sweaty discussions over who the ‘real terrorists’ are, and, between the US and Israel, who is the tail, who the dog, and who’s wagging whom, are shown merely to be another exercise in academic arm waving.</span></div>
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After all, Capital knows no nation; and Waste Capital leaves none standing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Please accept this our unholy Holiday gift for 2011 to all of our old friends in the Old World and our new friends in the New World in the (dis)spirit with which it is given.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If luck has it—and the Mayans got it wrong—there will be more of this material right here in 2012. –mc]</div>
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Pierre Péan<br />
<br />
<b>Carnage: The Secret Wars of the Great Powers in Africa</b><br />
[translated from the French by CM/P]<br />
<br />
Chapter 16<br />
<br />
--American troops take part in hunting down Hutus, and France, finally, just lets them do it. . . .<br />
<br />
<br />
“My only regret is not having been able to<br />
exterminate all these millions of people<br />
who got away from us in 1994.”<br />
<br />
—Paul Kagame,<br />
at the thirteenth anniversary of the genocide.<br />
____________________<br />
<br />
I put in a lot of time before beginning this chapter. I didn’t know how to put it together. There were piles of books and files on my desk. The blood that dripped from them clouded all reason. Following the through line that connects the events in this story I was trying to tell—the mass slaughter of Hutus, the genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus, and then, once more, the massacre of Hutus, to which the thousands of dead at Kibeho served as a mere comma—, I came to a critical stage, the arrival in Kivu of those soldiers sent to close down the camps for “genocidaires.” But how does one describe such a military operation when all the descriptions that already exist are only an accumulation of bloodbaths, the slaughter of defenseless human beings, the piles of lifeless women and children all said to be genocidaires, hundreds of mass graves, and the whole thing going down under the neutral gaze of UN representatives, and the cameras of CNN only later recording it all to show just what Washington would let them show? Why were so many diplomats, so many American soldiers and secret agents, mobilized to speak to their embedded journalists about a situation that they could not directly figure out? Because that great power, the “In God We Trust” USA, with all its satellites, its wire taps and call intercepts, its helicopters and planes, helped the so-called rebels—who were in fact, for the most part, Rwandans and Ugandans—to locate these genocidaires so they could be liquidated. Yes, Washington bears a heavy responsibility for what was described in an early UN report as a probable genocide[1] . . . How can one not be repulsed by the passivity, by the willful solicitude of the HCR with regard to these exterminators[2]? How can one rest easy, or achieve that distance needed to write, how can one keep from screaming in the face of such horrors in which we are all implicated? How can one accept the propaganda of the period, which would have us believe that the Hutus only got what they deserved, and that the Tutsis, in giving it to them, were only exercising their legitimate right to revenge? While the official version of this history, that version received and accepted by the International Community, was—and still is—totally false?<br />
<br />
When I went back to look at my documentation, I found two people I could consider to be ‘good guys’: Juan Carrero, a Mallorcan, and Emma Bonino, the European Commissioner.<br />
<br />
Carrero is a believer in non-violence who places St. Francis of Assisi and Gandhi at the top of his pantheon. Much affected by the Liberation Theology of Don Helder Camara, he says he is “indissolubly linked to Evangelical Spirituality.”[3] After seminary, some study of theology and philosophy, he became a hermit, but kept questioning himself about the best way to help those who suffer. Rather than do his military service under Franco, he asked to work in an alternative social service, and spent four years with the Indians in the north of Argentina. With others, he reflected on the methods of non-violent opposition to war and other conflicts and spoke of the vicious cycle that so often blocks the best intentions:<br />
<br />
<i>It doesn’t move because no one starts it, and no one starts it because the job is<br />too immense.</i><br />
<br />
To break this cycle, he believes that, as with the “butterfly effect,” modest actions and, with a reference to the Gospel of St. John, the weight of Truth can change History. And thus, working out of a Majorcan NGO, he got involved in what was happening in Rwanda in 1994. From the beginning, he expressed real sympathy for the Tutsis of the RPF. So, at the end of 1995 and the beginning of 1996, he was in Rwanda and Burundi. In the little village of Niyabikere, he observed that, in just a single day, the RPF soldiers killed more than 100 women and children. This shocked him enormously! On returning to Spain, he realized that no one knew anything about this massacre. The media, when they brought up the situations within Rwanda and Zaire, spoke only of the militias and the ex-Hutu soldiers continuing the mass slaughter. Growing more and more aware of the complexity of the circumstances, and being persuaded that there was a conscious denial of the killings of Hutus, killings that were of such magnitude as rightly to be considered a new genocide in the making, he organized a Peace March from Barcelona to Geneva to raise interest among influential Europeans in the problem. It was a failure; this action had only a tiny effect. At the beginning of 1997, he organized a hunger strike in Brussels that lasted 42 days, while the Hutu refugee camps in the East of Congo were being bombed.<br />
<br />
Magda Aelvoet, co-chair of the European Greens, told him confidentially:<br />
<br />
<i>There is a very elaborate plan to invade the East of Congo. The US has given its consentto the Hima-Tutsi regimes of Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. The Americans are only insisting on two conditions: that there be no excesses either in the expansion of the borders of the territory under invasion, or in Human Rights violations. </i><br />
<br />
Juan Carrero received support from 19 Nobel laureates and nearly the whole of the European Parliament, most notably, from its President, the Spaniard, Jose Maria Gil Robles. Within this action, Juan Carrero had the opportunity to meet Emma Bonino, European Commissioner for Humanitarian Aid, and he was among those who heightened her awareness of the fate of Hutu refugees in the camps of Kivu[4] . . .<br />
<br />
In February 1997, accompanied by TV cameras, Emma Bonino went to Zaire to meet with Rwandan Hutu refugees. On her return to Brussels, she accused Laurent-Désiré Kabila of having turned the East of Zaire into a “veritable slaughterhouse”. During a press conference, she stated:<br />
<br />
<i>Massive Human Rights violations have been committed within the territories controlled by the rebels. </i><br />
<br />
She spoke of “incomprehensible carnage.” She also accused the neighboring countries, especially Rwanda, of “doing nothing to stop these activities, and even encouraging them.” She also discussed the UN investigatory mission into the massacres committed in Zaire, which was blocked in Rwanda, then called for action on the part of the International Community, which could no longer remain silent.” In a report on her mission, she wrote:<br />
<br />
<i>I went to Zaire to meet those people who do not exist or, more precisely, who did not exist. Those same people whom the biggest of bigwig Generals from the most powerful Armies were not able to locate with their radar, and, thus, the world’s capitals, so very well informed, declared that they all had returned to their home countries. These people who don’t exist and who now re-exist, coming out of the forests in an ghastly state [. . .]. I had the feeling of coming back from hell [. . .]. I hope that the 200,000 refugees, who have not yet been located, are still alive, somewhere in the forests, and that they will reappear. But it is also quite possible that they are all dead [. . .]. I saw children’s skeletons at the time of my last tour of duty, and especially over these last two years, I saw many refugee camps and, believe me, in the case of the camps, the sight was unbearable, below any level of human dignity. . .</i><br />
<br />
The words of Emma Bonino brought me back to those of Gracchus Babeuf that called the attention of future generations to the life and crimes of [Jean-Baptiste] Carrier, in the autumn of 1793, in the region around Nantes:<br />
<br />
<i>My countrymen! . . . So you feel the need to preserve the memory of the price paid toerase all those acts that the History of barbarism has passed on to you [. . .]. Oh, Posterity! By the same token, you must not bare before your gaze those facts that might remain happy if you were but to ignore them, by considering only the good that is in your memory and the satisfaction, not recognizing the cowardice with which we have suffered for far too long the gutting of our brothers by those horrific butchers endowed by us with dignity</i>[5].<br />
<br />
A great deal of the testimony of survivors, of Humanitarian Aid workers, and of journalists, allows us to draw images from these words[6] . The strongest are probably those of Marie Béatrice Umutesi, found in her Fuir ou mourir au Zaire[7], where she describes the torturous journey of the refugees thought to be génocidaires. She survived a ten-month odyssey over more than 2000 km to Mbandaka, on the banks of the Congo. She recounts how, in November 1996, the operation to close the refugee camp at Mbandaka and force the refugees to return to Rwanda was mounted:<br />
<br />
<i>A few days before the destruction of Mugunga, a mission of American soldiers passed by. With the aid of megaphones, they told the refugees to take advantage of their presence to return to Rwanda, because after they left it would be too late. It was after this that we saw the mass movement back to Rwanda. The only way out of the area that was not blocked was the one that led to Rwanda. . . . Put in a situation where the choice was between returning to Rwanda or dying under rebel gunfire, many chose the former.</i><br />
<br />
Marie Béatrice Umutesi speaks also of the two months she spent in the camp at Tingi-Tingi, “the death camp,” before its destruction by RPF soldiers. She describes how the refugees reacted to hearing the Voice of America, the BBC and the RFI:<br />
<br />
<i>When they speak of Rwandan refugees, when they finally accept that we still exist, journalists are interested only in the presence of militias in the camp at Tingi-Tingi and of the recruitment of former members of the Rwandan military by the Zairian Army. About our daily lives, about the hell that we lived through after the destruction of the camps in the east of Zaire, about the horrible deaths of those who were lost in the forest, about the massacres carried out by the rebels . . . not one word! Only Emma Bonino</i>. . . .<br />
<br />
Of the 500,000 or so Rwandan refugees who, by mid-November, had been returned to Rwanda, most of them by force, were they in better shape than those who stayed in Zaire?<br />
<br />
<i>A large number of them were murdered, others imprisoned, and still others disappeared in secret internment centers, losing all their worldly possessions, their property and equipment</i>.[8]<br />
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A UN report submitted to Kofi Annan on 30 June 1998 confirmed the scale of the mass killing of Hutu refugees, even if the investigators, led by Roberto Garreton, were not able to finish their investigation: they were stopped by Laurent-Désiré Kabila. The UN Secretary General wrote to the Security Council about certain of the report’s conclusions:<br />
<br />
<i>“The killings committed by the AFDL and its allies, including elements of the Rwandan </i><i>Army, qualify as crimes against humanity,”</i></div>
<div>
<i><br /></i></div>
<div>
<i></i>stressing that the investigators<br />
<br />
<i>“think that certain murders could qualify as acts of genocide depending on the intention that brought them about.”</i><br />
<br />
The investigators revealed that, in fact, if the attacks carried out inside the camps of North-Kivu in 1996 were even partly intended to compel the refugees living there to go back to Rwanda,<br />
<br />
<i>the circumstances under which the attacks against the camps inside the country were carried out in 1997, especially the ‘clean-up’ operations undertaken after these attacks and mass killings of people who were trying to cross the border of the Republic of Congo, show very well that the intention was to eliminate the Rwanda Hutus who remained in Zaire. A possible interpretation of this phase of the operation led by the AFDL, with support from Rwanda, is that it was decided to eliminate that part of the Hutu ethnic group as such. If this is verified, it would constitute and act of genocide.</i><br />
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This term “genocide” was obviously untenable for all—journalists, politicians and members of organization in defense of Human Rights—who, over the years, had made Paul Kagame their hero, the man who put a stop to the Rwandan Genocide. Although, at the time his report was submitted, Garreton had carefully asserted that only 150,000 to 180,000 people were killed in six months, he was forgotten, and, along with him, his report was tossed into the dumpster of this bloody history[9]. After all, were these dead not just the New Nazis who got what was coming to them? At any rate, hundreds of thousands of victims would not sully Kagame’s “success story”, which was being glorified in most of the media. We had to wait until 27 August 2010 for Le Monde, which had, since the departure in 2005 of its Africa hand, Stephen Smith, made Kagame’s vision of the Rwandan tragedy its own, to cover its front page with a new report from the UN High Commissioner on Human Rights (HCHR) estimating that “the systematic and generalized attacks [against the Hutu refugees in the DRC] show several shocking elements that, if proven before a competent court, could qualify as genocide.” However, the French daily did not mention that since 2005 a panel of inquiry by the Spanish Judiciary had been looking at these very same events in the ex-Zaire; or that, on 6 February 2008, the Spanish Justice Fernando Andreu Merelles had issued arrest warrants against 40 of Kagame’s closest collaborators for crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against Humanity.<br />
<br />
The UN report, actually a preliminary report, described, for example,<br />
<br />
<i>. . . the systematic, methodical and premeditated nature of the attacks against the Hutu, that were carried out everyplace the AFDL/APR found them within this vast expanse of territory.<br />. . .<br /><br />The chase went on for months and, oft-times, the humanitarian aid destined for these refugees was purposefully blocked, notably in Orientale province, depriving them of the very basic necessities for their survival.</i><br />
<br />
The authors do not hesitate to point out that if Kagame had allowed thousands of Hutu to return to Rwanda, this did not permit, “in itself, to set aside the intention to destroy, in part, the ethnic group as such, and thus to commit the crime of genocide.” Leaking the report in the press was meant to counteract Kigali’s strategy to suppress its publication. Le Monde made note of a letter, dated 5 August 2010, from the Rwandan Foreign Minister to the UN Secretary General, in which is demanded “a reconsideration of various earlier engagements with the UN, especially in the realm of Peacekeeping,” in the event the report “should be published or leaked to the press.” These “engagements” refer particularly to the deployment of 3,300 Rwandan troops to the UNAMID in Darfur, the joint UN and African Union mission. Ban Ki-Moon took this threat very seriously and warned the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, against the use, in the final version of the report, of the word “genocide” to describe crimes committed by the Rwandan army. At the time of this writing, September 2010, it is still too soon to know who will win the arm-wrestling match between Paul Kagame and the rest of the world. But the commentators have changed their tone. . . .<br />
<br />
<br />
If, in 1996, as the Rwandans and Ugandans were sprucing up their gear to go into Zaire, Mobutu had not given sufficient importance to the situation, it was because he was blinded by the name ‘Kabila’, his old nemesis: “I knew Kabila. He’s nothing but a small-time smuggler[10],” he thought. Nonetheless, he quickly asked the French to intervene. The Africa desk at the Élysée palace explained to him that, because of the campaign of disinformation mounted against Operation Turquoise, it would be impossible for France to initiate any kind of military intervention. It would be even less possible for the government in Paris to ignore the fact that any such operation, appearing to be an action to save the old “Guide,” would never be accepted by the Americans, who in 1991 had already made it known to Mobutu that he had to step aside—his time was up.<br />
<br />
The scene was played out aboard the presidential yacht, the Kamanyola. Melissa Wells, US ambassador to Kinshasa, addressed herself to the man in the leopard-skin pillbox hat, demanding he pick up the pace of work at the National Sovereignty Conference[11]. The President responded that he did not answer to Washington. Wells shot back with:<br />
<br />
<i>The era where we needed you is over; the Cold War is finished; you no longer have the means by which to blackmail us; and you no longer have your friends in the White House to cover for you. If you choose not to follow our plan for democratic change, we will force you from power. We have ways of doing that.</i>[12]<br />
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Mobutu quarantined Ambassador Wells and eventually forced her to leave Zaire; Washington replaced her with Dan Simpson, a specialist in matters of destabilization, who some years later contributed to Mobutu’s leaving Kinshasa. . . .<br />
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The French Secret Services—the DRM and the DGSE—were quite well-informed as to what went on along the Kivu border at the end of October, the beginning of November (1996). The camp at Kibumba, in the Goma region, was bombarded: some 200,000 refugees headed out for the camp at Mugunga. The camp at Katale was attacked with heavy weapons, and Kukavu, the capital of South-Kivu, was captured by the “rebels.” The surrounding camps were destroyed, sending 250,000 people fleeing through the equatorial forest toward Kisangani. . . .<br />
<br />
Military officers and the intelligence services were not satisfied with the satellite images furnished by the Americans, which showed no signs of the refugees; these pictures did not correspond at all with the information that was coming in to them off the ground from numerous human sources. At the beginning of November, a Bréguet Atlantic reconnaissance plane spotted groups of refugees and transmitted photos of two US Blackhawk helicopters.<br />
<br />
French spies were questioned about the role of the Green Berets in the massacres that took place after the taking of Bukavu at the end of October 1996. They were also asked about the origins of the nighttime aerial machine gun fire against the refugee camps:<br />
<br />
<i>That poses some serious considerations when you know that among the American aircraft used was at least one C-130 gunship from the Special Forces, a veritable flying gunboat, armor-plated and equipped with a 105 mm canon, rockets and machine guns, capable even of dropping mines. What was it doing there if, as the American Commander would have it, it was only searching out the refugees to study ways to bring them aid?</i>[13]<br />
<br />
Despite this questioning of Washington’s ambiguous role, no one, either from the French Army’s General Staff or any French politicians, could imagine such an action taking place without the Americans, or, especially, against them. But the “serious degradation of the humanitarian situation” led all of them very quickly to see a multinational military operation in Kivu, or, at least, to put out that idea. The Centre opérationnel inter-armées (COIA) [Inter-army Operations Center] is charged by the Chief of Staff to define the possible plans. On 5 November a note signed by Jean-Pierre Kelche, a Major General on the General Staff, landed on the desk of Defense Minister Hervé de Charrette:<br />
<br />
<i>While waiting for an eventual political settlement to bring about some lasting regional solutions, the major effect of a military operation in Kivu was aimed at stabilizing the refugees in a zone separated from the constituent forces.</i><br />
<br />
The note’s authors thought the participation of European countries (France, Spain, Belgium, Germany and the UK) indispensable, but stressed that<br />
<br />
<i>. . . a centralized command (pre-established) had to be offered to the Americans, whose presence on the ground would guarantee the neutrality of the Rwandans.</i><br />
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And led the authors to suggest that if the Americans shared a command center in Goma with the French, they could be responsible for different zones: Around Goma, for the French; around Bukavu, for the Americans.<br />
<br />
<i>The military action would be limited to the securing of zones, to the benefit of humanitarian organizations.</i><br />
<br />
General Kelche saw a deployment of 1500 to 2000 men at a cost of between 400 and 600 million francs (ca $80-120 million). The next day, during a limited meeting of the Defense Council, Jacques Chirac accepted the proposal of the COIA and insisted on the involvement of the Americans, that is to say:<br />
<br />
<i>France would intervene if the Americans came in with their people on the ground.</i><br />
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And as to either the French or American nationality of the Operation’s Commander, the president had no preference. After the political and media fiasco that was Operation Turquoise, it was out of the question for France to jump into such an operation alone. . . .<br />
<br />
Immediately after this limited Defense Council meeting, French diplomats and military officers talked things over with the Americans. A high-ranking officer on the General Staff contacted EUCOM (European Command, which, before the initiation of AFRICOM, was the American General Staff in charge of the African theatre and based in Stuttgart). In the afternoon of 6 November, a meeting, presided over by General Thorette, took place in the sub-basement of the Ministry of Defense at COIA headquarters, in what is called ‘La Cuve’ or ‘the Cistern’. Taking care and awaiting the response of the Yankees, a limited and discrete plan was undertaken, but it had, nonetheless, to be accompanied by a political move:<br />
<br />
<i>The idea that must motivate this plan is to get the British involved so that the Americans will follow suit</i>.[14]<br />
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Knowing that the game was never won before the first move, General Regnault was put in charge of convincing “the Brits.” The General Staff did not forget that “British instructors accompanied the Tutsi RPF’s surprise offensive in Rwanda at the beginning of 1993.[15]”<br />
<br />
The Franco-British political calendar worked out just right for Jacques Chirac to convince John Major to support the French proposal. In fact, the 19th Franco-British summit was scheduled for 8 November in Bordeaux. From the beginning of the meeting, the two men made public a declaration in which they said they were “decided” on the “close coordination of their efforts [. . .] rapidly to put together an international mission statement” for Kivu. In a BBC interview, John Major did not exclude British military participation. But the French quickly saw that the Americans, despite some ‘bonnes paroles,’ were already running a different play. Though in Stuttgart General George A. Joulwan promised to make available some giant cargo jets, the C5 Galaxies, to project, if necessary, French men and materiel into Kivu, the American partners refused to put their own boots on the ground there. So, Paris and Washington were already well into their game of Liar’s Dice. And while, on the ground, the Rwandans, Ugandans and Americans, were fully conscious of waging an indirect war against Paris, the contacts between military officials and diplomats in Washington, Paris or Stuttgart were made with the greatest conviviality.<br />
<br />
From the evening of 7 November, the French General Staff began studying “the most restrictive hypothesis” in case “the Americans continued to refuse coming in on the ground”: “The French saw themselves compelled to make a quick engagement, playing the role of the leader-nation.” In the file of 8 November, cited above, the authors were well aware of the “significant political and military risks” of taking this position of leader-nation. If France were to go into Kivu alone—without the Americans—the military officials foresaw the installation of a rear-base at Kisangani, about 500 km northwest of the zone of engagement. Despite everything, the French officers were still banking on an “Alert” for the 11 and 12 November, knowing that notes from the DRM [French Directorate of Military Intelligence] showed that the humanitarian situation in Kivu was degenerating dangerously.<br />
<br />
Some European officials tried to raise the public consciousness on this issue. Emma Bonino, European Commissioner for Humanitarian Action, and Aldo Ajello, Special Envoy to the Great Lakes region from the EU, redoubled their calls for the deployment of a multinational force built around a core of the French, Belgian and South African militaries. Jacques Chirac, as we saw, was on board with them. Le Monde of 8 November 1996 recapped the situation:<br />
<br />
<i>France is having trouble convincing the UN of the urgency of an intervention into Zaire.</i><br />
<br />
This trouble was due to the leaders of the coalition and their principal sponsor, Washington, not wanting the French to come back to the region and work against their plans. But Paris thought it still had the upper hand. A confidential note (MEET 60 REF 56/RW/INT FR), found several years after the fact[16], describes how the French actions were seen by the Rwandans and Ugandans:<br />
<br />
<i>France is trying to send troops to Zaire by invoking humanitarian concerns. This must be refused. The last meeting with the British and American came down against the deployment of French troops. The French Foreign Minister, Hervé de Charette[17], is expected to announce this plan sometime before 15 November 1996, if we can believe the information coming from inside the French government. France has plans to aid the Hutu by training and arming them. This seems to us very dangerous.</i><br />
<br />
So as not to have to butt heads with France, Washington cleverly put together an operation that would bury the French project without its ever being considered by the International Public, giving little or no reporting on what was happening in Kivu: It consisted in asking Canada to put a force together, to assemble the elements and make up the rules [of engagement]. . . .<br />
<br />
In the evening of 8 November, the Canadian Prime Minister, Jean Chrétien, proposed a humanitarian intervention in the east of Zaire. And he had the sack to claim that he had come up with the idea all by himself! As usual, things went on quickly from there. Chrétien convinced some States of mid-level importance to back him up, and, on 14 November, the Security Council approved the formation of a 10,000-man force to be led by Maurice Baril, the Canadian General close to Romeo Dallaire and sharing of his scorn for the French, with no less a reflexive affinity for the Americans.<br />
<br />
So began the great brouhaha of a diversion. A meeting of ‘planners’ from 26 countries was convened at NATO headquarters in Stuttgart to do a feasibility study of a multinational force in that area to be commanded by the US and Canada. The ‘Board’ had already decided on the possibility of leading a humanitarian mission to bring food to the starving Hutu population. General Baril consulted with the governments of the Great Lakes region and decided to set up his main headquarters in Entebbe, his advanced headquarters in Kigali, and his rear-guard headquarters in Stuttgart. This single decision is loaded with significance: General Baril showed that he wished to work in perfect harmony with Kagame, Museveni and the Americans stationed in Rwanda, especially with the media information team and the psyops groups running the organization for the repatriation of refugees. What is more, Washington anticipated that, if this force eventually came together, its troops would be under US command. For their part, Kigali and Kampala carried on an intense lobbying campaign to block this intervention force, and even more adamantly refused to allow any French presence in its ranks. Thus, we will see how Alison Des Forges and Roger Winter, among others, defended the autonomy of Laurent Kabila’s AFDL, the “enemy of both genocidaires and Zairian officials”[18]. . .<br />
<br />
French political and military figures were not very quick to pick up on the fact that this operation, mounted by Chrétien on orders from the Americans, was meant only to bury Chirac’s project and give the US, along with their Rwandan and Ugandan puppets, a free hand in the Great Lakes region. For a few days, the General Staff believed that the deployment of a Franco-British force under Canadian command in the area south of Kivu had been accepted. As evidence of this, a reconnaissance mission was put together by the British military, under the command of Brigadier General Thompson (Royal Marines), with three French officers directed by Colonel Philippe Tracqui, then the #2 at the Centre Opérationnel de l’Armée de Terre [{Land} Army Operations Center] (COAT), with its offices in the “Cuve”: Beginning on the day the UN Security Council approved the principle of a 10,000-man force headed by General Baril, this mission was set in motion heading toward Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda, from 14 to 19 November! From the start, Tracqui and his two mates understood that something was not right. In the evening of the 14th, at the RAF base in Brize-Norton, while the French mission was asking about the appropriate uniform for their trip to Africa, Tracqui was told that it would be civilian clothes. The next morning at the departure point, the media were all there, but they said nothing about the three civilians in the midst of all those uniformed British troops. Once arrived in Nairobi, General Thompson coldly told the French that they could not go into Kigali. After very difficult discussions, which included an intervention by the French ambassador to Rwanda, only Colonel Tracqui was allowed to set foot in the country of a thousand hills.<br />
<br />
The Tracqui Report of 21 November raises the final questions on the role that had been accorded the French in the Great Lakes region and on their anti-American strategy. It notably describes the meeting of 18 November between Thompson and the American General E.P. Smith, who was, on paper anyway, the assistant to General Baril, but, in reality, was the headman of the whole operation. Tracqui wrote: “The Americans are all, in fact, opposed to a military action in South Kivu.” Then he goes on:<br />
<br />
<i>It appears obvious to us that in the first part of the mission Thompson received precise orders to cut us out of any reconnaissance about Bukavu and that the British never had any intention of setting up in that town, but rather just installing themselves at Cyangugu, within Rwandan territory. It was, however, extremely embarrassing for us to be treated in this way. It might have been that the British saw themselves as part of a dynamic duo with the Americans, which would explain their quick flip in attitude after the Thompson/Smith meeting, which must have made them certain that the Americans felt they were strong enough, from then on, to act alone and cut out all the other participants in this multinational operation.</i><br />
<br />
Commenting on Thompson’s support of the proposition made by the Canadian Raymond Chrétien[19], on the need to review the UN mandate prioritizing a Humanitarian operation, Col. Tracqui saw the possibility for some negative spin: “It’s a propaganda campaign with regard to the French, because elsewhere he had declared that he was still in favor of a military operation.” Thompson gave Tracqui a memo from General Smith, issued from Entebbe on 16 November, which revealed the American position.<br />
<br />
<i>For 24 hours, the situation was well in hand, everything was going fine in Goma, and the nature of the Humanitarian needs had changed. While it was still not possible exactly to determine the total number of refugees who were going to return home or those who intended to do so in the next several days, it is clear that, at this time, there is no longer a Humanitarian Crisis that would justify an emergency military action. </i><br />
<br />
And the American General wrote this without asking for any supplementary means.<br />
<br />
But what was General Smith referring to when he said that the situation had changed in the last 24 hours? To the complete lock-down of the enormous camp in Mugunga? It was during this lock-down that the American military personnel made their appearance, according to Béatrice Umutesi’s[20] account of the events. And on the afternoon of 14 November, when the camp closure went into effect, a group of refugees headed out toward the Rwandan border, and the thoroughly prepped cameras of CNN, fronted by Christiane Amampour[21], were able to film these refugees.<br />
<br />
As Béatrice Umutesi tells the story:<br />
<br />
<i>The only way-out of the camp not blocked by the rebels was the one that led to Rwanda. Even if, here again, they controlled the movements of all these people and could separate out whomever they wanted and kill them, they let the great majority of these refugees go. At all the other camp exits, they shot anything that moved. Facing a situation where they had to choose between returning to Rwanda or being killed by rebel bullets, many chose to return. Everyone knew there was a real danger in going back home, but they believed it was their last chance to survive. And there’s a Kinyarwandan saying, “It’s always preferable to die tomorrow than to die today.” Some families held meetings to decide who should go back to Rwanda and who should try to slip through the rebels’ net. In many cases, it was decided that it was better for the women and children to return home because they ran a lower risk of being killed or tossed into prison once they were back in Rwanda. Those who chose to try the impossible and look for a way out toward Sake, Walikale and Kisangani, were usually intellectuals, people who had held important jobs in the Habyarimana government, former politicians, students, former militia members, or former Army personnel. Certain women decided to follow their husbands even though the men would have preferred to see their women return to Rwanda and leave them with greater freedom of movement. According to several witnesses, on the road back home, many men were led by the rebels to the camp at Lac-Vert, where they were killed and their bodies thrown into the lake. A few weeks after the destruction of the camp at Mugunga, Humanitarian NGOs claimed they dug up 6,700 bodies. Those who chose to continue their flight left camp Mugunga in the middle of the night so as not to be seen by the rebels who surrounded the camp, and to leave silently so as not to attract their attention.</i><br />
<br />
These are the conditions that made General Smith say the situation was “under control.”<br />
<br />
The day after the airing of lovely CNN pictures showing Hutu refugees returning to Rwanda, Jean Daniel, in Washington and at the other end of the French political hierarchy, was able to take full measure of American cynicism. On that day, France’s great editorialist met with M.E. Korkblum, the Assistant US Secretary of State. He reported the words of the American Secretary:<br />
<br />
<i>France? We want very much to hear what they have to say. Chirac? Good guy. We like him. But: 1) no question of keeping Boutros-Ghali; 2) no question of keeping Mobutu. Our allies in Europe are the Germans. The British? Unconditional up to Blair . . . Let’s take another look in six months, you tell me if I was wrong. Be careful with Africa: France has it all wrong. The strongman is in Uganda, not Kinshasa.</i><br />
<br />
On leaving this meeting, Jean Daniel reflected: “Such appalling precision in his cynicism, and such arrogance in his language.[22]”<br />
<br />
The evening of 16 November 1996, in Entebbe, General Smith held a planning meeting at which several non-American liaison officers were present, among them Lt-General Pouly of the French DRM. Pouly was able to add to the information furnished by Thompson to Tracqui. Being well aware of the situation on the ground, he knew the scene General Smith was describing was false. Pouly took a chance and spoke out, after which General Smith proposed to bring Rwanda into the multinational force, and even to make this merger retroactive. The French general also noted that Smith’s analysis of the situation placed no particular importance on the 700,000 refugees there or the 300,000 displaced from South-Kivu. Smith replied he did not “give a shit” about these refugees, and that his problem was concentrated in Goma. In his report, Philippe Tracqui, commenting on Smith’s words and, figuring that it was impossible for the American General to to be so naïve as to believe sincerely in what he had written and said, Tracqui judged that this was “nothing more than the final phase of an already established scenario aimed at turning this region into a ‘terra Americana’.”<br />
<br />
The Number Two at COAT also reported to the Army Chief of Staff all the information furnished by General Pouly, France’s leading military specialist on the African Great Lakes region. On 17 November, the day after the meeting organized by General Smith in which Pouly took part, “a new American planning team arrived, to rid the Command Post of all non-American or Canadian LDs (liaison detachments), by completely cutting communications with them and setting them up in locations that were without radio transmission.”<br />
<br />
Pouly was convinced that “the Americans present in the Great Lakes region, who were mainly either diplomats from Kigali or military people isolated in Entebbe, did not want anyone else in the region.” He pointed out “the existence in Kigali of a large, 50-strong, US military cooperation mission. It was in charge of training the RPA, instructing them in mine-removal, psychological-operations training by specialists from the 4th Battalion out of Fort Bragg, especially as concerned the propaganda connected with the organization of the ‘returning refugees’.” The French spy learned that “the American psy-ops teams had been in place and working out of Kigali for the past three months.”<br />
<br />
Looking at the CNN film, one noticed that “many of the ‘returning refugees’ who were interviewed had the stature and fine features of Tutsis.” Pouly learned that “the Canadians were there merely to give the Americans credibility when referring to their multinational operation. Moreover, they had received a serious bitch-slapping on Sunday, 17 November, when, on landing in Kigali to set up their Command Post, the Canadians were forbidden by the Rwandans from carrying their personal weapons and were forced to leave them on the airplane.”<br />
<br />
So, Colonel Tracqui wrapped thing up:<br />
<br />
<i>Because of a media move focused on Goma with the intention of separating out other countries, the Americans seemed bent on giving the Rwandans (Tutsis) total free rein to set up a Rwandan cultural buffer zone in Zaire, around Lake Kivu (a sort of Lebanon-south).</i><br />
<br />
He saw a situation where France would have to decide not to lose interest in the fates of the 700,000 refugees from South Kivu, to whose numbers must be added the 200,000 to 300,000 displaced Zairians, just to hold on to its long-term influence in this region. There would then be two possibilities: the first, to lead a joint operation with the British, who would pose no great problems on the military scene, but he explains right away why this solution had little or no chance of being picked up:<br />
<br />
<i>Mrs. Linda Chalker, the British Foreign Minister, was totally pro-Tutsi, the British officers knew that from then on they would have little chance of getting a green-light from their government for a military intervention;</i><br />
<br />
the second, an operation from Kisangani led by the French alone,<br />
<br />
<i>which would be easily carried out (with a helicopter operation followed up by a steady ground assault), but [such an operation] would surely alienate the entire International Community if it were not accompanied by an intense campaign of media diplomacy. In either case, it would needs be done with the greatest of speed, because the US Army/CNN strategy had a very good chance of bringing about, in no time at all, a modification of the UN Resolution.</i><br />
<br />
The French desire to come to the aid of the Rwandan refugees was snuffed out in its infancy, much to the relief of the US, Rwanda and Uganda. It was not until 12 December 1996 that Raymond Chrétien informed the Security Council that the multinational force was no longer necessary. He explained it to the media:<br />
<br />
<i>Upon the adoption of the UN Security Council Resolution, Kigali activated the rebels in eastern Zaire, who then attacked the refugee camps. The militias fled, which freed the refugees. </i><br />
<br />
An eye-witness told the 10 March 1997 issue of Libération:<br />
<br />
<i>Are we to believe General Baril when, in mid-December, he stated that there were no more Rwandan refugees in Zaire, because he had spent a half-day on the road to Masisi, in a Tutsi-rebel officer’s vehicle, and he had not seen a one? This declaration, which closed the file on the Multinational Force, would bring about the deaths of thousands of them. Could he have been ignorant of this?</i><br />
<br />
Obviously not. In an interview with Robin Philpot[23], Raymond Chrétien confided:<br />
<br />
<i>There was a small part of the problem taken care of, the tip of this Humanitarian iceberg. But there was an enormous part that was not. There were many who headed for the forests, and they were probably killed after that. A million dead! We don’t talk a lot about that. But there is an international consensus that 500,000 refugees went back home. After that, there was no longer any political will to deploy the International Force.</i><br />
<br />
No political will? Except for France’s, which was quickly smothered.<br />
<br />
Left without credibility by all the Rwandan and US psy-ops carried out by the multitude of Western flacks for Rwanda and most of the media, including a goodly number of French ‘friends’, France was unable to do anything to stop the organized massacres of Hutus. To hunt down and kill these Hutu refugees was looked upon as a sort of public service, because it was considered the elimination of suspected genocidaires, otherwise known as the New Nazis[24]. So France paid and has continued for some time to pay for its support of the legitimate and recognized government of Juvenal Habyarimana, for its Operation Turquoise, as well as for the hated image of its African policies, created by all those, inside and outside the country, for one reason or another, who fought against its positions in Africa. The massacres were able to continue after the unceremonious interment of the Multinational Force.<br />
<br />
Colonel Tracqui and Lt-Colonel Pouly understood perfectly well at the time what was going on. Since 1996, the discussion had become more and more open, and certain files had been opened that completed the picture of this tragedy as it was playing out.<br />
<br />
Some leaked secret notes[25] of the Ugandan and Rwandan Secret Services showed an even more prominent involvement by the British and Americans. The means applied to this job were enormous. An ultra-modern network of spy satellites (Intelligence Communications Network), covering everything from Kigali to Brazzaville, for the purposes of collecting, evaluating and reacting to all information, in French and all the local languages, was employed in the interests of the Americans, the British and the Ugandans.<br />
<br />
In fact, the Americans were not holding back on any of their capabilities. The document titled OR OP REF/UG/RW/67 specifies:<br />
<br />
<i>We are here to meet with 40 US military officials who have come to hear us explain our position regarding the on-going operations in Zaire. In a few days, this contingent will leave here for Kigali. Their principal mission is preparation for sending US troops to ensure that the situation on the ground is secure, and to see to it that word of any mishaps does not get out. They will pose direct questions to the greatest possible number of local officials. They will be counting on your careful attention and cooperation.</i><br />
<br />
These American friends decided to get even more involved:<br />
<br />
<i>The American friends have agreed to send troops to the Italian base in Vincenza. We are expected to prepare the ground to allow them a risk-free landing. The High Command of the DMI [Rwandan Military Intelligence] has given instructions to proceed with all necessary preparations. Kayihura, with his contingent of plain-clothes military police, will work with the 250 officials assigned to this preparation.</i> . . .<br />
<br />
American planes were specially deployed to track the Hutus who were hiding in the forests (REPORT 678 REF 567/JL/RW/UG):<br />
<br />
<i>It was decided that the Americans would send three P-3 ORION PROPELLOR PLANES to Entebbe. They would operate during daylight hours from Entebbe to Zaire, looking for Hutus hiding out in the forests. The planes were equipped with three devices [In reality, these were three specialists assigned to operate some 50 computers] meant to track the movements of people on the ground.</i><br />
<br />
Another note concerned the night-use, for the same tracking purposes, of jets armed with 105 mm canons.<br />
<br />
The US Navy’s EP-3s were well known for their effective collection and identification of electronic signals, especially radar signals, and the interception of communications, especially radio conversations. They are also capable of identifying the radar signals used to guide surface-to-air missiles. And they are equipped to send out false messages.<br />
<br />
Thought up by Paul Kagame, the attack plan and the destruction of the Hutu refugee camps in the former-Zaire were presented to the Americans to sign off on, as is shown in one of these notes (PLAN 67 REF67/JL/RW/ZR):<br />
<br />
<i>The plans for attacking the Hutus in eastern Zaire were finalized. October and November 1996 were the best months for the operation. The UN would be busy with the next deliveries of food-supplies, and we will sabotage this process. Kagame’s plans are very practical, the RPA will carry out this operation, but will receive support from Ugandan forces, if need be.</i><br />
<br />
A crisis meeting between Ugandan and Rwandan missions was held (CRUSUS 80/L REF 78/RW. DOC) where the modus operandi was laid out for an attack mounted by 30 Rwanda soldiers disguised as Hutu militia:<br />
<br />
<i>It is necessary to liquidate the Hutu Interahamwe in the east of Zaire. We have penetrated the refugee camps at Katale and Kahindo. We have helped Rwanda carry out operations intended to force the UN to close the two camps. Operation: 30 RPA soldiers appearing to be Interahamwe will launch an attack against the Zairian locals. We will proceed to destroy their property. A similar armed attack will be carried out during the night in Rwanda. The Rwandan government will then have to complain to the UN. If the UN is slow to react, a previously unannounced operation will be conducted with the purpose of wiping out all the Hutu militia in the camps. The annihilation operation is approved without objection.</i><br />
<br />
Another meeting (CRISIS 70 REF RW/ZR780) demonstrated that the process for passing off Rwandan troops as Interahamwe militia was currently in use:<br />
<br />
<i>The Mugunga refugee camp in Zaire demanded particular surveillance. Hutu militias were active right under the noses of the HCR. In a letter to UN employees last month, officials claimed they had no knowledge of this. We rushed 150 troops to pose as refugees in order to investigate what was going on in the camp and to join up with militias, as planned.</i><br />
<br />
Acording to Béatrice Umutesi[26], the Mugunga camp, located about ten km from Goma, was attacked and destroyed between 15 and 17 November. It was home to about 500,000 refugees, a large number of whom were forcefully returned to Rwanda. The rest fled into the forests of Zaire, where they were tracked and often slaughtered by coalition soldiers.<br />
<br />
A secret Rwandan note[27] stated that steps would be taken to counter the UN Resolution that authorized the sending of food and medicines to the Hutu refugees:<br />
<br />
<i>We are going to do whatever it takes to make sure this Resolution does not pass, because it implies that the International Community is present on the ground, and this impedes our operations. We still have not confirmed our position to the American Embassy in Kampala.</i><br />
<br />
Another crisis meeting called for an immediate confrontation to prevent the Interahamwe from establishing itself:<br />
<br />
<i>The plan calls for the capture of Goma, which has been a food distribution center from which the International Community is getting food to the Hutu. If we can sabotage these deliveries of food, medicine and potable water, the Hutu will flee into the forests, where we have already set up positions, and our soldiers can take them out. Or else, this will force them to return to Rwanda, and then we can quickly set up a precise examination to find all those who are wanted.</i><br />
<br />
If this American sabotage of the Multinational Force caused some bitterness in Paris, the Élysée did not lose interest in the dramatic situation of Hutu refugees. The French administration asked its military to take all necessary measures to find out what was happening in the forests of Kivu. After flying a Bréguet Atlantic throughout the month of November 1996, the French authorized the use of a DC8 Sarigue, a reconnaissance aircraft capable of listening in on numerous conversations from a multiplicity of radio frequencies. The information obtained by this “aéronef à oreilles” (‘ear-planes’) that flew over eastern Zaire between December 1996 and February 1997 revealed a new strategy put in place by the Pentagon, much more elaborate and sophisticated than what had been described in the early analyses of the French military:<br />
<br />
>The first strategy called for furnishing the latest generation of portable radar capable of guiding aircraft and directing an anti-aircraft system.<br />
<br />
>A Rwandan transmitter linking the various units fighting in Zaire was located.<br />
<br />
>Communications between US aircraft and US Special Forces on the ground were intercepted, as were the communications among INMARSAT[28] briefcases of Ugandan, Rwandan, American and UN officials, and US authorities.<br />
<br />
>Targeted ’Wires’ were set up, especially on missionaries; thanks to the powerful Intelligence research capabilities of the French DGSE, through the use of ‘key words’, an over-all vision of the refugee situation, and the American involvement in it, was established.<br />
<br />
A note from February 1997[29] recapped earlier files and set forth that . . .<br />
<br />
. . . <i>deliveries of uniforms and transmitting equipment, through Uganda, were made and officially acknowledged by the American administration in meetings on Zaire held in Paris and Washington between the US and French diplomatic, military and intelligences services, as early as December 1996 [. . .]. Arms and ammunition were delivered on regular flights into Goma, observed between October and November 1996.</i><br />
<br />
These flights were made by C130 Hercules and C5 Galaxy cargo planes under US colors. A US helicopter attack was even mapped out for a location 800-900 km inside the country. Some ‘rebel’ prisoners were found to be holding five crisp, new $100 bills, a sum equal to their monthly salary.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
When Mobutu returned to Kinshasa in December 1996 after his convalescence, his army was a reflection of his country: in total disarray and fleeing before these so-called ‘rebels’. The naming on December 18 of General Mahélé to be the head of the Army, however much respected he may have been by his troops, did not change a thing. Zaire’s military power would come from a method that had served it well in the past: a call for mercenaries. But, here again, this search was far-flung and led to the recruitment of soldiers from such different backgrounds that they did not speak the same language or use the same weapons. Several Zairian efforts at staffing its military were addressed to various mercenary networks of divergent interests.<br />
<br />
In Paris, the bureau directed by Michel Dupuch was opposed to the indirect support of mercenaries. But this would not keep the DST from discretely lending a hand in the hiring of Serb mercenaries and the shipment of Russian helicopters out of Marseilles. And the ‘Pasqua network’ got in on this action, too.<br />
<br />
François-Xavier Verschave and his Association Survie [Survive] was very careful not to discuss the role of the US and its back-ups in the war in Kivu, pretending to believe that those mercenaries engaged to protect Mobutu were sent by the French government. The reality is complex and tells quite a different story:<br />
<br />
<i>Geolink, a French company specializing in satellite telephones, had previously been under contract to the Zairian Army, actually wrote to Fernand Wibaux[30] offering to send him 111 Serb mercenaries. The lack of any response from Foccard’s second was taken as an acceptance of the offer, and Geolink went on to receive a great dealof unofficial assistance from the DST.</i><br />
<br />
Verschave probably did not know that, at this time, Fernand Wibaux was under very tight surveillance—but, clearly, he was aware of the order from Michel Dupuch.<br />
<br />
In mid-March 1997, during the taking of Kisangani, a certain Domonic Yugo, was to become known for his cruelty: he tortured two evangelical pastors and committed some ghastly murders. The DGSE, which tracked the efforts of the Zairians and their friends, identified him:<br />
<br />
<i>He could have been—using another alias—one of the Serbs who acted as an intermediary at the time of the “mission” into Bosnia, led by Jean-Charles Marchiani, prefect of Var, in December 1995, to bring back the two French pilots whose Mirage 2000 was shot down over Pale [the Bosnia Serb capital] while on a bombing raid for NATO.</i>[31]<br />
<br />
This time, the mercenaries retained by Zaire were not able to save a sick Mobutu or to protect his nation from invasion. On 20 June 1997, Prime Minister Léon Kengo wa Dondo ordered the retaking of the country, but the Zairian troops gradually all fled before the advancing rebels. Their push into Zaire drove hordes of Hutu refugees deeper into the country and was accompanied by numerous massacres. The US held firm to its position vis-à-vis the Hutu and, by the end of January, had reduced even further its aid to the refugees. Even with Mobutu out of power, Washington wanted to impose a civil war economy on Kinshasa and even further to destabilize the region[32]. To do that, there was but one solution: find an honorable exit for the agèd Maréchal.<br />
<br />
To this end, negotiations were organized in late February 1997, in South Africa, under the aegis of the US. Mobutu’s Special Security advisor, Honoré Ngbanda, led the Zairian delegation, and he describes this episode:<br />
<br />
<i>The principal representatives for the US were Under Secretary of State for African Affairs George Moose and, his eventual replacement in that position [and current US ambassador to the UN], Susan Rice.<br /><br />Since Bill Clinton’s arrival in the White House, Ms Rice played an important role in the turmoil that was visited on the Great Lakes region of Central Africa. In charge of Africa at the National Security Council, she unconditionally supported Museveni and Kagame, while seeking to topple al-Bachir in Sudan.<br /><br />The two Americans seemed to be speaking for the AFDL[33], that is, for the coalition of armies from Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Eritrea, Angola and Chad</i>[34].<br />
<br />
During a break, George Moose confided to Honoré Ngbanda:<br />
<br />
<i>“Why are you wasting your time with discussions that will serve no purpose? Our decision is irrevocable. Our timing will not change. And you will not be able to put this war off for even one more day. Each movement of your troops, each acquisition of war materiel by your government, is being tracked in the smallest detail, photographed by our satellites and communicated to our units on the ground.”</i><br />
<br />
The negotiations ended in failure . . .<br />
<br />
At the same time, however, the catastrophic situation of the Hutu refugees was getting worse. Emma Bonino speaks of ‘carnage’, of ‘butchery’, of a ‘killing floor.’ For a few weeks, and in the greatest secrecy, some people at the highest levels of the French government were looking at putting together an all-French military operation to aid the refugees and to bring an end to the Rwandan-Ugandan onslaught supported by Washington and fronted by Laurent-Desiré Kabila. While chairing a meeting of the Defense Council on the subject, Jacque Chirac, along with his Defense Minister, Charles Millon, became very excited by the idea of leading a second “Operation Kolwezi”—like the 1978 French military incursion led by Valéry Giscard d’Estaing[35]—and ordered a feasibility study on such an intervention into Kivu.<br />
<br />
Millon was swayed by French officers who no longer had any stomach for the violent charges launched against them after Operation Turquoise and all the set backs from that Rwandan affair. Dominique de Villepin, Secretary General of the Élysée Palace, who still had the Rwandan file around his neck, encouraged by Robert Bourgi, his shadow advisor, as well as by Fernand Wibaux, both of whom supported Mobutu, wanted to break with the ‘Khmer noirs’. Not everyone at the table shared Millon and de Villepin’s enthusiasm. Prime Minister Alain Juppé, Foreign Minister Hervé de Charette, and African advisor to the Élysée, Michel Dupuch, were not in favor of such an intervention, figuring that the isolation of France on the African stage, as well as in the world at large, especially by the damage from the political and media attacks over the Rwandan troubles, made it impossible. But President Chirac gave it the green light. . . .<br />
<br />
The French Army Chief of Staff initiated a study on the feasibility of an intervention into Kivu. It was headed by General Jean-Philippe Douin, who had an excellent knowledge of the situation in Kivu thanks to the DRM [Directorate of Military Intelligence], directed by General Bruno Elie, with input from Lt.-Col. Pouly. Once again, the Inter-Army Operational Center (COIA), located in “La Cuve”, coordinated with the Inter-Army Chiefs of Staff for Operational Planning (Emiapo) based in Creil.<br />
<br />
The first meeting took place in Creil on 3 January. The objective left no room for ambiguity:<br />
<br />
<i>The Order: The reconquest of Kivu by France—With or Without Opposition from Rwanda and Uganda</i><br />
<br />
Initial proposals were made by General Paillard. The goal of the mission was to take Kisangani and there install the main base of operations. The ENI (i.e., the enemy) was defined as “Rwanda and Banyamulenge.” Much of the meeting was dedicated to the situation of the refugees, the NGOs that brought them aid, the need to secure them, and the possibility of the ENI’s use of these refugees. The question of an alliance with the mercenaries was raised. The obligation, more or less, to involve the Zairian forces was also discussed.<br />
<br />
Two military options were presented at that first meeting. Col. Paillard first spoke of a “one punch” operation, which involved the risk of a retaliatory attack from the Rwandan and Ugandan forces, as well as of a “loss of face and credibility.” Then, Paillard spoke of a progressive operation, more certain, but longer and more costly. A subsequent meeting to follow up on these reflections was scheduled for 8 January 1997. A plan for the possible use of Mirage fighter jets and attack helicopters out of Bangui was also prepared. The DGSE was also mobilized. Its chief, Jacques Dewatre, was ordered to send by special plane—and obviously in secret—a team to “sweep” the terrain and infiltrate the fighting forces around Kabila. . . .<br />
<br />
To appreciate the excitement experienced by Chirac, Millon and de Villepin, one must bear in mind the Franco-American context of all this. The American ‘Kool-Aid’ was getting harder and harder for the French to swallow. By the end of 1996, Chirac had effectively lost his battle with the US over the retention of Boutros Boutros-Ghali, aka ‘Frenchie’, as Secretary General of the UN. Among their objections to BB-G, the Americans just could not stomach his support of France during the Rwandan troubles, especially of Operation Turquoise. Bill Clinton let it be known to his French counterpart that the US would use its veto if Chirac continued his support.<br />
<br />
Paris also lost another battle over its reintegration into the NATO command structure, a position de Gaulle had abandoned in 1966. In January 1996, France even announced it would discuss nuclear questions with its allies. For Chirac, there was no doubt that this return had to be made with head held high, but that was not to be the case. On the suggestion of Army Chief of Staff Jean-Philippe Douin, the French had asked for an important military command, that of the “south flank”, that is, the command of those NATO forces that would intervene in the Mediterranean. The Americans’ refusal was scornful and implacable, and, just to put the boot in, was accompanied by media campaign that was especially painful for France[36]. These insults came on top of America’s obstruction of all the initiatives—or of the effects of the initiatives—made by Paris in the Great Lakes Region, while the eyes and ears of France were watching an American military involvement that was not supposed to exist.<br />
<br />
General Elie was gathering evidence of the Americans’ involvement. In some communications[37] he was even able to find proof that the Clinton Family, itself, had certain personal reasons to support Laurent Kabila. Jean-Raymond Boulle[38], Chairman of American Mining Fields (AMF of Hope, AR) and an important Kabila supporter[39], has had very close ties to the former president and first lady. In 1987, then Arkansas governor Bill Clinton authorized Boulle to work an old diamond mine that had been converted into a State Park. Boulle was a guest at the White House for President-elect Clinton’s inaugural[40]. . . . These notes from military intelligence showed that Baroness Chalker, then British Minister of Foreign investment and a close personal friend of Yoweri Museveni, was involved in a virulent propaganda campaign against the French. Lady Chalker is such an unconditional supporter of both Museveni and Kagame as to have even tried to legitimize the massacre at the Kibeho refugee camp in 1995[41]. . . .<br />
<br />
In the end, during the meeting of the second Defense Council[42], President Chirac announced the cancellation of the operation in Kivu. Had Charette, Dupuch and, especially, Juppé, succeeded in convincing the President of the damages that such an operation might cause France in the existing international climate so unfavorable toward Paris? There was nothing else for them to do but step in. The US, and, most likely, Bill Clinton, himself, increased the pressure on the French to cancel this operation, which the Americans had surely gotten wind of, and which they knew might lead to a confrontation between ‘Red’ and ‘Green’ berets[43]. Jacques Chirac was notably less talkative about caving-in to his advisors:<br />
<br />
<i>“Charles, I couldn’t explain it to you, I can’t explain it to you: the Americans didn’t want it.” He told his Defense Minister Millon, who replied,<br /><br />“I’ve set everything up. There are already guys down there!”<br /><br />“Well, then, just take it down. . . .”</i><br />
<br />
The Defense Minister was then obliged to dismantle the whole operation. First off, the COAT had to change its plans, and the Mirage fighter jets had to be relocated. But then, at the level of the DGSE, unraveling the operation was even more delicate as the infiltrations had already begun. The Chief of Services asked the Defense Minister expressly if he could “use any means necessary to get his people out.” The answer was “Oui.” A special DGSE plane took off from Cercottes (Loiret) for Goma. Two days later it returned to France, and Jacques Dewatre announced to Millon: “Mission accomplished.”<br />
<br />
Despite these setbacks, the French government continued to try to come to the aid of the Hutu refugees. But everything they attempted was seen either as a way to keep Mobutu in power or an effort to exact revenge against Kagame. In this atmosphere, when, in the beginning of May 1997, Foreign Minister Hervé de Charette stated that Maréchal Mobutu “is, today, without question, the only one capable of contributing to the solution of the problem” of the territorial integrity of Zaire, he just fueled this cynical argument.<br />
<br />
Jacques Chirac sent the French Secretary of State for Humanitarian Action, Xavier Emmanuelli, to Zaire to try, once again, to make the argument for relief of the refugees’ suffering. “Something must be done to help them right away, or these people are going to die,” he said on Monday, 10 March, in Kinshasa, after a forty-eight hour visit. He had gone to Ubundu, on the right bank of the Zaire river, upstream from Kisangani, where some 160,000 refugees were gathered in a make-shift encampment after fleeing Tingi-Tingi when that camp was invaded by coalition rebels in the first days of March.<br />
<br />
Immediately, Jacques Chirac went to his Council of Ministers and made “a formal appeal to the International Community that it meet its responsibilities by bringing necessary pressure to end the fighting and set up a most urgent Humanitarian Intervention into Zaire.” In Le Monde[44], Claire Tréant described the atmosphere in which this French debate was taking place:<br />
<br />
<i>An appeal made on 11 March by Jacques Chirac to the International Community . . . had little chance of being heard. It was the sort of thing that would reignite the criticism, which has for months been thoroughly discussed in much of the English-language press, against the ‘hypocrisy’ of French policies. In fact, while everyone is standing by, waiting from one day to the next for the fall of Kisangani to those rebel forces hostile to Kinshasa, to suggest the establishment of a logistics base for a military operation, however Humanitarian might be its objectives, was, for France, just another way to place itself under all manner of suspicion. It will seem like another attempt to stop the advance of the rebels toward the gates of the capital of Upper-Zaire and to fly to the aid of a regime that is in total disarray and for which the fall of Kisangani would be a death-blow.</i><br />
<br />
And the Tréant article in Le Monde goes on to say:<br />
<br />
<i>This reading of events cannot be totally erroneous, and Paris cannot hide from it. By calling for an end to hostilities, President Chirac was, among other things, clearly expressing his desire to save Kisangani from rebel attack. But, while there was a tactical interest for France in its call for a Humanitarian operation, it does not make its intentions to relieve suffering any less real. But most of its partners not only did not want to acknowledge the existence of this suffering, they challenged this reality with such a denial of evidence as has seldom been seen in a drama of this magnitude.</i> “France is looking to provoke a discussion on a situation that does not exist,” <i>stated the Dutch Minister for Cooperation, Jan Pronk, a few days before the French Secretary of State for Humanitarian Action would verify the situation, last weekend, from the actual spot where thousands of people had gathered after fleeing the camp at Tingi-Tingi in early March.</i><br />
<br />
A few hours after Chirac’s appeal, Kofi Annan’s office confirmed that the UN Secretary General had been unable to convince the Americans and the British of the appropriateness of a Humanitarian operation in Zaire, and so it was pointless to continue bringing up the matter in the Security Council.<br />
<br />
Having yet to meet with any resistance, the rebels got to the outskirts of Kisangani, the capital of the huge Orientale Province, which, for Laurent-Desiré Kabila, was the last hurdle before Kinshasa<br />
<br />
Kisangani fell on 15 March 1997. The road to Kinshasa was now wide open for Kabila. This was truly the end of what Survie called Françafrique. Even François-Xavier Verschave, at that time the president of the organization and the co-creator of this concept[45], had to recognize that the fall of Kisangani . . .<br />
<br />
<i>“stood a good chance of being to French neo-colonialism what Diên Biên Phu had been to French colonialism: a signal of the end. As symbols shape History, so can we expect a ripple effect, shock waves into the whole Francophone ‘pré carré’, beginning with the Central African Republic and Congo.”</i><br />
<br />
It is certainly a strong symbol, made all the stronger by the death of Jacques Foccard occurring just two days after the fall of the Upper-Zairian capital.<br />
<br />
The opposition to any intervention against Laurent-Desiré Kabila and his Ugandan and Rwandan sponsors was right to push for isolating France. Even within the Francophone African countries, its friends, France was totally alone. An African diplomat questioned by Le Monde, who wished to remain anonymous so as not to bring heat down on those close to him, stated:<br />
<br />
<span style="font-style: italic;">It was hard to find a single country that, out of sympathy for French diplomacy, still supported the ideas coming out of Paris. What support there was seemed exceedingly timid. The fall of Kisangani marked the end of an era that began with Jules Ferry, the end of imperial policies, the end of French influence in Africa.</span><br />
<br />
The editorial in the 18 March 1997 Le Monde, titled “Triple French Failure”, pointed up this watershed:<br />
<br />
<i>Even before the announcement of the fall of Maréchal Mobutu Sese Seko, the rout at Kisangani had already marked another defeat, that of French policies in Zaire. A Triple Failure: of ambition, of method, and of morale.</i><br />
<br />
The definitive tone of this editorial expressed generally a unanimous condemnation of French policies in Africa; but the piece said nothing of the important part played by disinformation, and the secret confrontation between France and the US on the African continent that largely contributed to this condemnation. France was made to pay for its ‘support’ for Juvénal Habyarimana, the chief of the ‘evil tribe’, and for its Operation Turquoise, which was, however, the only military action to have saved Tutsi lives. The Americans made themselves totally heroic in supporting the ‘good guys’, the Tutsi. . . .<br />
<br />
But French intelligence did not fall for the illusion when they noticed, then reported on, communications from US Special Forces who were aiding the Rwandan military in its hunt for the Hutu—a campaign that will probably very soon reveal itself to be genocide. The latest UN reports say nothing of American involvement, but one day Washington will be obliged to own up.<br />
<br />
To the question from Paris, Washington diplomatically, but categorically, denies that its sending of troops to Rwanda in a program of bilateral cooperation established at the time of regime change in Kigali, in 1994, had any but humanitarian objectives: from courses in mine-removal to instruction in a uniform code of military justice for a country ravaged by civil war. However, the Pentagon is going to have to toss out some of its rationales after the testimony of Physicians for Human Rights before 16 July 1997 hearing of the US House Committee on International Affairs dealing with Congo. A representative of PHR denounced “the role Rwandan Vice-President and Defense Minister, Paul Kagame, continues to play in Congo.” And he confirmed,<br />
<br />
<i>“US Special Forces had been training the Rwandan Army since, at least, early 1996. The fact that this training was extended into cross-border anti-guerilla operations and surgical strikes is especially interesting.”</i><br />
<br />
Pentagon representative Bill Twaddell, present at this hearing, denied the whole thing out of hand. But on 22 July, the obviously shaken members of the House Committee demanded a written explanation from the Defense Department. On 19 August they got their reply from the Pentagon in the form of an eight-page time-line, with accompanying graphs (notably, breaking out expenses), of “American military activities in Rwanda since 1994.” For 1996, the document states that this activity was made up solely of<br />
<br />
<i>. . . ‘joint/combined exchange training’, in which nine US Special Forces instructors in ‘battle-dress uniforms’, from 15 July to 30 August, drilled thirty Rwandan troops from the ‘small units command’ in tactical skills, land navigation, first aid and basic rifle marksmanship.</i><br />
<br />
It makes clear that training in ‘tactical skills’ depends entirely on the students’ capabilities in ‘tactical patrolling.’ As for marksmanship training, which was carried out at the field school in Gabiro, in eastern Rwanda, it included<br />
<br />
<i>“the familiarization and perfection of skills with assigned weapons.” </i><br />
<br />
From 2 November to 10 December 1996, at which time Kabila’s troops began their offensive, supported by Rwandan forces, the Pentagon acknowledged that one US military unit, a ‘civilian affairs’ unit, had trained members of the Rwandan Army and Gendarmerie in planning and executing operations involving civilian populations, and especially displaced persons. In November, as well, a public information training team . . .<br />
<br />
<i>“instructed Rwandan trainers on the planning and execution of media campaigns themed on repatriation and reconciliation of Rwandan refugees.”</i><br />
<br />
This unit was from the Joint Psychological Operations Task Force of the US Command in the region.[46]<br />
<br />
So this document verifies that the US did, in fact, take an active part in the campaign of disinformation that was carried out in Zaire, and it allows for a better understanding of the way in which the medias described these six months of horror, leaving only the appearance of game-stalking—under the circumstances considered legitimate—in pursuit of the Interahamwe militia, that is, of Rwandan Hutu ‘genocidaires’, by members of the ‘Banyamulenge[47] rebellion’ claiming to be under mortal threat from these refugees.<br />
<br />
In Zaire, at the highest levels of government, the willful use of disinformation became evident. Honoré Ngbanda wrote:<br />
<br />
<i>With the powerful American media out in front, a broad campaign of lies and toxic-spin was launched in the international news. But quickly the reality on the ground made this phony version of events seem utterly ridiculous.</i>[48]<br />
<br />
The New York Times reporter Howard French, who covered the war in Zaire—and whose Clinton Administrations handle was “African solutions for African problems”—wrote about the failure of this media campaign[49]. He described how journalists let themselves be dragged into a banal “good guys” (Tutsi) versus “bad guys” (Mobutu and the Hutu) scenario, and how they could not or would not see the monstrous human cost of this war:<br />
<br />
<i>From beginning to end, this war was nothing less than a Tutsi invasion from Rwanda. […] The most powerful factor underlying our disinformation was an absolutely natural sympathy for the Tutsi after the Rwandan genocide</i>.<br />
<br />
This Times journalist spoke of an analogy drawn, from the very beginning, between the Tutsi and the State of Israel, the Jews of Europe, and The Holocaust, a fatuous comparison which became the moral cornerstone of Washington’s policies in Central Africa. And Howard French greatly stressed the important role played by Philip Gourevitch, The New Yorker’s Africa hand, who made this disinformation his stock in trade as much in his reporting on the Rwandan tragedy as on the war in Zaire.<br />
<br />
Gourevitch was key to the installation of the Paul Kagame version of events throughout the world—and especially the English-speaking world. His unbounded admiration and unconditional support for the Rwandan military dictator, whom he compares to David Ben Gurion and Moshe Dayan, as well as for the ‘new’ Rwanda, which he sees as a “black Israel” after spending a few post-genocide months in-country, led Gourevitch to cheer his heroes’ sending troops into the refugee camp at Kibeho in April 1995 to massacre its inhabitant, and also the RPA’s invasion of Kivu, seeing this latter escapade as nothing more than a step in the process of decolonization.<br />
<br />
<i>The New Yorker </i>columnist wrote his book, <i>We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families: Stories from Rwanda </i>(1998), pinning the blame for the tragedy on France. According to Howard French, Gourevitch had a strong personal influence on President Clinton, who adopted the vision of the African Great Lakes Region presented in his articles in <i>The New Yorker</i> and in Forward, as well as in his book. Published by a prominent New York house in 1998, when Gourevitch was 37, “We Wish to Inform You . . .” brought its author great, almost instantaneous recognition.<br />
<br />
After winning a multitude of literary prizes and achieving great notoriety for the book, Gourevitch began functioning as a sort of propaganda agent for Madeleine Albright, Clinton’s Secretary of State and, prior to that, his UN Ambassador, someone who was eminently involved in American policies in Central Africa. Gourevitch’s brother-in-law, Jamie Rubin, served as Mme Albright’s press secretary and orchestrated the disinformation campaign for the media covering the Great Lakes Region—a fact that did not get by Lt-Col. Pouly or Col. Tracqui. It was Rubin who made sure that the lovely Christiane Amanpour would lead the CNN coverage of the repatriation of hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees across the Zaire/Rwandan border after the closing of the huge camp at Mugunga: “She was not interested in seeing the dubious aspects of the operation. Her job was just to lie.”[50] How Robin Philpot described it. Even Colette Braeckman, the Africa-expert for the Belgian paper Le Soir, did not acknowledge American manipulations of the true story:<br />
<br />
<i>Europeans were not just excluded from the conduct of this African war, which combined aspects of traditional and modern warfare with those of liberation struggles. They were also physically removed from it, and Western journalist were systematically kept at great distances from the front. At the end of this Century which had seen the press in the front row of such theatres, it was extraordinary to note that no Western journalist, no camera-man or photographer was permitted near the battle sites, neither with the rebels nor with the government forces.</i>[51]<br />
<br />
Raymond Chrétien, special UN representative for the Great Lakes Region of Africa, quickly acknowledged: “Certainly we used the media!”<br />
<br />
Some time later, Christiane Amanpour, CNN’s chief international correspondent, married Jamie Rubin.<br />
<br />
The media war waged by Washington, using Pentagon-style psy-ops carried out by State Department press agents, to twist the reality of the war in Zaire and make the French out to be the ‘bad guys’, turned out to be very effective.<br />
<br />
At the same time, US military and diplomatic personnel were making nice with their French counterparts each time these ‘old pals’ came across one another. The Americans would have been dead wrong not to play their crooked game at this time when French policies could in no way oppose them. . . .<br />
<br />
Beyond their complicated relationship with Washington, French officials never had a global vision of what was happening in the African Great Lakes. After the organized toppling of the Mobutu regime, a vast regional project was set up, supported by not only the US, but by Great Britain and Israel, as well, and aimed at blowing up Zaire (with the direct aid of several multinationals) and bringing down the government in Khartoum, with the whole drive being ram-rodded by Paul Kagame, the new idol of the Clinton administration.<br />
<br />
“The Clinton administration had a tendency to view Congo through the lens of Kigali,” is how Herman Cohen[52], former African-hand in the first George H.W. Bush administration, saw it. The objective, in brief, was completely to change the map of Africa and to put a broken country in receivership. . . .<br />
<br />
<br />
The Coalition rebels led by James Kabarebe arrived in Kinshasa, without difficulty or expending much blood, on 17 May 1997. Mobutu, who had already left the capital a few days before, fled his home village, Gbadolite, for Morocco the preceding evening. The Rwandan officer, Kabarebe, addressed the cameras of the great press agency, Capa:<br />
<br />
<i>I called Kabila on the sat-phone, and he picked up. I told him we had taken Kinshasa. He said, “Are you sure?” He was all excited. He was very happy. I told him, “It’s all over, you can come on down!” He said, “Are you sure?” I heard he was in his house in Lubumbashi, and he jumped on Col. Murokozi’s back so hard he knocked him down. I heard Murukozi yell for help, because Kabila was suffocating him. Can you imagine Kabila on the ground crushing Murukozi with all his weight? He had trouble breathing. Kabila hollered: I’m the boss! I have the power? I am the president of Congo! I am everything</i>[53]!<br />
<br />
The day Kinshasa fell, Laurent-Désiré Kabila, from his home in Lubumbashi, declared himself president of the Republic and, thereby, eliminated the very popular Mobutu opponent, Étienne Tshisekedi. This behavior demonstrated that his sponsors, both African and Anglo-Saxon, who had justified their dumping Mobutu with a wish to replace a corrupt dictatorship with a democracy, could only bring about such change through the ballot box. For those who would not understand, the facts spoke clearly:<br />
<br />
<i>On 20 May, Médecins Sans Frontières [Doctors Without Borders] were very precise in accusing the AFDL of having exterminated 190,000 Rwandan refugees. On 26 May, Kabila, after arresting Tshisekedi, suspended all political parties. Kabila’s appointments on arriving in Kinshasa made it very clear that he was a puppet. The Rwandans took over the key posts in the new government, especially that of Army Chief of Staff, which went to General James Kabarebe, the RPA officer who led the taking of Kinshasa.</i> . . .<br />
<br />
The US won. But Washington had no illusions about the reliability of its new ally. In early March 1997, Honoré Ngbanda had this cool exchange with Dan Simpson, the US ambassador in Kinshasa:<br />
<br />
<i>—How can you now pal around with this guy, Kabila, that your own intelligence services still call a “bandit” and a “crook” for fighting against Mobutu? One would think you had burned your own files!<br /><br />—Who told you Kabila was our friend? replied Simpson with a mocking and cynical grin. For now we need him. But we’ll sort him out when we’re done with him. For now, he’s our man! We know very well that he’s not the kind of guy to lead this country.</i><br />
<br />
The Rwandans were already thinking along these lines. In the days following the fall of Mobutu, Emmanuel Ndahiro, one of the chiefs of the Rwandan external Secret Services, sent a message[54] to important Tutsis in the Diaspora intended to consolidate Rwandan influence in Kivu. This message already anticipated the return of Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Ndahiro called for “urgent and appropriate measures to safeguard our project”:<br />
<br />
<i>When we met in Kisoro (Uganda) from 3 to 5 June 1997, right after the victory that led to the fall of Mobutu, we high-lighted the necessity to back up our promise by assigning our best people to those services charged with taking care of security, the economy, finance and the administration, especially in the provinces of North and South Kivu, which are an integral part of our homeland. The strategy should facilitate our control of the Democratic Republic of Congo and further consolidate our influence in the Great Lakes region [. . .]. While we are awaiting your concrete proposals to be submitted for approval at the meeting to be held in Mbarara, Uganda, from 17 to 19 July 1997, we must call upon all of our leaders in the Democratic Republic of Congo to remain vigilant, day and night, because Kabila is a Lumumbaist.</i><br />
<br />
Clear and prescient, this message goes on in the form of a warning:<br />
<br />
<i>You know very well that the Lumumbaists are Nationalists. They could, one day, turn on us and drive us from Congo. The Congolese are like the Hutu. They are ingrates.</i> . . .<br />
<br />
And passing for a conclusion:<br />
<br />
<i>Finally, we wish to inform you that certain of our friends have begun to turn their backs on us and to discredit us. They call us “war mongers”, even “genocidaires”. They threaten to withdraw their support for us. We must immediately find strategies to deal adequately with this situation.</i><br />
<br />
It did not stop the new Kinshasa strongman from trying, in the summer of 1997, to carry on the work his sponsors had started against the influence of France in Africa, by bringing the neighboring Congo into his camp. But Congo/Brazzaville was run by the unpredictable Pascal Lissouba, whose term ended on 31 August. Lissouba had learned the previous April from a survey he commissioned that he did not stand a chance of winning free, fair and transparent elections and that if voting went off democratically he would have to cede his presidency to his ruthless enemy, Denis Sassou Nguesso. For more than three months, Lissouba did everything possible to eliminate Sassou and keep on running Congo/Braz; he bought arms, hired mercenaries—financing all his corruption with money from Elf—and all in a totally capricious fashion. Seen from outside, he looked like a bee in a bottle. After taking Kinshasa, Kabila and his Rwandan minders scorned Lissouba because of his support for Mobutu until the last days of the Maréchal’s regime.<br />
<br />
On 5 June 1997, Lissouba sent his tanks to surround Sassou Nguesso’s residence. Sassou, with the help of his loyalists, as well as some former-Mobutuist troops and, especially, some former FAR [Forces Armées Rwandaises] soldiers, Hutu refugees from the camp at Kintele, forty kms north of Brazzaville, resisted and turned back Lissouba’s troops. The ex-FAR played a determining role in this battle. They aided Sassou reflexively, exasperated as they were over Lissouba’s hostility to their plight. In fact, Lissouba had threatened forcibly to return them to Rwanda in response to orders from Kigali. Moreover, his army shelled the Rwandan refugee camp at Kintele.<br />
<br />
Lissouba then vainly tried to mobilize support from France, which no longer had any intention of intervening directly, but was following the situation attentively and supported the mediations of Gabon’s President Omar Bongo, who was backed by the OAU, the UN, and other friendly heads of state.<br />
<br />
Then Lissouba committed a grave error: he called on Jonas Savimbi, the leader of UNITA [National Union for the Total Independence of Angola], which waved a red cape in front of Angolan president, Jose Eduardo Dos Santos. To understand the complicated history of Central Africa, one must always give primary consideration to the fratricidal war waged between Dos Santos and Savimbi until the latter’s death in February 2002. Washington, which had supported Mobutu and Savimbi at the same time, dropped the UNITA leader in 1993. Greatly weakened, Savimbi joined his old adversary in signing the Lusaka Accords in 1994. Everyone hoped that this would mark the end of an Angolan civil war that left at least 500,000 dead, 100,000 wounded and 4 million displaced. But despite the presence of UNITA representatives in the government, the hostile confrontation continued.<br />
<br />
It was in this context that Dos Santos threw his support behind the AFDL, because Mobutu continued to back Savimbi. From the moment Lissouba gave his support to Savimbi, Dos Santos could not remain uninvolved: So, he decided to step in—secretly at first—against Lissouba. The Angolan secret service would rather have burned the whole place down than given it up to the regular army. Sure of the support of its Rwandan and Ugandan allies, the brand new Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) gradually moved closer to Lissouba as they saw him being abandoned by France. Pascal Lissouba seemed to remain more open than Sassou Nguesso to an American presence in Central Africa. Had he not already tried, in 1993-94, to approach the Americans, and had not his militias been trained by Israeli specialists at the Loudima camp, under the supervision of Col. Boro, posted in Kinshasa?<br />
<br />
During the negotiations held in Libreville, Pascal Lissouba, who refused to give up power, accused Gabon and France of backing Sassou Nguesso and his rebels. After a meeting with Lissouba on 16 August 1997, Laurent-Désiré Kabila offered to send an interposition force made up of troops from other East and Central African countries. Radio-Congo accused Bongo of favoring Sassou Nguesso, whose oldest daughter was Bongo’s wife, and charged the two men with being too tightly connected to French interests in Congo. Bongo “gave in to pressure from France and Elf-Aquitaine”, causing “the failure of International mediation” from Libreville, was the refrain from Lissouba’s radio network. Kabila and Lissouba found themselves agreeing on one point, a shared anti-French sentiment:<br />
<br />
<i>“France is a modern parasite of which Congo must quickly rid itself,”</i><br />
<br />
said Radio-Congo. And Kinshasa repeated,<br />
<br />
<i>“The French reaction shows just how obsolete are the relations between France and Africa.”</i><br />
<br />
Some emissaries continued to shuttle between Libreville and Brazzaville to set up a summit meeting for eight African heads of state on 14 September. The night before, Lissouba sent a message to Kigali, where he had recently been honored by Paul Kagame, saying he would surely be in Libreville the following day. But the next day he did not show up, and instead paid a visit to Kabila. The President of Congo, himself, had grown very weary of an inconsistent Lissouba, who did not hesitate to shell Kinshasa, the twin-capital city to his Brazzaville, just on the other side of the river, in attempts to make the assaults seem to be coming from Sassou. . .<br />
<br />
Finally, on 15 October 1997, Sassou definitively got the upper hand on Lissouba. Congo/Brazzaville would not join the new Anglo-Saxon camp.[55]<br />
<br />
<div>
<br /></div>
<div>
End Notes:<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[1]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">This is an allusion to a report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, entitled “Mapping,” about the crimes committed in the RDC between 1993 and 2003, made public in August 2010, see Annex 2, pp. _____.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[2]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">In mid-February 1997, Sadako Ogata, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, while visiting the makeshift camp at Tingi-Tingi, stated that she could guarantee neither the survival, nor the security, nor the protection of the refugees and could offer only humanitarian aid, on the condition that they fill-out the forms for immediate repatriation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[3]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">An interview with the writer in Barcelona, 25 February 2008.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[4]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Juan Carrero continued his fight.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He is key to the investigation led by the Spanish Justice system against 40 close collaborators of Paul Kagame’s into war crimes and crimes of genocide, an investigation from which were issued 40 arrest warrants.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[5]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Gracchus Babeuf, <i>Du système de depopulation ou la vie et les crimes de Carrier,</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> Paris, Imprimerie Franklin, year III of the Republic (1794).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[6]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Among them:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i>L’APR et les Réfugiés rwandais au Zaire, 1996-1997: Un génocide nié, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">by Gaspard Musabyimana, L’Harmattan, 2004; <i>A Continent for the Taking, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">by Howard French, First Vintage Books Edition, April 2005; <i>On ne piétine pas les étoiles, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">by François Lefort, Fayard, 1999; <i>Ces teueurs tutsis: Au Coeur de la tragédie congolaise, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">by Charles Onana, Éditions Duboiris, 2009.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[7]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">L’Harmattan, 2000.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[8]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Order to issue the 40 arrest warrants for members of Kagame’s inner circle by the National Court of Spain.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[9]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;"><i>Le Monde</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> of Thursday 2 July 1998 featured a long article under the six-column headline, “A UN Report accuses Kinshasa and Kigali of ‘Crimes Against Humanity,’” see annex 2, pl 566.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[10]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">From an exchange with Robert Bourgi, in the documentary L’Afrique en morceaux:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>La tragédie des Grands Lacs [Africa in Pieces: The Tragedy of the Great Lakes], by Jihan El Tahri and Peter Chappell, produced for Capa and ARTE, <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[11]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">After French President François Mitterand’s speech in June 1990 at La Baule, most of the French-speaking African countries created national conferences, constituent assemblies with the objective of introducing the countries to democratic rule and instituting a new sharing of power.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[12]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Reported by Honoré Ngbanda in his <i>Crimes organizé en Afrique centrale </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[Organized Crimes in Central Africa]<i>, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">op. cit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[13]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Information about the intelligence obtained by the French Secret Services was laid out in an article for <i>Valeurs actuelles </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">(30 August 1997), compiled and corroborated by a former high official from that period.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[14]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">A COIA file entitled:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Point de situation au COIA.” [Where are we in the COIA situation?]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[15]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">A COIA file from 8 November 1996.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[16]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">See the Memorandum of the Itwari Partnership [Mémorandum du Partenariat-Itwari], cited above.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[17]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Foreign Minister in the government of PM Alain Juppé (1995-1997).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[18]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">In two hearings before the US House of Representatives, 4 December 1996.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[19]</span> <span style="font-size: 9pt;">The UN Secretary General’s Special Representative for the Great Lakes Region.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[20]</span> <span style="font-size: 9pt;">Béatrice Umutesi, <i>Fuir ou mourir au Zaïre, Le vécu d’une réfugiée Rwandaise, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Paris-Montréal, L'Harmattan, 2000. [English version: <i>Surviving the Slaughter:<b> </b></i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><i>The Ordeal of a Rwandan Refugee in Zaire</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">,. Translated by Julia Emerson</span><span style="font-size: 9pt;">]<i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[21]</span> <span style="font-size: 9pt;">Made famous by her coverage of the Gulf War of 1990, this American journalist specialized in reporting from conflict zones. She garnered many awards and countless accolades.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 2006, Forbes magazine named her the 79<sup>th</sup> most powerful woman in the world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[22]</span> <span style="font-size: 9pt;">Jean Daniel, <i>Avec le temps</i></span><span style="font-size: 9pt;"> (With Time). <i>Carnets 1970-1998.<o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[23]</span> <span style="font-size: 9pt;">On 21 November 2002 in Paris and reported in Philpot’s book, <i>Ça ne c’est pas passé comme ça à Kigali.</i></span><span style="font-size: 9pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>[In English translation as <i>Rwanda 1994:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonialism Dies Hard,</i></span><span style="font-size: 9pt;"> available on Phil Taylor’s web site, The Taylor Report, <span style="color: blue;"><u>http://www.taylor-report.com/Rwanda_1994/</u></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[24]</span> <span style="font-size: 9pt;">At the 2007 ceremonies for the 13<sup>th</sup> anniversary of the beginning of the genocide, Paul Kagame expressed regrets at not inflicting greater punishment on the Hutu ‘genocidaires.’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[25]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Reproduced in a <i>Memorandum</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> sent 15 February 2008 to the Secretary General of the UN by the president of the Intwari Partnership, Emmanuel Habyarimana.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[26]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Béatrice Umutesi, <i>Fuire ou mourir au Zaïre . . . , op. cit.<o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[27]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">This note was also included in the memorandum sent to the UN Secretary General on 15 February 2008 by the Intwari Partnership.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[28]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">The Mobile Satellite Company<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[29]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Reported by Hubert Coudurier in <i>Valeurs actuelles</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">, of 30 August 1997.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[30]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">So as not to alienate Jacques Foccart, when Jacques Chirac became French PM under Mitterand, he appointed Foccard his personal representative to the African Chiefs of State.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time, Michel Dupuch, former French ambassador to Côte d’Ivoire, was Chirac’s official advisor on African Affairs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, during this period of cohabitation [1987-1988, a Socialist president with a RPR/UDF {Right} PM], there was an official Africa desk, manned by Jacques Foccard, and an unofficial desk, manned by the former ambassador to Chad, Fernand Wibaux.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Two desks that often opposed one another.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[31]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Article by Jacques Isnard, from <i>Le Monde</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> of 28 March 1997.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[32]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">On this subject, see Honoré Ngbanda’s book, <i>Crimes organizes en Afrique centrale, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">op cit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[33]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">French acronym for <span style="color: #222222;"><i>Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo-Zaïre. </i></span><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span>In English, the </span></span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[34]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">It was at US insistence that Angola and Chad joined the coalition against Mobutu.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[35]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">In May 1978, 600 French Foreign Legionnaires of the 2<sup>nd</sup> Parachute Regiment, jumped into Kowezi to drive Katangist rebels back into Angola because Zairian forces were unable to fight them<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After the intervention of Mobutu’s troops, the Gendarmes Katangais massacred about a thousand civilians.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[36]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">See the work of Jean Guisnel, <i>Les Pires Amis du monde.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Les relations franco-américaines à la fin de XXe siècle, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">Stock, 1999.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>[The Worst Friends in the World. Franco-American relations at the end of the 20<sup>th</sup> Century.]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[37]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Especially in notes coming from Michel Pouly, a specialist in the African Great Lakes for the DRM.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[38]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Jean-Raymond Boulle, born on the Ile de Maurice, is a British citizen who now lives in Monaco.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>During the war of liberation, he got to Goma, the rebel stronghold, on 27 March 1997.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Along with an associate, he bought up the diamonds produced from the Zairian territory under Kabila’s control.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In April 1997, he returned to Europe, having gained concessions in two very important mineral zones.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[39]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">He gave Kabila his personal plane and a million dollars.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[40]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;"><i>Forbes</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> 10 August 1998.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[41]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">See the Memorandum of the Itwari Partnership cited above, which speaks of covert actions led by or with Lady Chalker.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[42]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">The reader will notice that I am unsure of the dates of these two Defense Council meetings.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[43]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">During a 31 May 2010 interview, former-President Chirac vigorously denied that he had changed his mind because of US pressure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[44]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">An article in the 13 March 1997 edition, entitled “Les hyporcrises occidentales paralysent tout plan d’aide aux refugiés.” [Western hypocrisy paralyzes all plans to aid the refugees.]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[45]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">And the cute little play on words that is “Françafrique”: “France” and “Africa” as “France à fric” or “France to the ‘fric’ [‘money’].”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[46]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Sylvie Kauffmann, “Les Etats-Unis a entrainé l’armée rwandaise au combat et à la guérilla” [The US trained the Rwandan Army for combat and guerilla warfare], <i>Le Monde</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> of 28 August 1997.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[47]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Former Rwandan Tutsi living in Zaire/Congo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[48]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Honoré Ngbanda, <i>Crimes organizes en Afrique centrale </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[Organized Crime in Central Africa], op. cit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[49]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Howard W. French, <i>A Continent for the Taking:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Tragedy and Hope of Africa, </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">First Vintage Books Edition, 2004.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[50]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Robin Philpot, <i>Ça ne s’est pas passé comme ça à Kigali</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> {English version: Rwanda 1994: Colonialism Dies Hard—See The Taylor Report] op. cit.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[51]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Colette Braeckman, <i>L’Enjeu congolais.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>L’Afrique centrale après Mobutu. </i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">[The Stakes in Congo. Central Africa After Mobutu] Fayard, 2009<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[52]</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">See In Congopolis, 15 October 2002.</span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[53]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">From the film by Jihan El-Tahri, with the collaboration of Peter Chappell, <i>L’Afrique en morceaux</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"> [Africa in Pieces]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[54]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">See the memorandum sent on 15 February 2008 by the president of the Intwari-Parternship, General Emmanuel Habyarimana, to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[55]</span> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">For more information on this war, see:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Gérard Prunier, <i>Africa’s World War: Congo, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Making of a Continental Catastrophe</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">, Oxford University Priss, 2010; René Lemarchand, <i>The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009; Thomas Turner, <i>The Congo Wars:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Conflict, Myth and Reality</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">, Zed Books, 2007.<i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-59160413297008051292017-07-20T07:09:00.002-07:002017-07-20T07:09:46.460-07:00BALKANS: A Controlled Demolition--Chapter 7<div style="text-align: center;">
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[This is an excerpt, chapter seven, from Gilles and Alexis Troude's <i>Balkans: un Éclatement programmé. </i>The book came out in 2011 and an epilogue will be appended to the recently translated CM/P version to bring it up to date. But the geopolitical forces in play in this crucial region, this military borderland, this Krajina or Ukraine, shine a particularly vivid light on the events of this election season. </div>
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If one wonders how the U.S. could have come to such an abdication of moral authority as is presented in this presidential contest between Hillary Clinton, one of the driving forces in glossing over the destruction of Yugoslavia as a victory for Humanitarianism, and Donald Trump, a 'know-nothing' stooge for the very Private Capital that bought up then sold off the territories of the old Soviet Union: this book's description of the controlled demolition of the Balkans--like the twin towers of the WTC--will whet the appetite for information while stoking the anger over the West's craven betrayal of History. </div>
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Watch this space for further chapters. --mc]</div>
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<u><b>Chapter VII</b></u></div>
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American, Russian & European Géostrategies</div>
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in the Balkans since 1991 </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>All the recent history of the Balkans shows that U.S. géostrategy has for some time aimed not only at projecting influence toward the eastern Mediterranean (with the presence of the U.S. 7th Fleet), but also that the destruction of Yugoslavia was part of a far-ranging program. In his oft touted 1997 book “The Great Chessboard,” Polish/American Zbigniew Brzezinski coldly admits his adopted country’s plans in Eurasia. With an eye toward perpetuating its role as the master of the world, the U.S.A. must see to the breaking up of Russia into three parts: European, Asian and Central, with a corridor joining them opened up through the Balkan peninsula, the Caucasus and Turkestan. The oil from the Caspian Sea would come straight to the West thanks to two new pipelines: one across the Caucasus and Turkey, and the other cutting through the Balkans by way of Bulgaria, Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania, and ending up in the Adriatic. It is not a coincidence that only a few weeks after the NATO terror-bombing of Yugoslavia began, a cynical Brzezinski wrote: “What is at stake here is infinitely more important than the future of Kosovo.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>An American writer well-informed on these matters has stated that since 1992, President George H.W. Bush, threatened Yugoslavia with military intervention if its civil war ever spread into Kosovo and that, from 1997, secret plans for the bombing of Serbia and Montenegro were developed. A high-ranking French military official visiting an American aircraft carrier two years before the bombing confirmed this point. The Humanitarian argument was only a pretext for the highly strategic operation that was the 1999 NATO intervention.</div>
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1 - Russia returns to the stage in the Balkans</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But there is one thing the Americans’ strategy did not anticipate: the return of Russia to the International stage, fifteen years after the breakup of the USSR. Faced with this deliberately aggressive U.S. strategy, Russia’s ‘tag-team’ leadership of United Russia’s Putin and Medvedev clearly set out its foreign policy in 2008. The five principles of this program were to be: Defense of International Law, the creation of a multi-polar world, a policy of “neither confrontation nor isolation,” the defense of the rights of Russian citizens, wherever they may be (e.g., the Baltic countries), and finally the protection of the “regions of most-favored interests” (e.g., Serbia).</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Russian State began to apply this géostrategy of counter-attack in three stages:</div>
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1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The inviolability of the Russian Federation, which indicated that Russia would never tolerate a foreign intervention into Federation territory (e.g., the retaking of Chechnya, which only exists in its current state because of statements made by the U.S. State Dept.).</div>
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2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Defense of the “Near Abroad,” typical Russian strategic terminology for most of the Republics of the former U.S.S.R. now independent (e.g., Ukraine, Byelorussia, the Caucasus, Central Asia). The Baltic States are not included here because they have become part of the West (the Baltics are close to Scandinavia and predominantly of Protestant or Catholic religion). From this perspective, the Russian Federation has created the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), realigning Russia, Byelorussia, Moldovia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.<br />
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Medvedev & Putin of United Russia Party</div>
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This second phase of the defense of the “Near Abroad” seems to have begun in August 2008 with the very quick Russian response to Georgia’s armed assault on the Russian-speaking populations of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, followed by the declaration of independence of the two regions. On 1 September 2008, then-Russian president Dmitri Medvedev explained very clearly this idea of a buffer-zone in the Caucasus, Central Asia and the Slavic bloc in Europe: “We will defend our interests outside our borders; to each attack on these borders, we will respond.”</div>
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3.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Penetration into Europe along the energy corridors with gas pipelines like “North Stream” under the Baltic Sea supplying Germany and Northern Europe, and “South Stream” traversing the Balkans (Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, Croatia, Slovenia) and destined for Austria and Italy, with the Italian firm ENI being responsible for 50% of the construction.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>On 21 January 2008, during his last trip abroad at the end of his first, constitutionally-limited two-term (eight-year) tour as Chief of State, Vladimir Putin gained the agreement of Bulgaria for routing the future 2,500 km-long gas pipeline “South Stream” that would connect Russia with southern Europe in 2015, passing under the Black Sea. Its construction required an investment of €10 billion to bring in 10 billion square meters of natural gas per year for openers.</div>
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4.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>A “third circle”—to borrow an expression from Soljenytsin—of renewed Russian power effected the Orthodox Slav countries of the Balkans: Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, as well as the non-Slav countries: Romania, Greece, Cyprus. Although not part of the “near abroad,” these countries could become most-favored nations in the international plan, but without Russia having to use its troops. According to Medvedev, these States like Serbia, hold “traditional friendly relations and these relations were particularly historical” with Russia.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>It is in this spirit that Russian support of Serbia in November 2008, at the time when Serbia was appealing to the International Court of Justice in The Hague to refuse the self-declared independence of Kosovo, could be considered a great diplomatic victory. A majority of the member States of the United Nations General Assembly agreed that Serbia should take its case to the ICJ. Moreover, President Medvedev affirmed on 1 September 2008 that “Russia considered Serbia a favored nation.” After Kosovo’s declaration of independence on 18 February 2008, the CIF held a limited summit meeting where an eventual Russian military intervention was debated. The one thousand Russian soldiers in the KFOR battalion would be redeployed to the North of Kosovo, into Mitrovica where they would protect the Serb minority; but this option was finally not retained because Serbia was not considered part of the “Near Abroad” according to the Russian strategists, and the borders of the Russian Federation were not directly threatened. In fact, the Russians considered the current Serbian government to be “Pro-Western” and were not prepared to support it beyond the question of Kosovo.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Indeed, Russia decided to give its full support to Serbia in its judicial struggle to refuse recognition of Kosovo independence for two reasons:</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>a/ This self-proclaimed declaration of independence created a precedent that could lead to redrawing the boundaries of Europe as well as several countries around the world. Contrary to the Helsinki Accords that called for inviolable borders in Europe and the principle of non-intervention into sovereign States, this dangerous precedent was rejected by Spain (because of the Basques territories), by Romania and Slovakia (because of their Hungarian minorities) and by Cypress (whose northern half is illegally occupied by Turkey). Outside of Europe, China vigorously supported this position because of Tibet and Taiwan, as did most of the Arab (Egypt, Algeria) and African (Nigeria) countries.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>b/ Kosovo’s declaration of independence is considered by Moscow to be contrary to the “fundamental national interests of Russia.” It actually encourages secessionism in the Muslim Republics of the Russian Federation (Tartarstan, Chechnya, etc.).</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>As a sort of conclusion, it should be noted that the dangerous game played by the U.S. in Europe for geostrategic advantages (protection of the “European Corridors,” and access to oil and gas from the Caspian Sea) were described with rare foresight by the last president of the USSR Mikhail Gorbatchev—to whom the world should be infinitely grateful for bringing down the Berlin wall without a bloodbath—in an interview on 15 May 2009 with the “Daily Telegraph”:</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>“The Americans promised that NATO would not be extended beyond the German borders after the end of the Cold War. The Result: Half the States of Central and Eastern Europe <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>are now members of the Atlantic Alliance, which shows very well what becomes of these <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>promises. That proves that they cannot be trusted. (. . .) We spent ten years, after the end <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>of the Cold War, trying to build a New World Order. Those ten years were wasted, <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>without any result.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In response to statements from the U.S. Secretary of Defense, who referred to the threat posed by “the general developments in China and Russia,” the former Soviet president said:</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>“The problem is not Russia. Russia does not have enemies, and has no intention of <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>getting into a war against the United States or anyone else. It sometimes seems that <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Washington would like to go to war against the whole world.” </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Mr. Gorbatchev went on to describe the proposed deployment of elements of a missile shield in Eastern Europe (Poland and Romania) as “a dangerous move that resumes the arms race at heretofore unknown levels.” It is only in a very wide-angle view, it seems to us, that the pressures the Americans are applying for the quick recognition of the self-proclaimed independence of the “NATO-State” Kosovo can be explained.</div>
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2—The American Empire spreads into the Balkans by allying itself with Islamic Fundamentalism.<br />
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The American strategy in the Balkans was laid out more than twenty years ago. It is public knowledge that in a 1988 report the CIA anticipated the explosion of Yugoslavia. In 1989, well before either Poland or Hungary, this country signed a pre-membership agreement with the EEC, so it would be well-placed for integration into the Western system. Moreover, its program of self-management left a good deal of room for private initiative, as demonstrated in 1990 when Yugoslavia ranked third in Europe behind France and Spain, but ahead of Italy and Germany, in hotel capacity. Finally, the Yugoslav Army, founded on the idea of a decentralized territorial defense, was the premier army in Southeastern Europe.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>This middling power had to be broken. The United States, and the West which rode its coattails, needed to destroy this model that, after the dissolution of the Soviet bloc, represented a sort of third-way. This model, neither liberal nor communist, mixing capitalist efficiency with social progress, presented an attractive ideal and called into question both systems of the two Great Powers. The Russians were also interested in getting rid of the old leader of the Non-Aligned Movement that they had greatly distrusted. In the early 1990s, Russian generals remembered that, after the 1948 break-up between Tito and Stalin, the Yugoslavs refused the occasional Russian military exchange and even began to develop their territorial defenses with the expectation of an attack from the Red Army. Despite repeated calls from Milosevic to Yeltsin at the time of the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia, the Russian generals chose to get back at the presumptuous Yugoslavs by not rendering aid to General Veljeko Kadijevic, the Yugoslav Minister of Defense and Chief of Staff of the Yugoslav Army (1988 to 1992).</div>
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Croatia</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But beginning in 1992, while Russia was struggling through the ravages of its own economic transition, Bill Clinton and his foreign policy team developed a strategy for gradually imposing its imperialist logic on Yugoslavia, and breaking up, one piece at a time, this nation of 24 million people, the largest country in the Balkans. The Democrat’s administration led by Bill Clinton was at first hesitant to become involved in the Yugoslav conflicts, but very quickly it chose its side. In Croatia, under the heavy influence of the Croatian lobby in the US Congress made up predominantly of pro-Ustashi exiles from WWII, influential political leaders and intellectuals had been working for more than 30 years to develop a Croatian national program around the idea of a Croatian state: an idea that contravened the Yugoslav constitution strongly supported by the Serbs. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>From 1993, the Americans surreptitiously armed the Croatian Army through the port at Split. Then in 1995, the actions of US Private Military Contractor (e.g., MPRI), working over a two-year period to train and finance the Croats, allowed them to defeat the Serb militias while massively displacing Serb civilians from the Krajina in two military campaigns: Operation Hurricane in May, then Operation Storm in August. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But these two operations, led by retired U.S. military personnel [i.e., mercenaries] from the American military/industrial complex, provoked a good deal of what the official media had already misnamed “collateral damage”: the success of Operation Storm was measured in the killing of several hundred civilians as they fled along the roads and the irrevocable displacement of 230,000 Serbs in that summer of 1995*.</div>
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* Often cited in International Courts as the largest incident of ‘ethnic cleansing’ during the entire Balkans conflict. [See, Johnstone, Diana, Fools’ Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO, and Western Delusions, 2003—cm/p]</div>
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Bosnia-Herzegovina</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>When the war broke out in Bosnia in April 1992, the US did not have a plan at first and hesitated as to just what tactics to adopt. But ever pragmatic, they took advantage of this conflict in the heart of Europe to advance their imperial march toward Russia and the Muslim world. Bill Clinton chose the Muslim side for three reasons. At this moment of a resurgent Intifada in Palestine, the Americans wanted to show the whole Muslim world that they could also take the side of a so-called “Islamic Liberation” movement: Bosnia served to realign US foreign policy in favor of the Muslim world. By sending military support to Bosnian President Izetbegovic and the Bosnian Muslim Army through Zagreb, Clinton wanted to back the weaker force against the Serbs, who at that time held an advantage in troop-strength and territory. Finally, the US had found its niche in this new Cold War that had just sprung into existence: By directly supporting a second Muslim state in the Balkans, it both weakened Europe and fired a warning shot across Russia’s front porch.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Driving around the international arms embargo it have found so desirable just two years before, the Clinton administration began arming the Bosnian Muslim in 1994: this was Bosnia-gate. In a gambit that marked the height of American utilitarianism in the mid-1990s, the three national leaders involved in the Bosnian conflict, Franjo Tudjman of Croatia, Iljza Izetbegovic, the Bosnian Muslim president, and Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia (who was standing in for Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic, then under threat of a war crimes indictment from NATO and the UN.), were summoned in November 1995 to Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio, to negotiate separately a peace deal that carried minimal diplomatic authority. But that was not all. Through the private contractors of Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI), the US, in its struggle against the “barbarian Serbs”, facilitated the arrival of jihadis onto Bosnian soil. But the real purpose was not to fight “Serbian barbarism”, but to stake out a permanent presence in the heart of the Balkans. From 1996, the program “Equip and Train”, run directly out of the Pentagon, handed off the tidy sum of $400 million to the Army of Bosnia-Herzegovina: in the space of one year no fewer than 5000 Bosnian soldiers were trained by 200 American special advisors.113</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Yet the American policy of supporting the Muslims in the Balkans was carried out simultaneously on two fronts in accordance with the principles of “small is beautiful”, by which the Bosnian Muslims would be sacrificed to the Serb ogres, and of “the Fight for Freedom”, which would see the plucky little Albanians throw off the horrible yoke of Serbian communism. But we now know that these two principles, in which Americans sincerely believe, are false. The Center for Historical Documentation in Sarajevo, after ten years of scrupulous investigation, has shown that 102,622 Bosnian citizens were killed during the civil war in Bosnia. This death toll breaks down proportionally to the demographics of each of the peoples before the war: 69.9% Bosnian Muslims and Croats (who made up 68% of the population in 1991), and 30.1% Serbs (32%) lost their lives between 1992 and 1995 in Bosnia-Herzegovina.114</div>
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Kosovo</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In 1997 the US State Department decided to arm the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA or UCK in Albanian). However, this ultra-violent Maoist group, founded in 1993 with support from the Albanian diaspora in Europe, was fighting for the very antithesis of the American ideal of Democracy. They began in 1995 planting numerous bombs in Serbia and at one time were even placed on the CIA list of terrorist organizations. But no matter, because already by the end of the 1990s they were well on their way to achieving their goals of quashing any resurgence of Russian influence while impeding all European defense construction in the region. In 1998 the KLA, working from rear-guard bases in Albania, began to intensify armed violence where they felt the struggle was going against them: as the Balkans specialist Christopher Chiclet described it, “this was when the US decided to use the KLA to get rid of Milosevic.”115 </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>During the NATO bombing in the spring of 1999, the KLA infiltrated the entire territory of Kosovo using the KFOR as cover and did not miss a chance to murder certain moderate Albanian leaders.116 </div>
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The American Takeover of Kosovo</div>
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Working in parallel with systems set up for Kosovo by the UN and NATO, the Americans tried to control the situation on the ground there. Bearing this out is that between 1999 and 2009:</div>
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— The Chief of Staff of NATO forces, himself under the direct control of NATO’s Southeast command, was always, from 1999 on, an American general.</div>
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— The second in command of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), between 1999 and 2009, was always an American.<br />
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— The US diplomatic mission to Pristina in 2004 was made up of more than 80 people, while, for example, at the same time, the French liaison office had only a staff of 4.</div>
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— The US base at Camp Bondsteel, built in 1999, is the largest American military outpost in Southeastern Europe (7,000 personnel). It is at the heart of a Balkan/Middle Eastern strategy that includes no fewer than 4 bases in Rumania and 2 in Bulgaria.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>A high-ranking French official in the UN administration explained to us the intricacies of the American presence in Kosovo. The US emissaries pay special attention to having the last word on all the important decisions made by UNMIK. In Kosovo-Albanian municipalities, American advisors are very careful to maintain good relations with Albanian-speaking mayors and, through US agencies like USAID, have indirectly seeded a great deal of financial assistance to these towns over the last ten years; these are often second-tier economic projects, like libraries or thermal baths, but very effective for maintaining the loyalty of the towns’ elected officials. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>As a final example of the American takeover of the state of Kosovo, consider the police. In 1999 the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) was created. It was made up of many ex-KLA fighters who had been turned into “peace officers.” While financed by the European Union, the KPC was from its beginning organized and instructed by the American private military contractor Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI). The Americans trained the KPC recruits in such a way as to turn them into a real military force, while it was supposed to be an agency for civilian peace-keeping.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The US controls Kosovo’s police agencies without even having to refer to the UNMIK. So on 17 February 2001, near the village of Livadice, some Albanian terrorists blew up a “Nis Ekspress” bus killing 11 Serbs—two of them children—and wounding 40. Though after an inquiry a few suspects were arrested, all were released but one, Florim Ejoui, who was known to have direct connections with Albanian organized crime as well as with old KLA circles. Ejoui was transferred for “reasons of security” to the American base at Camp Bondsteel, from whence his escape was arranged a few days later. But the escape was organized by the US Army without ever asking for any authorization from the UNMIK. On 29 July 2001, the London Sunday Times explained that some UN informants suspected Florim Ejoui of working for the CIA, and that his trial would have proven very embarrassing to his employers. This is just another example of how the actions of the CIA, like the entire organization of Camp Bondsteel, are completely outside the control of the High Representative of the UNMIK.117</div>
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HAITI/MACEDONIA/KOSOVO: SAME SUPPORT FOR SEPARATISTS</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But the system set up by the American government in Kosovo was to be a model for future territorial break-ups around the world, all planned by the American government. We can see that the highest American officials in Kosovo were later sent out to destabilize other countries far from the Balkans. The best example is Philip S. Goldberg, recently named ambassador to Bolivia. During the 1990s, Goldberg was an important player in the break-up of Yugoslavia. From 1994 to 1996 he was head of the US State Department’s Bosnia office. He worked closely with Washington’s Special Envoy, Richard Holbrooke, and played a fundamental role as the Secretary General of the Negotiations Committee for the US at Dayton, negotiations that led to the signing of the 1995 Dayton Accords, the agreement that brought about the division of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In 1996, Goldberg worked as a Special Assistant to Under-Secretary of State Strobe Talbot (1994-2000), who, in collaboration with then Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, contributed decisively to launching the war against Yugoslavia in 1999. In Kosovo, Goldberg worked as US Mission Chief in Pristina (2004-2006) and maintained constant relations with the paramilitary KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army), whose leaders now head the government of Kosovo and were known to have close ties with organized crime, especially narcotics trafficking. In Kosovo, Goldberg contributed to preparing it for separation from Serbia, leading to the establishment of an “independent” Kosovo government.118</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But this was not the first time the “Kosovo model”, that is to say, supporting separatist movements, was applied in Latin America. Goldberg was appointed American Ambassador to Bolivia in 2007, at the very moment when, as if by chance, a strong independence movement broke out in Santa Cruz, that region with the greatest mineral riches in Bolivia; there he applied the lessons learned in Bosnia and Kosovo, the indirect appropriation of natural resource by separatists sent into these mineral-rich regions.119 </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In February 2003, Washington named James Foley its ambassador to Haiti. Ambassadors Greenberg and Foley were from the same “diplomatic stable”. Foley was the State Department spokesperson in the Clinton administration during the war in Kosovo. Previously, he had contributed to directing support toward the KLA. At the time of the war in Kosovo, Foley, then ambassador to Haiti, organized information meetings at the State Department and worked closely with his NATO counterpart in Brussels, Britisher Jamie Shea. Barely two months before the NATO-led assault on Yugoslavia was launched on 23 March 1999, Foley called for a “transformation” of the KLA into a politically responsible organization: </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>“We want to develop good relations with them (KLA) so they can convert themselves into <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>a politically engaged organization, [. . .]. We think we can give them a good deal of help <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>and advice if they become exactly the kind of political players we want them to become </div>
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>[. . .].”<br />
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The KLA advisors had been used precisely to help restructure the Haitian police forces, folding into their ranks former members of the FRAPH and Ton Ton Macoutes. “[In support of] the Office of Transition [. . .], the USAID is paying for three advisors to help integrate this once brutal army into the current Haitian police forces. And who are these three advisors? They are members of the Kosovo Liberation Army.120”</div>
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MACEDONIA</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Since 1991, Macedonia has been a choice platform for America’s strategy in the Balkans. A few months after this tiny enclave-state that is home to two million people declared its independence, the government sent 300 troops supposedly to guard the borders. The Americans wanted to contain the Bosnian conflict and counter any possibility of an attack from Serbia. But this force, which grew progressively until it was replaced in 2004 by EU troops, became a means by which the US could interfere in the internal affairs of the young republic. During its bombing of neighboring Serbia in the spring of 1999, NATO, as a way of compensating the Macedonian economy that had suffered so greatly from the aggression against Serbia, delivered $40 million of supplies. This was an unprecedented contribution to a GNP that was only $3 billion in 2001.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>At the time of the civil war between Macedonians and Albanians in 2001, a unit of 80 American soldiers went into Skopje to protect the Albanians from the Macedonian police. On 28 June 2001, there was evidence of an even greater intervention when the Albanian guerillas who had taken the Macedonian village of Aracinovo were evacuated back into Kosovo with the aid of American logistics. At the height of the civil war between the KLA and the Macedonian Army, a unit of Albanian extremists was surrounded. EU envoy Javier Solana broke them out of this bind without any interference from Macedonian forces. The KLA unit was rescued thanks to 17 MPRI military advisors.121 All these facts demonstrate the support of the American Secret Services to the rebels, in Macedonia as in Kosovo. Moreover, Albanian legislators in Macedonia stressed, during the ethnic conflicts of 2001, that the US bore a certain responsibility for the abusive behavior of the Macedonian police. By the end of the 1990s, the US had actually trained at least 329 Macedonian police officers, including a group specifically schooled in the most “strong-armed” of police methods.122</div>
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MACEDONIA: A GOVERNMENT OF AMERICANS</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>As the analyst Nadège Ragaru has pointed out, the Macedonian Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, has since 2006 “surrounded himself with a team of young polyglot executives who have worked frequently in the United States.”123 But the backgrounds of this crack team show to what extent the Macedonian government is under American control:</div>
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Lazar Elenovski: President of the Euro-Atlantic Club (an Atlantist), has been Defense Minister since 2006.</div>
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Zoran Straveski: Former executive with the World Bank, was Vice-Prime Minister in Charge of Economic Affairs from 2006 to 2009.</div>
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Gligor Taskovic: Vice-President of the oil consortium AMBO and an American citizen was Minister Without Portfolio from 2006 to 2009.</div>
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Gabriela Konevska: Former President of the NGO Transparency Macedonia was minister in charge of European integration from 2006 to 2008.</div>
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The Germans Play the Albanian Card</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The United States is not the only power playing on the Balkan chessboard. In this region, the Europeans have not sinned through militant activism but rather through inertia.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Germans have played an eminently important role in the Western Balkans for the last 20 years. A continental power in the age-old search for connections with the Middle East, Germany is today developing a global policy of expansion into the southeast of Europe. The Bundeswehr has set as its objective to be able quickly to intervene in the Balkans theatre of operations.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In Croatia, Germany, which has since the 1970s aided the separatist movement there, was the first to recognize the independence of Croatia and Slovenia in December 1991, forcing President Mitterrand to sacrifice the unity of Yugoslavia on the altar of the Euro. German Chancellor Helmut Köhl then politically supported the authority of Franjo Tudjman, a confirmed anti-Semite and a true believer in a ‘Greater Croatia’. But it was especially after the 1995 Dayton Accords that a reunified Germany chose to expand its influence in the Balkans. Against the advice of Bill Clinton, German Foreign Affairs Minister Klaus Kinkel came out in favor of independence for Kosovo. In 1997, the German secret services (BND) opened their largest mission in the Balkans at Tirana and helped build up the KLA. On the 23 September 1998-broadcast of the TV show “Monitor,” from Germany’s First Channel, the public was shocked to learn that part of arms going to the KLA were being furnished by Germany.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>During the anti-Serb riots of March 2004 in Kosovo, the gendarmes were notable for their inaction, having permitted the sacking of the Serb quarter of Prizren. After that, their zeal in rousting and shaking down Serbs in the Western zone of Kosovo, even keeping them from going into their churches for “security” reasons, says a great deal about the Germans’ will to take over territory, a sort of pay-back for their 1944 defeat in region. More broadly, the Bundeswehr can be counted on to intervene as part of the structure of NATO or the EU when the next conflict breaks out along the borders of Serbia (Macedonia, Bosnia or even the Sandjak)126/</div>
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<img alt="Image result" class="irc_mi i4cOWdIatv2o-pQOPx8XEepE" height="192" src="https://img.wallpaperfolder.com/f/6153F8E32FDF/germany-flag-art-high-quality.jpg" style="margin-top: 87px;" width="320" /></div>
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The German Secret Services support of Croatian Separatism</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Erich Schmidt-Eenboom, head of the Research Institute at Valheim, stated that the German Special Services (BND) began their collaboration with the Croat secessionists at the end of the 1970s. He shared the opinion of Antun Duhacek, chief of the Yugoslav intelligence services (UDBA) from 1955 to 1968, on the fact that at the moment of Tito’s death, the decisions made in Zagreb at the strategic level all had the agreement of Krajacic, the head of Croatian intelligence services at that time. But, this collaboration between the German and Croatian foreign services, begun under Klaus Kinkel, were continued at the beginning of the 1990s. Hans Dietrich Genscher, then German Foreign Minister, authorized the delivery of 800 million marks to the Croatian Special Services in March 1990. A few months later, a plane from Germany landing in Zagreb was found to be illegally trafficking arms. In 1991, newspapers like “Die Welt” and “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung” started a campaign for the separation of Croatia from Yugoslavia. Even “Der Spiegel”, with its ‘leftist’ reputation, published in July of that year “Yugoslavia: A Prison of Peoples: The Serb Terror,” according to which the head of the SPD delegation, Norbert Gansel, just back from Zagreb, returned with the conviction that “we have to put a stop to Serb hegemony.” It is easy to understand the eagerness of the Germans to recognize an independent Croatia in December 1991. Logically, Germany was a principal defender of the embargo issued in May 1992 against Milosevic’s Yugoslavia: the Spring 1992 declaration by Klaus Kinkel was eloquent in its firmness and distrust: “Serbia must be brought to its knees.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>This German return to the Balkans also corresponded with the increased attention being paid to linking up the Black Sea with the center of Europe by way of the Rhine-Main-Danube canal and the Danube river system. The section of more than 500 km of the Danube in Voïvodine is essential to this project. This strategic corridor through southeastern Europe is what brought German private investment, after the Spring 1999 NATO bombing, into the repair and rebuilding of the ports of Apatin and Smederevo, just as with the reconstruction aid for the bridge at Novi Sad. Generally, Germany supported Corridors IV—Budapest/Constantza via Subotica—and Corridor X—Budapest/Thessalonica via the Morava Valley.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Since 1999, German soldiers of the KFOR have controlled the zone southwest of Kosovo and are charged by the Kumanovo Accords with maintaining security. In 1999, on its arrival, the German contingent was known for his benevolent passivity in not trying even to impede the Albanian extremists in their ‘small-business’ of hunting down Serbs by first burning down their homes then killing them. In Prizren, the principal town in the Metochia, when the March 2004 anti-Serb riots were taking place, at a time when the Albanian crowds were excited and led by former jihadists, destroying houses and burning up most of the Serbian quarter, German soldiers were tucked away in their barracks. Near Prizren, the same German troops who were supposed to control the comings and goings of the extremist Albanian groups to keep them from getting into the monastery of Holy Archangels again, were busy, several years after the 2004 riots, with keeping the Orthodox monks out of their monastery. Still today, rather than keeping the peace, the German troops of the KFOR are content to stay in Prizren to shield the many churches in the town and to cut off all access to them with the help of barbed wire.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But the presence of the German military doubled and developed into a veritable war of the secret services with the Germans (BND) pitted against the Americans (CIA), which indicated the growing influence of Germany on the Balkan chessboard. At the end of November 2008, three Germans were arrested in Pristina, charged with having set off an explosion in front of the offices of the “EU mission” in Pristina. After first denying it, the Germans officially acknowledged that these three men had been working for the BND. Some analysts confirmed that they were also working for extremist groups within the KLA; others that they had been on “special missions.” But already in 2001, a German agent had been arrested in Pristina, suspected of preparing an attack against a Serb police colonel. It was also proven that the German had been the “architect” of the attack against a Serb bus in Kosovo that killed 12. But besides this activism to destabilize Serbia, the BND considered Kosovo as a first-rate platform of influence. The events that followed the arrest of the three Germans showed to what extent Germany was bound up with the politics of Kosovo. To evacuate its citizens from Kosovo, the German government had to threaten to freeze its most impressive economic aid: €280 million of direct aid from 1999 to 2008, placing Germany as the second largest contributor after the U.S.A! A second point of interest, the element that triggered a bad mood among the Albanian leaders was the seizure by the BND of “bloc-notes’ containing information on contacts between “the government structure” and the Albanian mafia. The director of the BND revealed that his three agents had gathered “new” information on Hashim Thaçi. Certain voices were raised then from the left to push for a change in Berlin’s strategy toward Kosovo, which was described as being a “hub of organized crime.” Thaçi, the Prime Minister of Kosovo at that moment, had wanted, according to experts, to strike back in kind. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>At the heart of this affair is the Germans’ desire to accuse the Kosovo government of certain felonious schemes. In February 2005, the BND published a “Report on Organized Crime in Kosovo,” wherein Hashim Thaçi and Ramush Haradinaj are clearly tied to organized crime. The report stresses that “the key actors, Haliti, Haradinaj and Thaçi, are personally involved in tight connections between politics, the economy and organized crime.” In February 2008, the “Institut für Europäische Politik” in Berlin once again called out the “politico-economic structures, which are responsible for the trafficking of drugs, people and weapons” in Kosovo. In fact, Haradinaj was described in a BND report as the “protégé of the United States.” Two CIA agents have already protected him from questioning by whisking him off into an American base in Italy aboard an Italian military helicopter. Kosovo has become a real battlefield between the German and American intelligence services who flout any sense of sovereignty with their Albanian charges.<br />
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France is carrying out shaky policies</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>On the one hand, the French government refused during the Bosnian war to choose between the belligerants. This was the policy of François Mitterrand who always resisted making such choices: “While I’m alive, we will not bomb Serbia.” The Serbs knew how to appreciate these few signs of French support. A good example of this was the Marchiani mission in1994 to recover two French pilots being held as prisoners by the Bosnian Serbs, without getting anything in return. Sometimes this happened with an understanding of Serb interests and a reduction in the bombing policy: from multiple sources it is known that Jacques Chirac avoided bombing the bridges of Belgrade, targets assigned to NATO pilots in 1999. In the fall of 1999, French gendarmes also stopped Albanian extremists from crossing the bridge at Mitrovica to provoke the Serbs.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But a deeper and more durable movement was that of supporting, in the name of Human Rights and the R2P (Right to Protect), the Bosnian and Albanian Muslims. In Bosnia, Bernard Kouchner set up Humanitarian Corridors from Sarajevo to the Muslim enclave in Gorazde, in contravention of the UN’s traditional policy of neutrality. This started in 1993 with the episode of General Morillon’s bringing about peace by forcing the evacuation of the Gorazde enclave in front of the Bosnian Serb army, but without getting authorization from the UN Security Council. In 1994 at the request of Jacque Chirac, NATO bombed the Bosnian Serb positions, acting in de facto support for the cause of the Bosniaks.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Media intellectuals fell in line. Bernard Henri Levy introduced the Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic to François Mitterrand in 1994, and in the film “Bosna” he goes so far as openly to support the Bosnian-Muslim Army: this was the beginning of ‘Military Humanitarianism.’<br />
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“Médecins du Monde” and the Demonization of the Serbs</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In January 1993, the Humanitarian organization “Médecins du Monde” put up signs in all French cities comparing the Serbs to the Nazis. The journalist Jose Fort claimed in “L’Humanité” of 6 January 1993 that Health Minister Bernard Kouchner, co-founder and former-president of Médecins du Monde, sponsored this publicity campaign. There were images comparing Slobodan Milosevic to Adolph Hitler and showing starving refugees behind barbed wire, supposedly Bosniaks in a Serb camp. The poster accuses the Serbs in its text in a suggestive manner, stating that they go on to carry out “mass executions,” as did the National Socialist in 1940-45. But these two allegations are huge lies because Milosevic is a dedicated communist, as shown by his disavowal of the Serb Royalists of Bosnia in 1993. More significant still is that the camp pictured in the poster is, in fact, a displaced persons shelter, and the central figure, an emaciated tuberculosis victim, Fikret Alic, is a Serb. A dozen years later, Kouchner acknowledged that there never were systematic executions in the Serb camps. But this disinformation campaign co-directed by Kouchner in 1993 has paid dividends as can be seen in French public opinion’s association of Serbs with torturers!<br />
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Bernard Kouchner in Kosovo</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>While Bernard Kouchner served as the second UN Special Representative to Kosovo, from July 1999 to January 2001, he showed himself to be incompetent and incapable of acting in a situation marked by the ceaseless violence led by Albanian extremists. For a year and a half, during a transitional period where all local authority was voided, Bernard Kouchner amassed administrative, economic and judicial power throughout the province as director of the UN Interim Mission for Kosovo (UNMIK). But under his pro-consul (July 1999-January 2001), more than 990 murders and disappearances of non-Albanians took place. Their perpetrators are seldom pursued, and, if they are arrested, they are released within a few days: pressures from the Albanian mafia networks are very strong on the police and the UNMIK investigators. In the autumn of 1999, Bernard Kouchner explained the innumerable violent acts committed against non-Albanians as retribution for the daily discoveries of mass graves containing thousands of bodies; but after this period there was an evaluation of the number of Albanian victims of the war in Kosovo from 1998-1999 (4,000 to 6,000 dead), which was a little higher than the number of Serb victims. This verbal carelessness, that must appear unfounded, was tantamount to a justification of the KLA crimes committed in such a climate of ethnic violence.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Above all, a very small number of judicial inquiries were opened during the reign of Bernard Kouchner. It must be considered that although more than 17,000 complaints of violence, theft or destruction of civilian houses, were filed between 1999 and 2006, it was not until 2004 that the international judges of the UNMIK began to study these complaints. Bernard Kouchner, himself, admitted that in the course of the six-month the UN was present in Kosovo, justice was not done: “In five months, only 35 cases were brought to trial, while more than 400 murders were committed. Why? Because the culture of silence kept the witnesses from testifying and because our forty-eight judges and prosecutors named in an emergency procedure refused to rule on the basis of Serbian law.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Not only did the UN High Representative, who controlled the judicial system of Kosovo at this moment, admit to being powerless, but he seemed to bend over for the customary rules, a posture quite unlike that of his fight for Human Rights in France. In fact, Kouchner fought singly for the Albanian cause and made no effort to demand that the professional judges, functionaries of UNMIK then under his direct responsibility, apply the laws in effect, that is the Serbian penal code. It is important to see that when the UNMIK and KFOR were set up in June 1999 in Kosovo, Serb civil servants and public functionaries were laid off by the new Albanian authorities. For some months, these authorities could not find enough judges in Kosovo because there was not adequate training; the UNMIK then put in place some international judges who knew very little about the local scene.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>However, a veritable ethnic cleansing, a horror against which he had always battled in Africa or in Bosnia, was taking place under Kouchner’s mandate in Kosovo. Between July and December 1999, the non-Albanian majority of 235,000, which had fled at the arrival of NATO, was forced again to flee the violence of Albanian extremists. Even inside Kosovo, in Pristina, the town where he was supposed to be living, endured two forced migratory movements without Kouchner, the champion of Human Rights, ever doing a thing. Pristina went from 180,000 to 250,000 inhabitants under Dr. K’s reign, notably with the arrival of Albanians from Albania crossing through a very porous border. In the other direction, 60,000 Serbs left Pristina in just a few days at the beginning of July 1999, getting out quickly accompanied by British forces.<br />
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Kouchner & Thaçi serve their fellow man</div>
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Serbs Massacred by the former-KLA on Kouchner’s Watch</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Several massacres of Serbian peasant took place in 1999 and 2000. They happened all over the territory of Kosovo during Bernard Kouchner’s mandate. Here are two examples:<br />
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The Gracko Massacre</div>
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On 22 July 1999, fourteen Serb peasants were killed in a field near the village of Staro Gracko. Despite many indications the perpetrators were members of the KLA from the Albanian village of Mali Alas, no one has as yet been apprehended.<br />
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The Gnjilane Massacre<br />
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On 28 November 2008, the Serb police with the help of UN forces arrested ten ex-members of the KLA in southern Serbia. These young Albanian men who for years had been hiding in Macedonia and southern Serbia were charged with having kidnapped 159 Serbs and killed more than 50 of them in Gnjilane in Kosovo between June and October 1999.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Serbs from the north of Kosovo sought refuge in the camps of central Serbia, but they also jammed into the run-down public housing projects of Mitrovica-North, leaving prosperous farms to open up shanty-town shops. The Serbs from the south of Kosovo left Gnjilane or Urosevac for enclaves like that in Strpce, where since 2000 most of them had been out of work, packed into delapidated hotels dating back to the Communist era, often without electricity or water. Many old women even lived, in complete degradation, for years in trash bins, without aid from any International Humanitarian organization. It was also on Kouchner’s watch that 140,000 Roma from Kosovo were forced to flee. The entire Roma population of Mitrovica-South had one night to leave their burning homes (8,000 people, or one third of the Roma community of Kosovo), which led them into the grim camps of a ‘civilized’ Europe, like those in Leposavic or Zvecan, where they lived one on top of another and forgotten after 1999.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Indeed, like many of his Parisian intellectual pals from the same movement, Bernard Kouchner remained persuaded, even after his mission to Kosovo, that the racial murders and massacres of Serb villagers by extremist Albanians were purely individual acts; these killings were revenge for the humiliations of the 1990s and had nothing to do with the KLA. Facing the Commission on Foreign Affairs of the French National Assembly, he even claimed to a French legislator who had told him that an apartheid had been set up in Kosovo: “It is without question that in Kosovo one oppressive regime has replaced another: but the rule of the Serbs was organized and a function of the State, while that of the Albanians is based on individual vengeance. However, in July 1999, there were 50 Serb deaths per week, while today there are two or three, which is still far too many.” All the arguments by the UN High Representative are contorted by this bias: We understand the Albanians’ feelings of vengeance after what they went through in the 1990s. It is a complete distortion of the new reality.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But it really boosted the profile of this man with so many humanitarian campaign ribbons, a man ready to defend Human Rights in every corner of the world—except in Kosovo. Kouchner left the Assembly chambers before questions from Deputies could be posed, and went on to justify the unjustifiable: International institutions organized territories from which Serbs, for security reasons, could not leave: “The establishment of enclaves, which were really cantons for the people, was the only possible solution the International Community could come up with when the war was ongoing and between seven and eight thousand disappearances were reported and their families were waiting on their return.” He admitted here the essential ineffectiveness of the UNMIK in the face of KLA exactions in the Summer of 1999. The problem is that never before in its history had the UN failed to organize ‘safe havens’ for a minority population in peril—here the Serbs and Roma—because terrorists might threaten them. Furthermore, would this not mean that the UNMIK and KFOR had abandoned their duties from the beginning? Actually, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) opened several refugee camps in Kosovo after the anti-Serb riots of March 2004 in anticipation of the massive flight of non-Albanians.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>So it is obvious that Bernard Kouchner saw the situation getting away from him and that his mission had failed. On 26 November 2000, before the UN Security Council in New York, he could no longer hide behind the arguments he habitually used with the French press. To the surprise of many, he revealed himself in these terms: “It must be recognized that the situation in Kosovo did not change. The war was not finished. The reestablishment of Peace is always necessary and difficult to work out. Despite the success of municipal elections, Kosovo remained a society in crisis. Extremists looking to destroy the chances for democracy in Kosovo were always many, and this is why we had to maintain the same vigilance, the same military presence and the same economic engagements for the time being.” But the solution offered at the end of 2000 to counter the Albanian terrorist killings was the organization of general elections and a form of government already available to the Albanians, what he called “institutions of self-government.” But persuaded that negotiations between Serbs and Albanians over the status of Kosovo might “lead to a new war,” he suggested quite simply: “It is because I am persuaded that we must continue to enforce UN Res 1244.” This is no less hypocritical in light of his tireless support for the independence of Kosovo than any of his positions as French Foreign Minister in 2008!</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>From the beginning, Bernard Kouchner did not hide his sympathies for the Albanians and went so far as to be photographed on multiple occasions alongside Hashim Thaçi, the 1998 head of the KLA, an Albanian guerilla group guilty of several village massacres and other war crimes. Kouchner, as UN Representative to Kosovo, allowed municipal authority to pass, in its entirety, to the members of the KLA, to the detriment of the moderates around Kosovo president Rugovo. This action required Kouchner to claim that the KLA were legitimized by the prestige of Resistance and that their popular support would be total, but this was not to be. When the first municipal elections in Kosovo since the arrival of the UNMIK were held, in October 2000, credit for the victories of LDK moderates was given to the extremists of the KLA. But it was too late; the KLA had already reached its objective of cleansing the territory, thanks directly to the support of Bernard Kouchner.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Fortunately, the sum total of France’s policies was not contained in the failed pro-consul of Bernard Kouchner. Great voices were heard pointing up the mistakes of the International Community in the Balkans: Pierre Marie Gallois, Régis Debray and even Jean-Pierre Chevènement held up the French tradition of a critical mind and an objective analysis of international situations. Chevènement, in his recent work La France est-elle finie?, (Is France Done For?) stated that “the wars in Yugoslavia were a chance to re-legitimatize NATO and, through that alliance, the American presence in Europe.” As proof he noted that “the intervention over Kosovo, outside any authorization by the UN Security Council” and “scorning the position of the International Community to respect the territorial integrity of Serbia-Montenegro.” This was an echo of a statement made during the war in Bosnia, at which time Mr. Chevènement said that, from 1994, by accepting the Bosnian and Croatian secessions, the Pandora’s box of future armed conflicts was opened. Here he makes a subtle allusion to the disappearances of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, nations created and allied with France in the period between the two World Wars, as the lifeless remains where recently had appeared “a myriad of small States reminiscent of the Kleinstaaterei of the Holy Roman Empire.” Such a vision truly emphasizes the strategies in play to blow up southeastern Europe.<br />
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-68013984288524528042017-01-14T08:15:00.000-08:002017-01-14T08:28:23.440-08:00Memo to the current Rwandan Opposition: Original Crime Against Peace occurred 1 Oct. 1990<br />
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[As we bid farewell to the ravaged carcass of American Democracy, fought over by the Fascist war wing of the Democratic Party (Clinton, Biden, Albright, etc.) and snatched by the neo-feudal liquifactionists of Authoritarian Idiotocracy that is 'Trumpism', we thought it amusing to look back at how things in the realm of geopolitics were eight years ago. Libertarian know-nothings, and this includes those wrapped in the red flag of eternal revolution, will eventually find reasons--and cobble together disinformation into memoranda of understanding--to hate whoever occupies State Power--and this is always personal and highly psychologized hatred--esp. if the President is a fellow leftist. So here is how we were before the victory of the hair stylists removed Reason, History, Justice and Decency from consideration in our critiques of daily life.--mc]</div>
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CIRQUEMINIME/PARIS</h1>
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CIRQUEMINIME/PARIS IS AN INTERDISCIPLINARY THEATRE LAB AND PRODUCTION UNIT WHICH, SINCE THE 1994-99 NATO TERROR BOMBING OF YUGOSLAVIA, HAS BECOME INEXTRICABLY IMPLICATED IN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST ADVANCED WASTE CAPITALISM'S RELENTLESS AND CRIMINAL MILITARIZATION OF EVERYDAY LIFE--@ CM/P, TRUTH IS A JUNKYARD DOG. </div>
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Col. Jacques Hogard of Épée</div>
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Pierre Péan</div>
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Bernard Kouchner</div>
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SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 08, 2009</h2>
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<a href="http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2009/2/8/4085411.html" style="color: #aadd99; text-decoration: none;" title="external link">THAT JUSTICE BE DONE! Col. Jacques Hogard Interviewed by Alain Chevalérias</a></h3>
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THAT JUSTICE BE DONE! Col. Jacques Hogard interviewed by Alain Chevaléria--translated from the French by CM/P</div>
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[These early Obama days in France are all abuzz over the new Pierre Péan book pantsing Bernie Kouchner, “Le Monde Selon K.” (kind of a riff on another French journalist’s work, Karl Zero's fucku-Bush-a-mentary, "The World According to W.", or Oliver Stone's cute comedy, just plain 'W'.--W's even pictured caressing K on Péan’s cover.).</div>
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The shock in this so-called 'livre de choc' seems to be that Dr. K's double dipping, his conflicts of interest between doctor’s bag and diplomatic portfolio--or maybe it's his private investment portfolio's the rub--that the French Dr. (as PP affectionately refers to K, and not to be confused with my Dr. French in Steppling’s ‘Sea of Cortez’) was working his Humanitarian hustle in order to take money off a bunch of vile African dictators. Think of Lenny dressed up as a priest soliciting donations for a leper colony--only not as funny.</div>
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But Paris is really burning over the cheap shots they think Péan has taken at the poor old soixante-retard founder of Medecins Sans Scruples (MSF, MDM and all other similar med groups he may have claimed, at one time or another, were, in fact, founded by others). Questioning the Foreign Minister’s patriotism and the genuineness of his dedication to the emergency health needs of the victims of certain sides in certain wars calls into question the real intentions of the whole Human Rights movement with its innumerable NGOs, of the foreign policy of the Sarkozy government, even of the French national spirit.</div>
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As with Péan's previous great book, “Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs,” the French shyster community has gotten its suits and briefs all up in a sweaty bunch over PP's allegations that Kouchner expressed a certain ‘cosmopolitanism’ ('Anglo-Saxone cosmopolitanisme' is how Péan qualifies it) when he refused to stand for the Marseillaise, after having risen for 'God Save the Queen' (and not the Pistols' version, either) at a private screening of a France/England rugby game. All this is in just the 11-page teaser of the 330-some page book. But it is taken to be a suggestion of K’s dual-use as a diplomat/businessman in the service of the highest bidder. It has even been said (in Le Figaro, as I recall) that both Sarko and K are sayyam, homegrown Israeli agents. But you have to be super careful with that kind of insinuation in this country where every other guy is known to be an enemy collaborator by every other guy; where a Vichy functionary, after becoming the Socialist president of the Republic, ordered the extradition, trial and condemnation of a Nazi occupation functionary who had merely followed Pétain’s orders in deporting French Jewish children.</div>
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Well, if you'll remember, a want of national pride or respect and the placing of personal gain over national weal were charges made against the Jews back in the day. And since anti-Semitism is in such vogue these days as an instant invalidation of political or historical writings (no critical thought required, and, certainly, no need to read the book), Péan is straight away being sized up for another ‘Hate Speech’ beef.</div>
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In his earlier book on Rwanda, Péan cites an old Tutsi historian, Antoine Nyetera, who contends that the Tutsi culture of Rwanda was a culture of the lie. That little bit of historical trivia took up all of four pages in this fat book, but the many pro-RPF, pro-genocide survivor organizations, like IBUKA, AVEGA and SOS Racisme (which the Jewish Péan actually helped found) were all over PP with charges of racial discrimination and inciting racial hatred faster than you can say ‘the Bruguière Report.’ He was acquitted of all this humbug, of course, but with the subsequent arrival from Kigali of the Mucyo Commission Report, charging France with aiding and abetting the genocide of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus between 6 April and 16 July 1994, one had to start wondering where this tiny, densely populated tea plantation of a country was finding all its surplus vitriol.</div>
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Well, our Colonel Jacques Hogard, in this interview with Alain Chevalérias, goes quite a ways to explaining what is really behind the current France-Rwanda feud. And as you should have no problem guessing if you’ve ever glanced at this blog, the answer is the “US and A,” and its culture of criminally insane wastage.</div>
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With a steadier hand now on the helm in Washington, can we here in France, and all you all all around the world, hope to get our history in proper enough order to hand off to our kids, and to get the likes of Sarkozy and Kouchner the hell out of it?</div>
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Not until President Obama can come to grips with the real history of the decade-long Clintonian crime spree that birthed this Central African bloodbath, the responsibility for which its instigators, the RPF, the Kagame Reich and its Gallic collaborators, are trying to fob off on France. And while French President Sarkozy may have, for some unfathomable reason, lumbered his nation with the toxic offices of the craven narcissist Bernie Kouchner, US President Obama, too, responding to what we can only call The Terror, has taken upon himself that malignant waste product from the Balkan wars of the 1990s that is the visibly deranged and jellied eel-like Richard Holbrooke.</div>
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Down with the Occupation! Death to all Collaborators!! Long Live the Resistance and the People’s Struggle for Peace and Justice!!! --mc]</div>
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Interview with Col. Jacques Hogard: </div>
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That Justice Be Done!</div>
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by Alain Chevaléria<br />
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27 January 2009<br />
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{Alain Chevaléria is the webmaster of the site http://www.recherches-sur-le-terrorisme.com [where the original French version of this interview can be found--cm/p], which regularly publishes analyses of Terrorism as well as information on current international and geopolitical events. He is a professional journalist, author of several books on bin Laden and, most recently, on the Mujahadin of the Iranian People.}</div>
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Alain Chevaléria: Colonel Jacques Hogard, who are you?</div>
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Jacques Hogard: I was born in 1955 into a family of officers. So I was raised in the military tradition. My father served in the naval infantry [the Marines] and I spent many years of my youth in Africa, following him from post to post. Naturally, I also chose a career in the military. After leaving Coëtquidan [a French military school in Brittany--nb] in 1979, I decided on the infantry, and then I joined the Foreign Legion before being assigned to the 2nd REP [Paratroopers Regiment]. This was in the 80s, with interventions in Lebanon, Chad and the Central African Republic. I spent several great years there as a lieutenant and captain. Then I followed the normal career track. I joined the Army Chief of Staff in Paris as a young superior officer in 1989 to prepare the École de guerre [War College]. Then I found myself stationed in Djibouti from 1992 to 1994. I had a very intense stay there. At that time, the country was experiencing attempts at destabilization from elements originating in Ethiopia, with the routing and collapse of the Eritrean Army, followed by the Afars rebellion which threatened the capital, Djibouti [In Djibouti, beginning in 1991, tensions between Afars and the Issa-dominated government resulted in an Afar rebellion]. I had a great deal of personal sympathy for this ethnic group. Having spent my teenage years in the country and having returned several times as a young officers with the 2nd REP, I knew their characteristics and, especially, their fidelity to France. In Djibouti I also had the opportunity to take part in the spring 1994 intervention in South Yemen, but, also, before that, in 1992/1993, in Somalia at the time of “Operation Restore Hope.” A great show. I was the “Chief of Operations” for the French force “Oryx” sent along with the multinational forces under American command. My tour in Djibouti ended with the intervention in Rwanda in 1994. Then I came back to France, where I continued my career with the Legion before joining the Special Operations Command (COS), created in 1992. Again in 1998-1999, I had the opportunity to command a detachment of Special Forces ordered to open the way for the French Army to enter Kosovo. It was then I got the feeling that I had nothing more to do in the Army, having done everything that really interested me. I took early retirement on 16 December 1999. After attending a seven-month course at the Centre de Perfectionnement des Affaires (CPA)[a Business School in Paris], held at the Chamber of Commerce, on 1 September 2000, I was taken off the active duty rolls of the Army after 26 years of service.</div>
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A.C.: Let’s talk about Rwanda! When did you get to Rwanda, or, more precisely, Eastern Zaire, now the DRC?</div>
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J.H.: I arrived there at the end of June 1994, coming from Djibouti. We landed in Goma, the Zairean town on the border with Rwanda, which served as the staging point for the forces of the French intervention. Our mission was to put an end, by any means necessary, including force of arms, to the massacres that were taking place on the other side of border in Rwanda. These mass killings had broken out after the attack on 6 April 1994 against the President of Rwanda, Juvénal Habyarimana, and his Burundian counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira. We had to reestablish order and security as well as, to whatever extent possible, the necessary agreement to carry on a dialogue between the two communities. Goma is situated on the shores of Lake Kivu and was chosen because it has a hard-surface runway that can accommodate large cargo planes like the Antonovs and Ilushians chartered by the French military from countries of the ex-Soviet Union. Thanks to them, we were able to project a nearly three thousand man force in record time.</div>
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A.C.: What flags were these planes flying under?<br />
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J.H.: Russian and Ukrainian, I think. They were old military aircraft refurbished by civilian air-charter companies.</div>
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A.C.: But why planes from countries of the old USSR?<br />
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J.H.: France didn’t have any large strategic transports. At that time, we asked the US to furnish us with the means to fly our troops and equipment into Rwanda. The US refused because they were opposed to any French intervention there. It should be further emphasized that the Clinton Administration did all it could to create serious difficulties for France. The Chief of Staff, with the full support of the government, decided to call on the Russians. We understood that these chartered planes would cost us, but the Russians doubtlessly were pleased to make the deal for this mission because of the sweet irony of the situation.</div>
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A.C.: What kind of force did you have to stop the massacres?</div>
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J.H.: “Operation Turquoise”, commanded by General Lafourcade, was made up of about 2,800 men in three tactical groups. The first group to arrive, made up of Special Forces, was commanded by Col. Jacques Rosier, the most decorated soldier in France. It included a detachment of the 1st RPIMa [Régiment de Parachutistes d’Infanterie de Marine], a detachment of Navy Commandos and a detachment of Air Force Para-Commandos. It was assigned its own helicopters and C160 cargo plane, and was pre-positioned at the Rwandan border, awaiting the vote on UNSC Resolution 924, which would authorize the French intervention in Rwanda at the head of a multinational coalition force. The second group, commanded by Col. Patrice Sartre, was made up of Navy troops, particularly its prestigious regiment, the RICM (Régiment d’Infanterie de Char de Marine)[Marine Tank Infantry]. I was at the head of the third group, which was composed, essentially, of combat units assigned to regiments of the Legion, stationed in Africa or in France.</div>
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A.C.: Isn’t it a little surreal to assign such a small force to stop the massacres?</div>
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J.H.: We actually had a ridiculously small body considering the size of the mission at hand. But the units deployed were from the elite of the French Army. And then, we were also reenforced by African troops. So I had in my command the Chadian detachment. One hundred fifty additional men, which made a big difference when we had only 400 to start with! They had a big job to do. We didn’t lack in personnel, but the French soldiers were of the highest quality. They gave a great deal of their time and of themselves. They doubled, maybe even tripled their efforts by giving up their personal time and their sleep.</div>
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A.C.: France had signed a defense agreement with Rwanda. What was that?</div>
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J.H.: We had a military cooperation agreement with Kigali, signed in 1975 under Giscard d’Estaing, but not a defense agreement in the strictest sense. So some reduced elements of the French Army were in Rwanda as part of that military cooperation agreement in October 1990, when the Tutsi rebels, recruited in Uganda under the supervision of the Ugandan Army, launched an offensive against Rwanda. Just to go back a little: it all began in 1961, at the time of Rwandan independence. The Hutu majority (85% of the population) revolted against the Tutsis, who had, until then, exercised absolute power over them. Many Tutsis chose exile in Uganda. There, they made a home, and many of them became part of the guerilla movement led by the current president, Yoweri Museveni, against the government of Milton Obote in Kampala. When these guerillas took power, many Tutsis were given important jobs in the new Ugandan Army. Some were even made heads of very important departments, like today’s Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, who was the number two man in Military Intelligence. He was a Colonel in the Ugandan Army and was trained in the US. [at Ft Leavenworth, Kansas]</div>
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A.C.: So Kagame is a comrade in arms with the current Ugandan President, Yoweri Museveni . . .</div>
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J.H.: Yes, at a certain moment, all these Rwandans became a little too visible to the Ugandan people, and Museveni decided to encourage them to return, in force, to their nation of origin, counting on this, also, to expand his influence in Central Africa. For me, without any doubt, Museveni already had his eye on the mineral riches of Kivu, today very prominent in the news with all the activities of the warlord Laurent Nkunda.</div>
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A.C.: Since August 2008, in Kivu, doesn’t it seem that a reenactment of the invasion of Rwanda is taking place--but this time the invasion is against Congo, the ex-Zaire--and it is coming from Rwanda?</div>
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J.H.: Absolutely. This time we see Laurent Nkunda, a Tutsi from Congo, organizing a rebellion against his own country of origin with the help of his Rwandan neighbor. In October 1990, Museveni’s Uganda encouraged the Tutsis, under the banner of the RPF[1], to overthrow the government in Kigali. Rwandan President Habyarimana, seeing his country under attack by a neighbor and finding himself in great difficulty, asked for help from France and Zaire. The Zairean Army, badly trained and undisciplined, was not up to the job. Nevertheless, at that time, French President [François] Mitterand thought he could settle the problem by rushing two companies of paratroopers. On his orders, the first detachment of “Operation Noroît” was sent in October 1990. Renewed every four months, this intervention would last a little more than three years, until October 1993. It was ended right after the Arusha Accords were signed in August 1993, under pressure from Western powers, and especially from France. You have to give Mitterand credit because his supported of the government of President Habyarimana was not unconditional: “I support you militarily,” he said essentially. “So I allow you to stay in power, but you are going to have to open your country up to democracy.”</div>
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A.C.: Yes, because this Habyarimana was not a great democrat . . .</div>
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J.H.: He was an African head of state of his era, like many others. Authoritarian, paternalistic, his regime was based on a one-party system. It was a sort of ‘enlightened despotism,’ committedly Christian, that practiced the politics of quotas, allocating to the Tutsis 15% of the military posts, the university positions, and even places in the seminaries where priests were trained, as the vast majority of the population, both Hutu and Tutsi, were Catholics.</div>
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A.C.: There are many African countries in which the minorities are not represented at all in the power structure.</div>
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J.H.: Yes, this is why I can say, without any irony on my part, that Rwanda, under the Habyarimana regime, was a developing country in every sense of the term. It had a real administrative organization, a highway system in good condition, a functioning infrastructure, a medical organization and even health centers in every community. One day each week, the population was invited to give its time to maintain the roads and public spaces. I described the Habyarimana regime as paternalistic and even authoritarian, but it was not a totalitarian regime like today’s Kagame regime is. You didn’t see kidnappings, assassinations, deportations, sessions of political reeducation, people’s courts or arbitrary arrests. All these things are abundantly present in today’s Rwanda. In December 1993, in keeping with the terms of the Arusha Accords, the last French troops left Rwanda and gave way to the UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda), about 2,800 men provided by countries like Belgium, Ghana or Bangladesh.</div>
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A.C.: So, the French military was not present in Rwanda at the time of the massacres in 1994 . . .</div>
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J.H.: No, there were no longer any French troops on Rwandan territory after December 1993. Only about 17 military advisers were left, if memory serves, who wore Rwandan military uniforms and served as technical assistants. They had no combat mission, but were assigned to give technical instruction and training. It is an important point and one which must be stressed. Because there are the most irresponsible rumors extant accusing France of crimes that were supposed to have been committed during the genocide. While its forces had been gone from the country for several months. So I repeat, on 6 April 1994, the date the genocide began, the only foreign military present in Rwanda was that of the UN. [emphasis in original]</div>
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A.C.: So it was wearing Blue Helmets?<br />
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J.H.: Yes, wearing Blue Helmets and commanded by a Canadian general, Roméo Dallaire, who, eight days after the genocide began, without protesting, allowed the UN to reduce his troop-strength by 90%. The UNAMIR thus went from 2,800 men to 280, at the order of the UN Security Council. A totally mad decision! If he had been a responsible and courageous man, an officer worthy of the title, General Dallaire would have resigned immediately and returned to his country, to Canada. This is what the Spanish General, Vicente Diaz de Villegas, did last October, in Kivu, when he realized the he did not have the means necessary to end the violence provoked by the attack of Nkunda and his Tutsi rebels.</div>
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A.C.: OK, let’s go back to your arrival at the Rwandan border in 1994. As you said, you were part of Operation Turquoise, mounted with the authorization of a UN Resolution . . .</div>
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J.H.: Yes, voted with the abstention of the US, which did not, however, use its veto. Madeleine Albright, then Secretary of State, right away described Operation Turquoise as an “abnormal operation.” As if you could call an operation designed to put a stop to these unprecedented massacres “abnormal.”</div>
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A.C.: It’s a paradox, France, alone, with some other African countries, stepping in to stop the blood shed, today finding itself in the dock accused of crimes by the government in Kigali.</div>
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J.H.: In this context, France was even the first to speak of genocide in Rwanda. It was Alain Juppé, French Foreign Minister at the time, who first mentioned it. The International Community dummied up. Worse yet, the US did everything it could to prevent any intervention.</div>
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A.C.: Why didn’t the US want a military intervention to stop the genocide?</div>
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J.H.: Here we are at the heart of a problem that is still with us today. Neither Rwanda nor Burundi was a country that particularly interested anyone: both little, overpopulated agricultural countries, whose territories, until today, had not revealed any important resources. On the other hand, they are close to the Congolese provinces of Shaba, the former Katanga, and of Kivu, which scientists agree is a ‘geological scandal,’ as it’s hiding such vast mineral wealth. Recently, interest in Kivu has grown with the discovery of uranium and coltan, a rare metal much appreciated by industrialists for its resistance to corrosion.</div>
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A.C.: Are the mineral riches of Kivu being exploited by Congo?</div>
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J.H.: Absolutely not. You just have to ask yourself who is interested in this extraordinary mineral potential. Certainly, there is little Rwanda, with Kagame in charge: the pupil of Museveni who is trying to outdo his master. But I can see that behind this downstage player is the upstage shadow of the US, the UK and, I believe, also Israel. These three powers, I learned while on the ground there, have a very clear vision of the possibilities of this region and of the stakes in making this war, which is for the control of the primary resources there.</div>
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A.C.: Do you have any evidence for this?<br />
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J.H.: Museveni’s Uganda is a totalitarian regime. You also see the US working to build an alliance between Kampala and Kigali, between Museveni and Kagame. For example, after Kagame’s victory in Rwanda, it was the US Army Corps of Engineers that built the highway between these two capitals. Washington also supplied the armored M113s and other military equipment to the victorious Tutsi army. [nb--A huge number of M113 Armored Personnel Carrier variants have been created, ranging from infantry carriers to nuclear missile carriers.]</div>
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A.C.: Were you a witness to precisely any of these facts?<br />
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J.H.: One incident especially struck me. When I was in charge of the southern part of Turquoise, in the southeast of Rwanda, one beautiful day I watched an unmarked American C130 land. A Jeep Cherokee rolled out of it with an American Army Rangers Lt.-Col. on board. He said his name was James Babbit, if memory serves, and worked as the Defense attaché at the American Embassy in Brazzaville, in Congo. He spoke our language [French] like you and me. He said to me:</div>
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“I am assigned as a liaison officer to your tactical Chief of Staff.”</div>
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“Liaison Officer, but with whom?” I responded. “Are there any American troops on the ground here?”</div>
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I told my boss, General Lafourcade, who commanded the operation.</div>
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“Yes, the orders came from the top,” he told me. “You stay close to him and be careful.”</div>
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In fact, this strange liaison officer didn’t stop getting information, acting like a spy at the center of our general staff. That became very annoying. I couldn’t get a written message to General Fourcade without his being around it. I had to ask him to keep his distance. Irritated, I wrote on a box of combat rations: “Forbidden to unauthorized persons” and I stuck the note up at the entrance to the part of the HQ used for transmissions.</div>
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Mad as hell, he asked me: “Who is this notice intended for?”</div>
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Looking him straight in the eyes, I replied: “Who speaks English around here?”</div>
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He grumbled that it was not very friendly.<br />
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I shot back: “What’s really not very friendly is the manner in which you’re acting.”</div>
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A.C.: How did this affair end up?<br />
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J.H.:Two days after this incident, I was awakened in the middle of the night by a sergeant of the 2nd Foreign Infantry Regiment on watch at the HQ. He had discovered the American liaison officer going through my desk. As a precaution, I kept all important documents with me in a brief case. He wasn’t going to find much! Nevertheless, I asked him what he was doing in there. He said he couldn’t sleep, and that he was “just looking for some magazines to amuse himself with.” This incident allowed me to get him moved out of there the next morning. It struck me, because some friends of the special operations commander’s had warned me: “With the Tutsis, there are always some US or British Special Forces.” I made the connection.</div>
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A.C.: How did this American officer work and, above all, with whom was he in liaison?</div>
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J.H.: He was all over the radio equipment and obviously in contact with Kigali, where the Staff Offices of the UNAMIR and its chief, General Dallaire, were located. But, Dallaire, as is well known to the public, worked very closely with Kagame. Logically, he was also in liaison with elements of the American forces present throughout the region. The real question is what were these American forces doing there and who was directing them on the ground? If you consider all these little indictations, you can see that what has been happening in Kivu since last August is just a continuation of the American offensive in the region to which I was a witness in 1994. It’s really like a Russian doll. In Kivu, you have Nkunda, a Congolese Tutsi and a puppet of Kagame, the president of Rwanda. Above them, pulling the strings, you have Museveni, the Ugandan and his tribe, the Himas of Ankole, cousins of the Rwandan Tutsis. One floor up are the US and Great Britain. In their immediate perimeter there is Israel, which is very interested in the region. You know, too, that Tony Blair, the former British Prime Minister, has recently become an official adviser to Paul Kagame. This is not by chance. If you have the opportunity, read the excellent novel, “The Mission Song,” by John Le Carré. This sympathetic writer, despite coming out of Her Majesty’s Secret Service, describes exactly, in this book which came out in 2006, what is going on in Kivu today. This is not from some kind of premonition, but because of a real understanding of the situation on the ground.</div>
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A.C.: Many people believe that the election of Barack Obama is going to change American policies. Do you think that will be the case in Africa, in the Great Lakes region?</div>
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J.H.: I think after we get past the Obamania, we will discover that Obama is an American who defends American interests, above all and without scruple, whatever might be the finer qualities of the individual himself. Anecdotally, it is interesting to note that President Obama’s father was a Kenyan Luo, a Nilotic East African tribe relatively close to the Tutsis. On the other hand, Hillary Clinton, the new Secretary of State, is still the wife of Bill Clinton, who, as President, actively supported Museveni. I don’t think that things are going to stop, but, on the contrary, that they are just getting started. The Clinton Administration is back!</div>
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A.C.: Do you have any tangible evidence of an Israeli intervention in this conflict?</div>
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J.H.: Nothing tangible, but the presence of Israelis is prominent. They have military advisers with the Ugandan and Rwandan Armies. They express a remarkable determination to install themselves in the Francophone zone, in the Central African Republic, for example.</div>
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A.C.: And in Côte d’Ivoire [Ivory Coast] . . .<br />
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J.H.: You’re right to mention Côte d’Ivoire. They have installed themselves there and not for any philanthropic reasons.</div>
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A.C.: Along these lines, you know that Nkunda, the Tutsi from Kivu, is a convert to evangelism. He is what is called a “born again.” He says he has converted his men to this version of Christian fundamentalism. He wears an insignia on his uniform which carries the inscription, in English: “Rebels for Christ.”</div>
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J.H.: Yes, that doesn’t surprise me and it typifies the problem posed by these Christian sects that originate in America. They are very active in Central Africa and in Western Africa, like in Ivory Côte d’Ivoire, where Laurent Gbagbo and, especially, his wife, Simone, are themselves converts to this movement. I see in this form or evangelism a vector for American penetration to take control of Africa, more specifically, of Francophone Africa. Returning to Rwanda, under the Habyarimana government, a minority faction of Hutus, very active, formed the opposition. They are now called “moderate Hutus” and they accompanied the Tutsis on their rise to power. But, many of them belonged to these Protestant churches close to evangelism. I don’t think that this is a coincidence. Also, the RPF assassinated a significant number of Rwandan Catholic bishops, expressing a hatred for Rome that was impossible to hide. This caused about forty Rwandans close to Kagame and Kagame, himself, to be investigated by a Spanish Judge and named on international arrest warrants for assassinations committed, in particular, against Spanish churchmen. We can easily see how the Catholic church interfered with Kagame’s bigger plans.</div>
<br />
<br />
A.C.: When did you leave Rwanda?<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: I only stayed 60 days during the summer of 1994. That’s all in the title of the little book I wrote on the subject.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: We watched France try to bring peace to Rwanda by supporting the Arusha Accords. So, why is Kagame making all these accusations of genocide against France?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: In my opinion, the Franco-Rwandan feud is principally the result of the hatred engendered against our country by one man, the current Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame. When he was the leader of the RPF and the chief of the rebellion, he came to France, in 1992 or 1993, to meet with political leaders. Paul Dijoud, the director of the Africa desk at the Quai d’Orsay, called attention to this meeting at the Hilton Hotel on the Avenue Suffren in Paris. Kagame was accused of carrying illegal arms. He spent 48 hours in custody, and was questioned by the French police in a manner judged to be less than diplomatically correct. Humiliated, Kagame has obviously hung onto this bad memory. Recently, he related the story to President Sarkozy when the two met at the UN General Assemby in New York last October.</div>
<br />
<br />
A.C.: Aren’t there also reasons of a strategic nature?<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Some strategic reason, perhaps. But I believe that, first and foremost, the French interfered with Kagame on his way to seizing power. Apparently, he played along with the Arusha negotiations in 1994, but this kind of political discussion was not at all this style. He could not bring himself to play second fiddle in a Rwanda reconciled and at peace. He wanted absolute power, and he has made that very clear today.</div>
<br />
<br />
A.C.: The war had to continue . . .<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Yes, in his eyes, the war had to continue. It was out of the question for him to accept a role in the opposition. He knew he could not gain power through elections, him being a Tutsi in a country that is 85% Hutu. He needed an event to trigger the renewal of hostilities that would allow him to change the direction of history. That’s why he ordered the assassination of President Habyarimana, his predecessor. He knew very well that it would provoke a cataclysm.</div>
<br />
<br />
A.C.: Leading to a genocide of his own ethnic group, you believe?<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: I don’t know if his plan, if his cynicism, went that far. He did know, however, that this event had a high symbolic value and would trigger widespread massacres that would, in turn, legitimate his intervention, the return of the war, his seizure of power and his long-term installation as head of the country, without the international community being able to raise a single objection. His legitimacy was cinched when he presented himself as the one who put an end to the abomination of the massacres, but also as a member of the victim ethnic group. At the same time, in this very cynical way, he was able to get rid of the Tutsis from inside Rwanda, those Tutsis he mistrusted because the had stayed in Rwanda after 1961 and lived under majority Hutu rule. To him, these unfortunate brothers from inside the country were just renegades and traitors to the cause of Tutsi greatness! Kagame is, at once, a strategist, which he has well demonstrated, and a cynic, of which there can no longer be any doubt.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: Allow me to find that a little fantastic: we have a military leader using the genocide of his own people, in full view of the international community, to extend his power and influence with the support of the Anglo-Saxons, the Americans and the British united. For that, he reignites the war and stokes its murderous fires because the end of hostilities would mark the end of the expansion of his power and territory. That seems a lot like something else . . .</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Yes, that does very much resemble something else. In fact, it is quite a well-known and simple scheme.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: A condition putting in place a propaganda campaign meant to . . .</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Yes, a condition that would bring about good propaganda, that he had the intelligence to create.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: All this so he could drive his foot soldiers toward Zaire . . .</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Yes, this plot, intended to establish a ‘Tutsi Empire,’ is not just a dream, but also a reality that is still taking shape.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: What are the accusations being made against you?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: The Mucyo Commission, ordered by the Rwandan authorities, is supposed to have established proof of crimes allegedly committed by the French in Rwanda in the course of the genocide of 1994. Some members of this commission came secretly to France in 2007. Strangely, they never sought to contact us, neither me, nor most of the other people charged. The report issued by this commission is accompanied by a communiqué from the Rwandan Attorney General. To it is attached a list of 33 names of French personalities, “those most implicated in the Rwandan genocide,” to use their words. Besides 20 military officers, there are 13 civilians, including François Mitterand, ex-Prime Ministers Edouard Balladur, Alain Juppé, Dominique de Villepin, and several French ambassadors. My name appears among those of the 20 accused officers. What’s funny is, as you know, I didn’t get there with the French troops until the end of the genocide, on a UN mandate, and only to put a stop to the killing. Before that I had never set foot in Rwanda.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: Why did the Rwandan authorities get themselves all off into such a fantastic set up?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: It’s a political deal, a kind of tit for tat after the accusations made by Judge Bruguière against people close to Kagame in his report on the investigation of the assassination of President Habyarimana. This report provoked the breaking off of diplomatic relations between Rwanda and France two year ago. It issued nine international arrest warrants. A tenth could not be issued because it was intended for Kagame, himself, and, as a sitting head of state, he has immunity. The nine people accused are implicated in the terrorist attack that cost the life of the Rwandan President, his Burundian counterpart, their entourages, as well as the French flight crew of the Falcon 50 presidential jet.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: It really was a terrorist act, and not just an act of war, because the assassination of President Habyarimana, of his Burundian opposite number and their companions, took place after the signing of the Arusha Accords. Besides, if my memory serves, the RPF, Kagame’s party, had gained representation inside the Rwandan political structure . . .</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Exactly right. As prescribed by the accords that had just been signed, a battalion of the RPF was installed in Kigali, at the CND, the site of the former Parliament. Kagame took advantage of this to introduce the surface-to-air SAM 17 missiles that his commandos would use to carry out the attack. Judge Bruguière is not the only one to know this. Michael Hourigan, assistant prosecutor at the ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda), an Australian, had already reported it. He was dismissed from his functions at the ICTR for it. Kagame could not forgive France for proclaiming loud and clear a truth that greatly embarrassed him.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: How did the French authorities react to these accusations against their political leaders and military officers?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: I took part in two meetings a the Élysée, a few months ago. It should be first acknowledged that Kagame’s principal objective is to obtain the withdrawal of the Bruguière report and the quashing of the arrest warrants issued against his close collaborators. He is on his way to getting this done by promising in exchange to forget all about the Mucyo Commission Report: a compilation of false accusations and horrors, of gratuitous murders, of acts of torture, and of sordid rapes. The rapes hold an important place in the report. To answer your question, we, the officers charged, have asked the President of the French Republic, Chief of the Army, to clearly condemn this document. We were assured that President Sarkozy would do it publicly at the beginning of November. It’s the beginning of December now and nothing has come out yet.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: Is this why you have decided to speak to the press?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: Not entirely. We have witnessed a rapid and unexpected rekindling of French-Rwandan diplomatic relations at the instigation of Bernard Kouchner. It must be recognized that our Foreign Minister is an old friend of Kagame’s. He met him in the maquis in 1992. I think that a certain Third World sensibility plays an important part in the fascination that the military chief Kagame holds for him. I can see it because the man has charisma. Whatever else, though it may seem incredible, Kagame is Kouchner’s friend. Kouchner, who defends Human Rights, has closed his eyes to the exactions being committed in Rwanda today.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: How do you explain the arrest of Rose Kabuyé, implicated in the assassination of President Habyarimana, according to the Bruguière report?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: We are in the middle of a thoroughly staged operation. Lt.-Col. Rose Kabuye currently holds the position of Kagame’s chief of protocol. She was sent to Europe on a mission, with full knowledge of its purpose. The Germans had warned her that coming to their country on private business, without diplomatic cover, would oblige them to arrest her on the international warrant that had been issued in her name. After more than a month of round trips to the Old Continent, she was stopped at the Frankfurt airport last November 9th [2008]. She was extradited to France but not jailed, as should have been expected, but held in a large Paris hotel, then in a very comfortable apartment! She even had a visit from her husband and children, and, seemingly to avoid a growing scandal, was quickly authorized to return to Rwanda to celebrate the Christmas holidays! I don’t have the slightest doubt that Bernard Kouchner intervened to get her this favorable treatment[2]. Proof of the arrangement is that she was traveling on a normal passport and not a diplomatic passport, which would have protected her from arrest.</div>
<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
A.C.: How did Kouchner manage to maintain credibility considering his relations to Kagame and his avowed friendship with François Mitterand, when the former French president is, himself, charged in the Rwandan [Mucyo] report?</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
J.H.: I can’t answer that, but we must not tolerate these accusations against the French State. I am not a fierce defender of François Mitterand, but I know that he was never a cause of the genocide.</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
He said: “I am going to rein in my friend Habyarimana to create more democracy, and we will come to an arrangement for peace and civil accord.”</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
This seems to me to be based on fundamentally good intentions. To accuse him today of having contributed to the planning of a genocide is indecent. I really wish the French authorities had the courage to take a clear position vis-à-vis the Rwandan government and its leader, to reject these abominable charges and let Justice do its job. We hear a lot about independent Justice, but it’s now or never if we’re going to make our actions conform to our principles. Don’t forget that the crew of President Habyarimana’s Falcon 50 were French. Their families, who filed a legitimate complaint with the court, should be able to see Justice done! I don’t think we have the right to deny them this, even under the pretext of international diplomacy.</div>
<br />
<br />
Notes:<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
[1] Rwandan Patriotic Front, the Tutsi rebel party of Paul Kagame.</div>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
[2] On 23 December 2008, Rose Kabuye was authorized to leave French territory so she could return to Rwanda to celebrate the holidays. According to her lawyer, she was ordered to return to France no later than 10 January (2009). This is extraordinary leniency toward someone charged with multiple murders.</div>
<br />
<br />
[Translated from the French by CM/P]<br />
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<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2007_12_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">December 2007</span></a></li>
<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2008_01_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">January 2008</span></a></li>
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<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2008_04_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">April 2008</span></a></li>
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<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2008_08_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">August 2008</span></a></li>
<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2008_09_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">September 2008</span></a></li>
<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2008_11_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">November 2008</span></a></li>
<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2009_02_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">February 2009</span></a></li>
<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2009_04_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">April 2009</span></a></li>
<li style="line-height: 1.5em; margin: 0px; padding: 0px 0px 0.25em 15px; text-indent: -15px;"><a href="http://cirqueminime.blogspot.com/2009_05_01_archive.html" style="text-decoration: none;"><span style="color: black;">May 2009</span></a></li>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-19805523988045670122017-01-07T10:06:00.001-08:002017-01-07T10:07:45.785-08:00Simonovic & Chief Seattle--Who'll pay for the Wall?<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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Duci Simonovic Chief Seattle </div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-no-proof: yes;">[These are the words of the great tribal leader of The Suquamish, Chief Seattle, excerpted from Dr. Simonovic's work, <i>Mind and Philosophy</i>, part of his critique of Heidegger. It has been my great privilege and pleasure to proofread some of Simonovic's growingly influential writings. And though these words are from the 19th century Native American philosopher, they vividly reflect the spirit of my dear Serbian comrade and resonate strongly, even painfully, with the despair of an over-Trumped U.S.A, a country on which Private Capital has long since foreclosed. --cm]</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-no-proof: yes;">“</span><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">How can you buy or sell the sky, the
warmth of the land? The idea is strange to us. If we do not own the freshness
of the air and the sparkle of the water, how can you buy them?<span style="color: white;"> </span>Every part of this earth is sacred to my people.
Every shining pine needle, every sandy shore, every mist in the dark woods, is
holy in the memory and experience of my people. The sap, which courses through
the trees carries the memories of the red man. The white man's dead forget the
country of their birth when they go to walk among the stars. Our dead never
forget this beautiful earth, for it is the mother of the red man. (....) We are
part of the earth and it is part of us. The perfumed grasses are our sisters;
the deer, the horse, the great eagle, these are our brothers. The rocky crests,
the juices in the meadows, the body heat of the pony, and man --- all belong to
the same family (...) <span style="color: black;">We know that the white man does
not understand our ways. One portion of land is the same to him as the next,
for he is a stranger who comes in the night and takes from the land whatever he
needs. The earth is not his brother, but his enemy, and when he has conquered
it, he moves on. He leaves his father's grave behind, and he does not care. He
kidnaps the earth from his children, and he does not care. His father's grave,
and his children's birthright are forgotten. He treats his mother, the earth,
and his brother, the sky, as things to be bought, plundered, sold like sheep or
bright beads. His appetite will devour the earth and leave behind only a
desert. (...)The air is precious to the red man for all things share the same
breath, the beast, the tree, the man, they all share the same breath. The white
man does not seem to notice the air he breathes. Like a man dying for many days
he is numb to the stench.(...) You must teach your children </span><span style="color: #70ad47; mso-themecolor: accent6;">w</span><span style="color: black;">hat
we have taught our children that the earth is our mother. Whatever befalls the
earth befalls the sons of earth. If men spit upon the ground, they spit upon
themselves. For whatever happens to the beasts, soon happens to man. (...). The
earth does not belong to man; man belongs to the earth. This we know. All
things are connected like the blood, which unites one family.</span></span><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></span><i><u><span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">All things are connected.</span></u></i><span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Man did not weave the
web of life; he is merely a strand in it. Whatever he does to the web, he does
to himself. Even the White Man, whose God walked and talked with him as friend
to friend, cannot be exempt from the common destiny. (....) The end of living and
the beginning of survival...”<b><i> </i></b><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-11323222145480577662016-09-26T15:05:00.000-07:002016-09-26T15:05:29.075-07:00The Balkans: A Controlled Demolition -- Chapt 7<div style="text-align: center;">
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[This is an excerpt, chapter seven, from Gilles and Alexis Troude's <i>Balkans: un Éclatement programmé. </i>The book came out in 2011 and an epilogue will be appended to the recently translated CM/P version to bring it up to date. But the geopolitical forces in play in this crucial region, this military borderland, this Krajina or Ukraine, shine a particularly vivid light on the events of this election season. </div>
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If one wonders how the U.S. could have come to such an abdication of moral authority as is presented in this presidential contest between Hillary Clinton, one of the driving forces in glossing over the destruction of Yugoslavia as a victory for Humanitarianism, and Donald Trump, a 'know-nothing' stooge for the very Private Capital that bought up then sold off the territories of the old Soviet Union: this book's description of the controlled demolition of the Balkans--like the twin towers of the WTC--will whet the appetite for information while stoking the anger over the West's craven betrayal of History. </div>
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Watch this space for further chapters. --mc]</div>
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<u><b>Chapter VII</b></u></div>
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American, Russian & European Géostrategies</div>
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in the Balkans since 1991 </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>All the recent history of the Balkans shows that U.S. géostrategy has for some time aimed not only at projecting influence toward the eastern Mediterranean (with the presence of the U.S. 7th Fleet), but also that the destruction of Yugoslavia was part of a far-ranging program. In his oft touted 1997 book “The Great Chessboard,” Polish/American Zbigniew Brzezinski coldly admits his adopted country’s plans in Eurasia. With an eye toward perpetuating its role as the master of the world, the U.S.A. must see to the breaking up of Russia into three parts: European, Asian and Central, with a corridor joining them opened up through the Balkan peninsula, the Caucasus and Turkestan. The oil from the Caspian Sea would come straight to the West thanks to two new pipelines: one across the Caucasus and Turkey, and the other cutting through the Balkans by way of Bulgaria, Macedonia, Kosovo, and Albania, and ending up in the Adriatic. It is not a coincidence that only a few weeks after the NATO terror-bombing of Yugoslavia began, a cynical Brzezinski wrote: “What is at stake here is infinitely more important than the future of Kosovo.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>An American writer well-informed on these matters has stated that since 1992, President George H.W. Bush, threatened Yugoslavia with military intervention if its civil war ever spread into Kosovo and that, from 1997, secret plans for the bombing of Serbia and Montenegro were developed. A high-ranking French military official visiting an American aircraft carrier two years before the bombing confirmed this point. The Humanitarian argument was only a pretext for the highly strategic operation that was the 1999 NATO intervention.</div>
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1 - Russia returns to the stage in the Balkans</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But there is one thing the Americans’ strategy did not anticipate: the return of Russia to the International stage, fifteen years after the breakup of the USSR. Faced with this deliberately aggressive U.S. strategy, Russia’s ‘tag-team’ leadership of United Russia’s Putin and Medvedev clearly set out its foreign policy in 2008. The five principles of this program were to be: Defense of International Law, the creation of a multi-polar world, a policy of “neither confrontation nor isolation,” the defense of the rights of Russian citizens, wherever they may be (e.g., the Baltic countries), and finally the protection of the “regions of most-favored interests” (e.g., Serbia).</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Russian State began to apply this géostrategy of counter-attack in three stages:</div>
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1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The inviolability of the Russian Federation, which indicated that Russia would never tolerate a foreign intervention into Federation territory (e.g., the retaking of Chechnya, which only exists in its current state because of statements made by the U.S. State Dept.).</div>
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2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Defense of the “Near Abroad,” typical Russian strategic terminology for most of the Republics of the former U.S.S.R. now independent (e.g., Ukraine, Byelorussia, the Caucasus, Central Asia). The Baltic States are not included here because they have become part of the West (the Baltics are close to Scandinavia and predominantly of Protestant or Catholic religion). From this perspective, the Russian Federation has created the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), realigning Russia, Byelorussia, Moldovia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.<br />
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Medvedev & Putin of United Russia Party</div>
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This second phase of the defense of the “Near Abroad” seems to have begun in August 2008 with the very quick Russian response to Georgia’s armed assault on the Russian-speaking populations of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, followed by the declaration of independence of the two regions. On 1 September 2008, then-Russian president Dmitri Medvedev explained very clearly this idea of a buffer-zone in the Caucasus, Central Asia and the Slavic bloc in Europe: “We will defend our interests outside our borders; to each attack on these borders, we will respond.”</div>
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3.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Penetration into Europe along the energy corridors with gas pipelines like “North Stream” under the Baltic Sea supplying Germany and Northern Europe, and “South Stream” traversing the Balkans (Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, Croatia, Slovenia) and destined for Austria and Italy, with the Italian firm ENI being responsible for 50% of the construction.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>On 21 January 2008, during his last trip abroad at the end of his first, constitutionally-limited two-term (eight-year) tour as Chief of State, Vladimir Putin gained the agreement of Bulgaria for routing the future 2,500 km-long gas pipeline “South Stream” that would connect Russia with southern Europe in 2015, passing under the Black Sea. Its construction required an investment of €10 billion to bring in 10 billion square meters of natural gas per year for openers.</div>
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4.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>A “third circle”—to borrow an expression from Soljenytsin—of renewed Russian power effected the Orthodox Slav countries of the Balkans: Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, as well as the non-Slav countries: Romania, Greece, Cyprus. Although not part of the “near abroad,” these countries could become most-favored nations in the international plan, but without Russia having to use its troops. According to Medvedev, these States like Serbia, hold “traditional friendly relations and these relations were particularly historical” with Russia.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>It is in this spirit that Russian support of Serbia in November 2008, at the time when Serbia was appealing to the International Court of Justice in The Hague to refuse the self-declared independence of Kosovo, could be considered a great diplomatic victory. A majority of the member States of the United Nations General Assembly agreed that Serbia should take its case to the ICJ. Moreover, President Medvedev affirmed on 1 September 2008 that “Russia considered Serbia a favored nation.” After Kosovo’s declaration of independence on 18 February 2008, the CIF held a limited summit meeting where an eventual Russian military intervention was debated. The one thousand Russian soldiers in the KFOR battalion would be redeployed to the North of Kosovo, into Mitrovica where they would protect the Serb minority; but this option was finally not retained because Serbia was not considered part of the “Near Abroad” according to the Russian strategists, and the borders of the Russian Federation were not directly threatened. In fact, the Russians considered the current Serbian government to be “Pro-Western” and were not prepared to support it beyond the question of Kosovo.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Indeed, Russia decided to give its full support to Serbia in its judicial struggle to refuse recognition of Kosovo independence for two reasons:</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>a/ This self-proclaimed declaration of independence created a precedent that could lead to redrawing the boundaries of Europe as well as several countries around the world. Contrary to the Helsinki Accords that called for inviolable borders in Europe and the principle of non-intervention into sovereign States, this dangerous precedent was rejected by Spain (because of the Basques territories), by Romania and Slovakia (because of their Hungarian minorities) and by Cypress (whose northern half is illegally occupied by Turkey). Outside of Europe, China vigorously supported this position because of Tibet and Taiwan, as did most of the Arab (Egypt, Algeria) and African (Nigeria) countries.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>b/ Kosovo’s declaration of independence is considered by Moscow to be contrary to the “fundamental national interests of Russia.” It actually encourages secessionism in the Muslim Republics of the Russian Federation (Tartarstan, Chechnya, etc.).</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>As a sort of conclusion, it should be noted that the dangerous game played by the U.S. in Europe for geostrategic advantages (protection of the “European Corridors,” and access to oil and gas from the Caspian Sea) were described with rare foresight by the last president of the USSR Mikhail Gorbatchev—to whom the world should be infinitely grateful for bringing down the Berlin wall without a bloodbath—in an interview on 15 May 2009 with the “Daily Telegraph”:</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>“The Americans promised that NATO would not be extended beyond the German borders after the end of the Cold War. The Result: Half the States of Central and Eastern Europe <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>are now members of the Atlantic Alliance, which shows very well what becomes of these <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>promises. That proves that they cannot be trusted. (. . .) We spent ten years, after the end <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>of the Cold War, trying to build a New World Order. Those ten years were wasted, <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>without any result.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In response to statements from the U.S. Secretary of Defense, who referred to the threat posed by “the general developments in China and Russia,” the former Soviet president said:</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>“The problem is not Russia. Russia does not have enemies, and has no intention of <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>getting into a war against the United States or anyone else. It sometimes seems that <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Washington would like to go to war against the whole world.” </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Mr. Gorbatchev went on to describe the proposed deployment of elements of a missile shield in Eastern Europe (Poland and Romania) as “a dangerous move that resumes the arms race at heretofore unknown levels.” It is only in a very wide-angle view, it seems to us, that the pressures the Americans are applying for the quick recognition of the self-proclaimed independence of the “NATO-State” Kosovo can be explained.</div>
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2—The American Empire spreads into the Balkans by allying itself with Islamic Fundamentalism.<br />
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The American strategy in the Balkans was laid out more than twenty years ago. It is public knowledge that in a 1988 report the CIA anticipated the explosion of Yugoslavia. In 1989, well before either Poland or Hungary, this country signed a pre-membership agreement with the EEC, so it would be well-placed for integration into the Western system. Moreover, its program of self-management left a good deal of room for private initiative, as demonstrated in 1990 when Yugoslavia ranked third in Europe behind France and Spain, but ahead of Italy and Germany, in hotel capacity. Finally, the Yugoslav Army, founded on the idea of a decentralized territorial defense, was the premier army in Southeastern Europe.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>This middling power had to be broken. The United States, and the West which rode its coattails, needed to destroy this model that, after the dissolution of the Soviet bloc, represented a sort of third-way. This model, neither liberal nor communist, mixing capitalist efficiency with social progress, presented an attractive ideal and called into question both systems of the two Great Powers. The Russians were also interested in getting rid of the old leader of the Non-Aligned Movement that they had greatly distrusted. In the early 1990s, Russian generals remembered that, after the 1948 break-up between Tito and Stalin, the Yugoslavs refused the occasional Russian military exchange and even began to develop their territorial defenses with the expectation of an attack from the Red Army. Despite repeated calls from Milosevic to Yeltsin at the time of the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia, the Russian generals chose to get back at the presumptuous Yugoslavs by not rendering aid to General Veljeko Kadijevic, the Yugoslav Minister of Defense and Chief of Staff of the Yugoslav Army (1988 to 1992).</div>
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Croatia</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But beginning in 1992, while Russia was struggling through the ravages of its own economic transition, Bill Clinton and his foreign policy team developed a strategy for gradually imposing its imperialist logic on Yugoslavia, and breaking up, one piece at a time, this nation of 24 million people, the largest country in the Balkans. The Democrat’s administration led by Bill Clinton was at first hesitant to become involved in the Yugoslav conflicts, but very quickly it chose its side. In Croatia, under the heavy influence of the Croatian lobby in the US Congress made up predominantly of pro-Ustashi exiles from WWII, influential political leaders and intellectuals had been working for more than 30 years to develop a Croatian national program around the idea of a Croatian state: an idea that contravened the Yugoslav constitution strongly supported by the Serbs. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>From 1993, the Americans surreptitiously armed the Croatian Army through the port at Split. Then in 1995, the actions of US Private Military Contractor (e.g., MPRI), working over a two-year period to train and finance the Croats, allowed them to defeat the Serb militias while massively displacing Serb civilians from the Krajina in two military campaigns: Operation Hurricane in May, then Operation Storm in August. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But these two operations, led by retired U.S. military personnel [i.e., mercenaries] from the American military/industrial complex, provoked a good deal of what the official media had already misnamed “collateral damage”: the success of Operation Storm was measured in the killing of several hundred civilians as they fled along the roads and the irrevocable displacement of 230,000 Serbs in that summer of 1995*.</div>
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* Often cited in International Courts as the largest incident of ‘ethnic cleansing’ during the entire Balkans conflict. [See, Johnstone, Diana, Fools’ Crusade: Yugoslavia, NATO, and Western Delusions, 2003—cm/p]</div>
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Bosnia-Herzegovina</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>When the war broke out in Bosnia in April 1992, the US did not have a plan at first and hesitated as to just what tactics to adopt. But ever pragmatic, they took advantage of this conflict in the heart of Europe to advance their imperial march toward Russia and the Muslim world. Bill Clinton chose the Muslim side for three reasons. At this moment of a resurgent Intifada in Palestine, the Americans wanted to show the whole Muslim world that they could also take the side of a so-called “Islamic Liberation” movement: Bosnia served to realign US foreign policy in favor of the Muslim world. By sending military support to Bosnian President Izetbegovic and the Bosnian Muslim Army through Zagreb, Clinton wanted to back the weaker force against the Serbs, who at that time held an advantage in troop-strength and territory. Finally, the US had found its niche in this new Cold War that had just sprung into existence: By directly supporting a second Muslim state in the Balkans, it both weakened Europe and fired a warning shot across Russia’s front porch.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Driving around the international arms embargo it have found so desirable just two years before, the Clinton administration began arming the Bosnian Muslim in 1994: this was Bosnia-gate. In a gambit that marked the height of American utilitarianism in the mid-1990s, the three national leaders involved in the Bosnian conflict, Franjo Tudjman of Croatia, Iljza Izetbegovic, the Bosnian Muslim president, and Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia (who was standing in for Bosnian Serb president Radovan Karadzic, then under threat of a war crimes indictment from NATO and the UN.), were summoned in November 1995 to Wright-Patterson Air Force Base near Dayton, Ohio, to negotiate separately a peace deal that carried minimal diplomatic authority. But that was not all. Through the private contractors of Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI), the US, in its struggle against the “barbarian Serbs”, facilitated the arrival of jihadis onto Bosnian soil. But the real purpose was not to fight “Serbian barbarism”, but to stake out a permanent presence in the heart of the Balkans. From 1996, the program “Equip and Train”, run directly out of the Pentagon, handed off the tidy sum of $400 million to the Army of Bosnia-Herzegovina: in the space of one year no fewer than 5000 Bosnian soldiers were trained by 200 American special advisors.113</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Yet the American policy of supporting the Muslims in the Balkans was carried out simultaneously on two fronts in accordance with the principles of “small is beautiful”, by which the Bosnian Muslims would be sacrificed to the Serb ogres, and of “the Fight for Freedom”, which would see the plucky little Albanians throw off the horrible yoke of Serbian communism. But we now know that these two principles, in which Americans sincerely believe, are false. The Center for Historical Documentation in Sarajevo, after ten years of scrupulous investigation, has shown that 102,622 Bosnian citizens were killed during the civil war in Bosnia. This death toll breaks down proportionally to the demographics of each of the peoples before the war: 69.9% Bosnian Muslims and Croats (who made up 68% of the population in 1991), and 30.1% Serbs (32%) lost their lives between 1992 and 1995 in Bosnia-Herzegovina.114</div>
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Kosovo</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In 1997 the US State Department decided to arm the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA or UCK in Albanian). However, this ultra-violent Maoist group, founded in 1993 with support from the Albanian diaspora in Europe, was fighting for the very antithesis of the American ideal of Democracy. They began in 1995 planting numerous bombs in Serbia and at one time were even placed on the CIA list of terrorist organizations. But no matter, because already by the end of the 1990s they were well on their way to achieving their goals of quashing any resurgence of Russian influence while impeding all European defense construction in the region. In 1998 the KLA, working from rear-guard bases in Albania, began to intensify armed violence where they felt the struggle was going against them: as the Balkans specialist Christopher Chiclet described it, “this was when the US decided to use the KLA to get rid of Milosevic.”115 </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>During the NATO bombing in the spring of 1999, the KLA infiltrated the entire territory of Kosovo using the KFOR as cover and did not miss a chance to murder certain moderate Albanian leaders.116 </div>
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The American Takeover of Kosovo</div>
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Working in parallel with systems set up for Kosovo by the UN and NATO, the Americans tried to control the situation on the ground there. Bearing this out is that between 1999 and 2009:</div>
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— The Chief of Staff of NATO forces, himself under the direct control of NATO’s Southeast command, was always, from 1999 on, an American general.</div>
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— The second in command of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), between 1999 and 2009, was always an American.<br />
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— The US diplomatic mission to Pristina in 2004 was made up of more than 80 people, while, for example, at the same time, the French liaison office had only a staff of 4.</div>
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— The US base at Camp Bondsteel, built in 1999, is the largest American military outpost in Southeastern Europe (7,000 personnel). It is at the heart of a Balkan/Middle Eastern strategy that includes no fewer than 4 bases in Rumania and 2 in Bulgaria.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>A high-ranking French official in the UN administration explained to us the intricacies of the American presence in Kosovo. The US emissaries pay special attention to having the last word on all the important decisions made by UNMIK. In Kosovo-Albanian municipalities, American advisors are very careful to maintain good relations with Albanian-speaking mayors and, through US agencies like USAID, have indirectly seeded a great deal of financial assistance to these towns over the last ten years; these are often second-tier economic projects, like libraries or thermal baths, but very effective for maintaining the loyalty of the towns’ elected officials. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>As a final example of the American takeover of the state of Kosovo, consider the police. In 1999 the Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) was created. It was made up of many ex-KLA fighters who had been turned into “peace officers.” While financed by the European Union, the KPC was from its beginning organized and instructed by the American private military contractor Military Professional Resources Inc. (MPRI). The Americans trained the KPC recruits in such a way as to turn them into a real military force, while it was supposed to be an agency for civilian peace-keeping.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The US controls Kosovo’s police agencies without even having to refer to the UNMIK. So on 17 February 2001, near the village of Livadice, some Albanian terrorists blew up a “Nis Ekspress” bus killing 11 Serbs—two of them children—and wounding 40. Though after an inquiry a few suspects were arrested, all were released but one, Florim Ejoui, who was known to have direct connections with Albanian organized crime as well as with old KLA circles. Ejoui was transferred for “reasons of security” to the American base at Camp Bondsteel, from whence his escape was arranged a few days later. But the escape was organized by the US Army without ever asking for any authorization from the UNMIK. On 29 July 2001, the London Sunday Times explained that some UN informants suspected Florim Ejoui of working for the CIA, and that his trial would have proven very embarrassing to his employers. This is just another example of how the actions of the CIA, like the entire organization of Camp Bondsteel, are completely outside the control of the High Representative of the UNMIK.117</div>
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HAITI/MACEDONIA/KOSOVO: SAME SUPPORT FOR SEPARATISTS</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But the system set up by the American government in Kosovo was to be a model for future territorial break-ups around the world, all planned by the American government. We can see that the highest American officials in Kosovo were later sent out to destabilize other countries far from the Balkans. The best example is Philip S. Goldberg, recently named ambassador to Bolivia. During the 1990s, Goldberg was an important player in the break-up of Yugoslavia. From 1994 to 1996 he was head of the US State Department’s Bosnia office. He worked closely with Washington’s Special Envoy, Richard Holbrooke, and played a fundamental role as the Secretary General of the Negotiations Committee for the US at Dayton, negotiations that led to the signing of the 1995 Dayton Accords, the agreement that brought about the division of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In 1996, Goldberg worked as a Special Assistant to Under-Secretary of State Strobe Talbot (1994-2000), who, in collaboration with then Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, contributed decisively to launching the war against Yugoslavia in 1999. In Kosovo, Goldberg worked as US Mission Chief in Pristina (2004-2006) and maintained constant relations with the paramilitary KLA (Kosovo Liberation Army), whose leaders now head the government of Kosovo and were known to have close ties with organized crime, especially narcotics trafficking. In Kosovo, Goldberg contributed to preparing it for separation from Serbia, leading to the establishment of an “independent” Kosovo government.118</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But this was not the first time the “Kosovo model”, that is to say, supporting separatist movements, was applied in Latin America. Goldberg was appointed American Ambassador to Bolivia in 2007, at the very moment when, as if by chance, a strong independence movement broke out in Santa Cruz, that region with the greatest mineral riches in Bolivia; there he applied the lessons learned in Bosnia and Kosovo, the indirect appropriation of natural resource by separatists sent into these mineral-rich regions.119 </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In February 2003, Washington named James Foley its ambassador to Haiti. Ambassadors Greenberg and Foley were from the same “diplomatic stable”. Foley was the State Department spokesperson in the Clinton administration during the war in Kosovo. Previously, he had contributed to directing support toward the KLA. At the time of the war in Kosovo, Foley, then ambassador to Haiti, organized information meetings at the State Department and worked closely with his NATO counterpart in Brussels, Britisher Jamie Shea. Barely two months before the NATO-led assault on Yugoslavia was launched on 23 March 1999, Foley called for a “transformation” of the KLA into a politically responsible organization: </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>“We want to develop good relations with them (KLA) so they can convert themselves into <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>a politically engaged organization, [. . .]. We think we can give them a good deal of help <span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>and advice if they become exactly the kind of political players we want them to become </div>
<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>[. . .].”<br />
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The KLA advisors had been used precisely to help restructure the Haitian police forces, folding into their ranks former members of the FRAPH and Ton Ton Macoutes. “[In support of] the Office of Transition [. . .], the USAID is paying for three advisors to help integrate this once brutal army into the current Haitian police forces. And who are these three advisors? They are members of the Kosovo Liberation Army.120”</div>
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MACEDONIA</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Since 1991, Macedonia has been a choice platform for America’s strategy in the Balkans. A few months after this tiny enclave-state that is home to two million people declared its independence, the government sent 300 troops supposedly to guard the borders. The Americans wanted to contain the Bosnian conflict and counter any possibility of an attack from Serbia. But this force, which grew progressively until it was replaced in 2004 by EU troops, became a means by which the US could interfere in the internal affairs of the young republic. During its bombing of neighboring Serbia in the spring of 1999, NATO, as a way of compensating the Macedonian economy that had suffered so greatly from the aggression against Serbia, delivered $40 million of supplies. This was an unprecedented contribution to a GNP that was only $3 billion in 2001.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>At the time of the civil war between Macedonians and Albanians in 2001, a unit of 80 American soldiers went into Skopje to protect the Albanians from the Macedonian police. On 28 June 2001, there was evidence of an even greater intervention when the Albanian guerillas who had taken the Macedonian village of Aracinovo were evacuated back into Kosovo with the aid of American logistics. At the height of the civil war between the KLA and the Macedonian Army, a unit of Albanian extremists was surrounded. EU envoy Javier Solana broke them out of this bind without any interference from Macedonian forces. The KLA unit was rescued thanks to 17 MPRI military advisors.121 All these facts demonstrate the support of the American Secret Services to the rebels, in Macedonia as in Kosovo. Moreover, Albanian legislators in Macedonia stressed, during the ethnic conflicts of 2001, that the US bore a certain responsibility for the abusive behavior of the Macedonian police. By the end of the 1990s, the US had actually trained at least 329 Macedonian police officers, including a group specifically schooled in the most “strong-armed” of police methods.122</div>
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MACEDONIA: A GOVERNMENT OF AMERICANS</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>As the analyst Nadège Ragaru has pointed out, the Macedonian Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, has since 2006 “surrounded himself with a team of young polyglot executives who have worked frequently in the United States.”123 But the backgrounds of this crack team show to what extent the Macedonian government is under American control:</div>
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Lazar Elenovski: President of the Euro-Atlantic Club (an Atlantist), has been Defense Minister since 2006.</div>
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Zoran Straveski: Former executive with the World Bank, was Vice-Prime Minister in Charge of Economic Affairs from 2006 to 2009.</div>
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Gligor Taskovic: Vice-President of the oil consortium AMBO and an American citizen was Minister Without Portfolio from 2006 to 2009.</div>
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Gabriela Konevska: Former President of the NGO Transparency Macedonia was minister in charge of European integration from 2006 to 2008.</div>
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The Germans Play the Albanian Card</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The United States is not the only power playing on the Balkan chessboard. In this region, the Europeans have not sinned through militant activism but rather through inertia.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Germans have played an eminently important role in the Western Balkans for the last 20 years. A continental power in the age-old search for connections with the Middle East, Germany is today developing a global policy of expansion into the southeast of Europe. The Bundeswehr has set as its objective to be able quickly to intervene in the Balkans theatre of operations.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In Croatia, Germany, which has since the 1970s aided the separatist movement there, was the first to recognize the independence of Croatia and Slovenia in December 1991, forcing President Mitterrand to sacrifice the unity of Yugoslavia on the altar of the Euro. German Chancellor Helmut Köhl then politically supported the authority of Franjo Tudjman, a confirmed anti-Semite and a true believer in a ‘Greater Croatia’. But it was especially after the 1995 Dayton Accords that a reunified Germany chose to expand its influence in the Balkans. Against the advice of Bill Clinton, German Foreign Affairs Minister Klaus Kinkel came out in favor of independence for Kosovo. In 1997, the German secret services (BND) opened their largest mission in the Balkans at Tirana and helped build up the KLA. On the 23 September 1998-broadcast of the TV show “Monitor,” from Germany’s First Channel, the public was shocked to learn that part of arms going to the KLA were being furnished by Germany.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>During the anti-Serb riots of March 2004 in Kosovo, the gendarmes were notable for their inaction, having permitted the sacking of the Serb quarter of Prizren. After that, their zeal in rousting and shaking down Serbs in the Western zone of Kosovo, even keeping them from going into their churches for “security” reasons, says a great deal about the Germans’ will to take over territory, a sort of pay-back for their 1944 defeat in region. More broadly, the Bundeswehr can be counted on to intervene as part of the structure of NATO or the EU when the next conflict breaks out along the borders of Serbia (Macedonia, Bosnia or even the Sandjak)126/</div>
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<img alt="Image result" class="irc_mi i4cOWdIatv2o-pQOPx8XEepE" height="192" src="http://img.wallpaperfolder.com/f/6153F8E32FDF/germany-flag-art-high-quality.jpg" style="margin-top: 87px;" width="320" /></div>
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The German Secret Services support of Croatian Separatism</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Erich Schmidt-Eenboom, head of the Research Institute at Valheim, stated that the German Special Services (BND) began their collaboration with the Croat secessionists at the end of the 1970s. He shared the opinion of Antun Duhacek, chief of the Yugoslav intelligence services (UDBA) from 1955 to 1968, on the fact that at the moment of Tito’s death, the decisions made in Zagreb at the strategic level all had the agreement of Krajacic, the head of Croatian intelligence services at that time. But, this collaboration between the German and Croatian foreign services, begun under Klaus Kinkel, were continued at the beginning of the 1990s. Hans Dietrich Genscher, then German Foreign Minister, authorized the delivery of 800 million marks to the Croatian Special Services in March 1990. A few months later, a plane from Germany landing in Zagreb was found to be illegally trafficking arms. In 1991, newspapers like “Die Welt” and “Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung” started a campaign for the separation of Croatia from Yugoslavia. Even “Der Spiegel”, with its ‘leftist’ reputation, published in July of that year “Yugoslavia: A Prison of Peoples: The Serb Terror,” according to which the head of the SPD delegation, Norbert Gansel, just back from Zagreb, returned with the conviction that “we have to put a stop to Serb hegemony.” It is easy to understand the eagerness of the Germans to recognize an independent Croatia in December 1991. Logically, Germany was a principal defender of the embargo issued in May 1992 against Milosevic’s Yugoslavia: the Spring 1992 declaration by Klaus Kinkel was eloquent in its firmness and distrust: “Serbia must be brought to its knees.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>This German return to the Balkans also corresponded with the increased attention being paid to linking up the Black Sea with the center of Europe by way of the Rhine-Main-Danube canal and the Danube river system. The section of more than 500 km of the Danube in Voïvodine is essential to this project. This strategic corridor through southeastern Europe is what brought German private investment, after the Spring 1999 NATO bombing, into the repair and rebuilding of the ports of Apatin and Smederevo, just as with the reconstruction aid for the bridge at Novi Sad. Generally, Germany supported Corridors IV—Budapest/Constantza via Subotica—and Corridor X—Budapest/Thessalonica via the Morava Valley.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Since 1999, German soldiers of the KFOR have controlled the zone southwest of Kosovo and are charged by the Kumanovo Accords with maintaining security. In 1999, on its arrival, the German contingent was known for his benevolent passivity in not trying even to impede the Albanian extremists in their ‘small-business’ of hunting down Serbs by first burning down their homes then killing them. In Prizren, the principal town in the Metochia, when the March 2004 anti-Serb riots were taking place, at a time when the Albanian crowds were excited and led by former jihadists, destroying houses and burning up most of the Serbian quarter, German soldiers were tucked away in their barracks. Near Prizren, the same German troops who were supposed to control the comings and goings of the extremist Albanian groups to keep them from getting into the monastery of Holy Archangels again, were busy, several years after the 2004 riots, with keeping the Orthodox monks out of their monastery. Still today, rather than keeping the peace, the German troops of the KFOR are content to stay in Prizren to shield the many churches in the town and to cut off all access to them with the help of barbed wire.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But the presence of the German military doubled and developed into a veritable war of the secret services with the Germans (BND) pitted against the Americans (CIA), which indicated the growing influence of Germany on the Balkan chessboard. At the end of November 2008, three Germans were arrested in Pristina, charged with having set off an explosion in front of the offices of the “EU mission” in Pristina. After first denying it, the Germans officially acknowledged that these three men had been working for the BND. Some analysts confirmed that they were also working for extremist groups within the KLA; others that they had been on “special missions.” But already in 2001, a German agent had been arrested in Pristina, suspected of preparing an attack against a Serb police colonel. It was also proven that the German had been the “architect” of the attack against a Serb bus in Kosovo that killed 12. But besides this activism to destabilize Serbia, the BND considered Kosovo as a first-rate platform of influence. The events that followed the arrest of the three Germans showed to what extent Germany was bound up with the politics of Kosovo. To evacuate its citizens from Kosovo, the German government had to threaten to freeze its most impressive economic aid: €280 million of direct aid from 1999 to 2008, placing Germany as the second largest contributor after the U.S.A! A second point of interest, the element that triggered a bad mood among the Albanian leaders was the seizure by the BND of “bloc-notes’ containing information on contacts between “the government structure” and the Albanian mafia. The director of the BND revealed that his three agents had gathered “new” information on Hashim Thaçi. Certain voices were raised then from the left to push for a change in Berlin’s strategy toward Kosovo, which was described as being a “hub of organized crime.” Thaçi, the Prime Minister of Kosovo at that moment, had wanted, according to experts, to strike back in kind. </div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>At the heart of this affair is the Germans’ desire to accuse the Kosovo government of certain felonious schemes. In February 2005, the BND published a “Report on Organized Crime in Kosovo,” wherein Hashim Thaçi and Ramush Haradinaj are clearly tied to organized crime. The report stresses that “the key actors, Haliti, Haradinaj and Thaçi, are personally involved in tight connections between politics, the economy and organized crime.” In February 2008, the “Institut für Europäische Politik” in Berlin once again called out the “politico-economic structures, which are responsible for the trafficking of drugs, people and weapons” in Kosovo. In fact, Haradinaj was described in a BND report as the “protégé of the United States.” Two CIA agents have already protected him from questioning by whisking him off into an American base in Italy aboard an Italian military helicopter. Kosovo has become a real battlefield between the German and American intelligence services who flout any sense of sovereignty with their Albanian charges.<br />
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France is carrying out shaky policies</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>On the one hand, the French government refused during the Bosnian war to choose between the belligerants. This was the policy of François Mitterrand who always resisted making such choices: “While I’m alive, we will not bomb Serbia.” The Serbs knew how to appreciate these few signs of French support. A good example of this was the Marchiani mission in1994 to recover two French pilots being held as prisoners by the Bosnian Serbs, without getting anything in return. Sometimes this happened with an understanding of Serb interests and a reduction in the bombing policy: from multiple sources it is known that Jacques Chirac avoided bombing the bridges of Belgrade, targets assigned to NATO pilots in 1999. In the fall of 1999, French gendarmes also stopped Albanian extremists from crossing the bridge at Mitrovica to provoke the Serbs.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But a deeper and more durable movement was that of supporting, in the name of Human Rights and the R2P (Right to Protect), the Bosnian and Albanian Muslims. In Bosnia, Bernard Kouchner set up Humanitarian Corridors from Sarajevo to the Muslim enclave in Gorazde, in contravention of the UN’s traditional policy of neutrality. This started in 1993 with the episode of General Morillon’s bringing about peace by forcing the evacuation of the Gorazde enclave in front of the Bosnian Serb army, but without getting authorization from the UN Security Council. In 1994 at the request of Jacque Chirac, NATO bombed the Bosnian Serb positions, acting in de facto support for the cause of the Bosniaks.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Media intellectuals fell in line. Bernard Henri Levy introduced the Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic to François Mitterrand in 1994, and in the film “Bosna” he goes so far as openly to support the Bosnian-Muslim Army: this was the beginning of ‘Military Humanitarianism.’<br />
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“Médecins du Monde” and the Demonization of the Serbs</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In January 1993, the Humanitarian organization “Médecins du Monde” put up signs in all French cities comparing the Serbs to the Nazis. The journalist Jose Fort claimed in “L’Humanité” of 6 January 1993 that Health Minister Bernard Kouchner, co-founder and former-president of Médecins du Monde, sponsored this publicity campaign. There were images comparing Slobodan Milosevic to Adolph Hitler and showing starving refugees behind barbed wire, supposedly Bosniaks in a Serb camp. The poster accuses the Serbs in its text in a suggestive manner, stating that they go on to carry out “mass executions,” as did the National Socialist in 1940-45. But these two allegations are huge lies because Milosevic is a dedicated communist, as shown by his disavowal of the Serb Royalists of Bosnia in 1993. More significant still is that the camp pictured in the poster is, in fact, a displaced persons shelter, and the central figure, an emaciated tuberculosis victim, Fikret Alic, is a Serb. A dozen years later, Kouchner acknowledged that there never were systematic executions in the Serb camps. But this disinformation campaign co-directed by Kouchner in 1993 has paid dividends as can be seen in French public opinion’s association of Serbs with torturers!<br />
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<img alt="Image result for Kouchner Kosovo" class="irc_mi ibr36kXheCEg-pQOPx8XEepE" height="180" src="http://info.arte.tv/sites/default/files/styles/teaser_image_text_2_cols/public/thumbnails/image/info_interview_31.jpg?itok=Obw_ykv9" style="margin-top: 112px; text-align: center;" width="320" /></div>
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Bernard Kouchner in Kosovo</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>While Bernard Kouchner served as the second UN Special Representative to Kosovo, from July 1999 to January 2001, he showed himself to be incompetent and incapable of acting in a situation marked by the ceaseless violence led by Albanian extremists. For a year and a half, during a transitional period where all local authority was voided, Bernard Kouchner amassed administrative, economic and judicial power throughout the province as director of the UN Interim Mission for Kosovo (UNMIK). But under his pro-consul (July 1999-January 2001), more than 990 murders and disappearances of non-Albanians took place. Their perpetrators are seldom pursued, and, if they are arrested, they are released within a few days: pressures from the Albanian mafia networks are very strong on the police and the UNMIK investigators. In the autumn of 1999, Bernard Kouchner explained the innumerable violent acts committed against non-Albanians as retribution for the daily discoveries of mass graves containing thousands of bodies; but after this period there was an evaluation of the number of Albanian victims of the war in Kosovo from 1998-1999 (4,000 to 6,000 dead), which was a little higher than the number of Serb victims. This verbal carelessness, that must appear unfounded, was tantamount to a justification of the KLA crimes committed in such a climate of ethnic violence.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Above all, a very small number of judicial inquiries were opened during the reign of Bernard Kouchner. It must be considered that although more than 17,000 complaints of violence, theft or destruction of civilian houses, were filed between 1999 and 2006, it was not until 2004 that the international judges of the UNMIK began to study these complaints. Bernard Kouchner, himself, admitted that in the course of the six-month the UN was present in Kosovo, justice was not done: “In five months, only 35 cases were brought to trial, while more than 400 murders were committed. Why? Because the culture of silence kept the witnesses from testifying and because our forty-eight judges and prosecutors named in an emergency procedure refused to rule on the basis of Serbian law.”</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Not only did the UN High Representative, who controlled the judicial system of Kosovo at this moment, admit to being powerless, but he seemed to bend over for the customary rules, a posture quite unlike that of his fight for Human Rights in France. In fact, Kouchner fought singly for the Albanian cause and made no effort to demand that the professional judges, functionaries of UNMIK then under his direct responsibility, apply the laws in effect, that is the Serbian penal code. It is important to see that when the UNMIK and KFOR were set up in June 1999 in Kosovo, Serb civil servants and public functionaries were laid off by the new Albanian authorities. For some months, these authorities could not find enough judges in Kosovo because there was not adequate training; the UNMIK then put in place some international judges who knew very little about the local scene.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>However, a veritable ethnic cleansing, a horror against which he had always battled in Africa or in Bosnia, was taking place under Kouchner’s mandate in Kosovo. Between July and December 1999, the non-Albanian majority of 235,000, which had fled at the arrival of NATO, was forced again to flee the violence of Albanian extremists. Even inside Kosovo, in Pristina, the town where he was supposed to be living, endured two forced migratory movements without Kouchner, the champion of Human Rights, ever doing a thing. Pristina went from 180,000 to 250,000 inhabitants under Dr. K’s reign, notably with the arrival of Albanians from Albania crossing through a very porous border. In the other direction, 60,000 Serbs left Pristina in just a few days at the beginning of July 1999, getting out quickly accompanied by British forces.<br />
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Kouchner & Thaçi serve their fellow man</div>
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Serbs Massacred by the former-KLA on Kouchner’s Watch</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Several massacres of Serbian peasant took place in 1999 and 2000. They happened all over the territory of Kosovo during Bernard Kouchner’s mandate. Here are two examples:<br />
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The Gracko Massacre</div>
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On 22 July 1999, fourteen Serb peasants were killed in a field near the village of Staro Gracko. Despite many indications the perpetrators were members of the KLA from the Albanian village of Mali Alas, no one has as yet been apprehended.<br />
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The Gnjilane Massacre<br />
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On 28 November 2008, the Serb police with the help of UN forces arrested ten ex-members of the KLA in southern Serbia. These young Albanian men who for years had been hiding in Macedonia and southern Serbia were charged with having kidnapped 159 Serbs and killed more than 50 of them in Gnjilane in Kosovo between June and October 1999.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Serbs from the north of Kosovo sought refuge in the camps of central Serbia, but they also jammed into the run-down public housing projects of Mitrovica-North, leaving prosperous farms to open up shanty-town shops. The Serbs from the south of Kosovo left Gnjilane or Urosevac for enclaves like that in Strpce, where since 2000 most of them had been out of work, packed into delapidated hotels dating back to the Communist era, often without electricity or water. Many old women even lived, in complete degradation, for years in trash bins, without aid from any International Humanitarian organization. It was also on Kouchner’s watch that 140,000 Roma from Kosovo were forced to flee. The entire Roma population of Mitrovica-South had one night to leave their burning homes (8,000 people, or one third of the Roma community of Kosovo), which led them into the grim camps of a ‘civilized’ Europe, like those in Leposavic or Zvecan, where they lived one on top of another and forgotten after 1999.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Indeed, like many of his Parisian intellectual pals from the same movement, Bernard Kouchner remained persuaded, even after his mission to Kosovo, that the racial murders and massacres of Serb villagers by extremist Albanians were purely individual acts; these killings were revenge for the humiliations of the 1990s and had nothing to do with the KLA. Facing the Commission on Foreign Affairs of the French National Assembly, he even claimed to a French legislator who had told him that an apartheid had been set up in Kosovo: “It is without question that in Kosovo one oppressive regime has replaced another: but the rule of the Serbs was organized and a function of the State, while that of the Albanians is based on individual vengeance. However, in July 1999, there were 50 Serb deaths per week, while today there are two or three, which is still far too many.” All the arguments by the UN High Representative are contorted by this bias: We understand the Albanians’ feelings of vengeance after what they went through in the 1990s. It is a complete distortion of the new reality.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But it really boosted the profile of this man with so many humanitarian campaign ribbons, a man ready to defend Human Rights in every corner of the world—except in Kosovo. Kouchner left the Assembly chambers before questions from Deputies could be posed, and went on to justify the unjustifiable: International institutions organized territories from which Serbs, for security reasons, could not leave: “The establishment of enclaves, which were really cantons for the people, was the only possible solution the International Community could come up with when the war was ongoing and between seven and eight thousand disappearances were reported and their families were waiting on their return.” He admitted here the essential ineffectiveness of the UNMIK in the face of KLA exactions in the Summer of 1999. The problem is that never before in its history had the UN failed to organize ‘safe havens’ for a minority population in peril—here the Serbs and Roma—because terrorists might threaten them. Furthermore, would this not mean that the UNMIK and KFOR had abandoned their duties from the beginning? Actually, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) opened several refugee camps in Kosovo after the anti-Serb riots of March 2004 in anticipation of the massive flight of non-Albanians.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>So it is obvious that Bernard Kouchner saw the situation getting away from him and that his mission had failed. On 26 November 2000, before the UN Security Council in New York, he could no longer hide behind the arguments he habitually used with the French press. To the surprise of many, he revealed himself in these terms: “It must be recognized that the situation in Kosovo did not change. The war was not finished. The reestablishment of Peace is always necessary and difficult to work out. Despite the success of municipal elections, Kosovo remained a society in crisis. Extremists looking to destroy the chances for democracy in Kosovo were always many, and this is why we had to maintain the same vigilance, the same military presence and the same economic engagements for the time being.” But the solution offered at the end of 2000 to counter the Albanian terrorist killings was the organization of general elections and a form of government already available to the Albanians, what he called “institutions of self-government.” But persuaded that negotiations between Serbs and Albanians over the status of Kosovo might “lead to a new war,” he suggested quite simply: “It is because I am persuaded that we must continue to enforce UN Res 1244.” This is no less hypocritical in light of his tireless support for the independence of Kosovo than any of his positions as French Foreign Minister in 2008!</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>From the beginning, Bernard Kouchner did not hide his sympathies for the Albanians and went so far as to be photographed on multiple occasions alongside Hashim Thaçi, the 1998 head of the KLA, an Albanian guerilla group guilty of several village massacres and other war crimes. Kouchner, as UN Representative to Kosovo, allowed municipal authority to pass, in its entirety, to the members of the KLA, to the detriment of the moderates around Kosovo president Rugovo. This action required Kouchner to claim that the KLA were legitimized by the prestige of Resistance and that their popular support would be total, but this was not to be. When the first municipal elections in Kosovo since the arrival of the UNMIK were held, in October 2000, credit for the victories of LDK moderates was given to the extremists of the KLA. But it was too late; the KLA had already reached its objective of cleansing the territory, thanks directly to the support of Bernard Kouchner.</div>
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<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Fortunately, the sum total of France’s policies was not contained in the failed pro-consul of Bernard Kouchner. Great voices were heard pointing up the mistakes of the International Community in the Balkans: Pierre Marie Gallois, Régis Debray and even Jean-Pierre Chevènement held up the French tradition of a critical mind and an objective analysis of international situations. Chevènement, in his recent work La France est-elle finie?, (Is France Done For?) stated that “the wars in Yugoslavia were a chance to re-legitimatize NATO and, through that alliance, the American presence in Europe.” As proof he noted that “the intervention over Kosovo, outside any authorization by the UN Security Council” and “scorning the position of the International Community to respect the territorial integrity of Serbia-Montenegro.” This was an echo of a statement made during the war in Bosnia, at which time Mr. Chevènement said that, from 1994, by accepting the Bosnian and Croatian secessions, the Pandora’s box of future armed conflicts was opened. Here he makes a subtle allusion to the disappearances of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, nations created and allied with France in the period between the two World Wars, as the lifeless remains where recently had appeared “a myriad of small States reminiscent of the Kleinstaaterei of the Holy Roman Empire.” Such a vision truly emphasizes the strategies in play to blow up southeastern Europe.</div>
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<br />CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-5196776469454781692016-05-14T10:44:00.001-07:002016-05-16T10:05:21.169-07:00The Karadzic Conviction -- adapted from an article in French by Alexis Troude<div style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); -webkit-text-stroke-width: initial; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 14px; line-height: normal; text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-kerning: none;">[Still commemorating NATO's 1999 terror-bombing (Newsweek's term) of Yugoslavia/Serbia over Kosovo, my Franco-Serb friend Alexis Troude sent me his article about 'the end' of the Radovan Karadzic trial. Nearly 20 years after the wars of post-Soviet conquest in Central Europe and Great Lakes Africa, the sclerotic culture of Private Waste Capital continues arrogantly to display amoral pointlessness, its unself-reflective ignorance, its indecent intergalactic death-wish. --mc]</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><b>The Karadzic Conviction Speaks Volumes on the Sins of the “International Community” in the Balkans</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><b><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></b>On the same day of the 17 year commemoration of NATO’s terror-bombing of Serbia, which caused more than 2600 deaths and very important material damage, the political leader of the Bosnian Serbs, Radovan Karadzic, was found guilty before the International Criminal Tribunal for the former-Yugoslavia. For the Serbs, this represents an acute trauma; for the Bosnian victims, it is still not enough.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The ICTY, instead of carrying out its putative aim of healing the wounds of the Balkan wars of the 1990s, has opened them even further and done so in such a way as to put them beyond repair with regard to the near daily problems that have visited Bosnia, Montenegro or Macedonia for the last few months. But above all, this media-juridical agitprop has year after year, with each commemoration of the dramatic suffering of the Serbs, allowed Western leaders to wipe their memories clean of their own responsibilities in the destruction of Yugoslavia. Yet again, Human Rights are only applicable in certain cases and then strictly for the unrelenting justification of the double standard applied to the Serbs by the “International Community.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"> </span><span style="font-kerning: none; text-decoration: underline;"><b>The ICTY is leading a judicial action against the Serbs</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, <b>Zeid al Hussein</b>, proclaimed a day of victory with the Karadzic conviction: “<i>The message of the trial is that no one is above the law.” </i><b>Radovan Karadzic, </b>who was called by “the mainstream media”, even before his 2008 capture, the “<i>Butcher of the Balkans</i>”, a handle hung on other 1990s Serb leaders like <b>Serbian</b> <b>President Slobodan Milosevic</b> or<b> JNA General Ratko Mladic</b>, has thus been condemned to spend the rest of his life in prison; as a former ICTY prosecutor put it, “<i>a forty year bid is the same as the death penalty.” </i>At the same moment, <b>Salah Abdeslam, </b>the planner of the 13 November 2015 Paris attacks that left 130 dead, is given more deferential treatment. A debate has developed in the media since the Moroccan/Belgian’s arrest over whether or not he will be found guilty since he was a member of an Islamic network; in the media, at no time has he been subjected to public condemnation or even described pejoratively. Here you can see the concept of Human Rights from which certain States in the 1930s would not stray: a <b><i>Slav</i></b> must be a priori a sub-human.</span><br />
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Simonovic</div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;">In a March 25th interview with the French daily Le Monde, ICTY prosecutor <b>Serge Brammets</b> made a strong point: “We don’t go after any group, in any country, only individuals.” But in the same interview ALL the names he cites as being war criminals are Serbs: Karadzic, Mladic and Milosevic. Without realizing it, as if by reflex, the ICTY prosecutor thinks only of Serb leaders when entertaining the common opinion held since the end of the Yugoslav wars; <b>the Serbs are collectively guilty for the wars in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo</b>. But the numbers are very clear: in the Bosnian conflict, of the 96,000 dead, 64,995 were Bosnian Muslims, 30,100 were Orthodox Serbs, and 7,338 were Catholic Croats, conforming to the proportions of the population established by the most recent official census of 1991. In Kosovo, of the 8,000 dead, 4,800 were Albanians and 2,700 were Serbs; the rest were from various minorities. <b>So, in each case these were truly civil wars; </b>but for the Prosecutor and the entire official media system, this was not so; for them the Serbs were unarguably and a priori guilty.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;">But the media is carefully hiding the recent tragedies suffered by the Serbs to the benefit of certain leaders who have had difficulty accepting their own strategic errors. In Croatia, no one speaks of the 230,000 Serbs driven out of their homes in the four days of August 1995 during ‘Operation Storm’, the largest example of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Europe since 1945. In Kosovo it is never mentioned that since 1999, 175,000 Serbs and 80,000 Roma have been forced to flee their native land under hideous conditions. The U.S., which supported the Bosnian Muslim army from 1993 and the Croatian army from the spring of 1995, will never go back on its positions, and that is why at each commemoration of a Serbian tragedy since 1995, they drag out the ‘<i>Genocide at Srebrenica</i>’. NATO, supported by the nations of Western Europe, knows very well the irreparable damage wreaked on Serbia during the spring 1999 bombing, conducted at once in violation of International Law and against all the peoples and minorities of the province of Kosovo-Métochia, whether Albanian, Serb, Roma or Gorani. But, with the cover-image of Human Rights icon Bernard Kouchner, tight partner with the Thaci mafia, and with eyes wide shut to the vicious activities of the KLA, Western leaders shamelessly covered up these facts with the toxic fog of a “struggle against the Stalinist strongman Milosevic.”</span><br />
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Slobodan Milosevic Laurent Gbagbo </div>
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The old Nazi lockup at Scheveningen, in The Hague, twenty years after the wars over Yugoslavia, are fuller than were the cells of the Nuremberg Tribunal a year after the end of WWII. Serb leaders Biljana Plavsic, Momcilo Krajisknik and General Vladimir Lazarevich, have already spent 12, 13, and 14 years, respectively, in that Dutch holding pen. More than 80 Serb leaders have passed through there since 1997, the date of the creation of the ICTY; some have even died there. While at the same time, the Tribunal acquitted Croat Lt-General Ante Gotovina on 16 November 2012, though he had been charged with ordering the massacre of 150 Serb civilians in the Krajina in August 1995. The final decision of the ICTY was so surprising that it provoked a vehement protest from ex-ICTY Prosecutor Carla del Ponte: “I am shocked . . . the credibility of the Tribunal was called into question.”<span style="font-kerning: none;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Ramush Haradinaj, the reptilian Prime Minister of the auto-proclaimed independent Kosovo, was acquitted on 3 April 2008 of all charges for crimes committed in the Drenica Valley in 1998 in less than two months time at The Hague, with nine prosecutions witnesses being killed, or turning up dead under suspicious circumstances, in the course of his badly managed trial at the ICTY. The KLA officer’s trial went off so badly that Haradinaj was rearrested in 2015 and is currently awaiting a new judgment. Not to mention Hashim Thaci, today’s Prime Minister of Kosovo, who has never been bothered by the ICTY. Though he, too, was involved in the massacres in the Drenica Valley, as well as in the trafficking of human organs harvested from young Serb pows during the Kosovo war of 1998-99, for which two key pieces of the Prosecution’s evidence appear in a report from the Council of Europe. But not so for the Tribunal: an operation of such ruthless grotesquerie as to make their Nazi forebears jealous didn’t seem to bother the ICTY or the “International Community”, all about the quick punishment of the Serbs.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Since 1997, fifty-two guilty verdicts have been delivered by the ICTY against Serbs and seven against Croats; in 2001, thirty-four Serb military officers or politicians were arrested in Bosnia-Herzegovina and imprisoned at The Hague. Certain of them have since died in custody at The Hague. <b>While during this same period Muslim leaders and warlords have barely been bothered by the ICTY. </b>Thus, Naser Oric, a former commander of the Bosnian-Muslim forces in Srebrenica, was tried by the ICTY for war crimes committed on Orthodox Christmas 1993 in the Serb villages around Srebrenica. French General Philippe Morillon, commander of the UN forces in Srebrenica, described these acts: “On Orthodox Christmas night, the holiest night in January 1993, Naser Oric led raids on Serb villages. . . . There were severed heads, horrific massacres committed by the forces of Naser Oric in all the surrounding villages.” But Oric was acquitted in July 2007, to the great anger of the Bosnian Serbs, who saw in this juridical act an expression the the sort of biased vassal-justice common in the U.S. However, his case is still not settled and could revive bad memories of the 1990s. Naser Oric was arrested by a Swiss court and charged again in June 2015 with war crimes committed in and around Sarajevo in July 1992. Nevertheless, while awaiting trial, Naser Oric was named advisor to Bosnia Prime Minister Bakir Izetbegovic!</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Because light has never been shone on certain events that took place at the beginning of the Bosnian conflict, the president of the Bosnian Serb Republic Milorad Dodik has demanded an independent international investigation The two Markale public massacres were committed either by the Bosnian Serb Republic or by the Muslim Army of the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina, during the siege of Sarajevo, at the soft-target Markale marketplace. The first attack, 5 February 1994, caused 68 dead and 144 wounded, while the second, on 28 August 1995, caused 37 dead and 90 wounded. In both cases, the origins of the shelling were in question. The Serb forces engaged in the city claimed they were not the source of the mortar attacks, accusing the B-H Army of bombarding its own people to push NATO into an intervention. At the time of the first attack, expert-reports were unable to determine with any certainty the origins of the shelling. However, this attack on a quarter in central Sarajevo would serve as a pretext for NATO to carry out the first ‘out-of-zone’ operations in its 45 year history: by bombing the lines of the Army of the Republika Srpska in the summer of 1995, NATO took the side of the Bosnian Muslims led by Alija Izetbegovic.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But on 16 December 2015, a defense witness in the ICTY trial of General Ratko Mladic seemed to point out a flaw in the official version of the Markale massacre story. The 5 February 1994 mass killing at the Markale marketplace in central Sarajevo left 66 dead and 140 wounded; the responsibility for this slaughter was until then laid to the Serb army in Bosnia. The anonymous witness (GRM-11), a former body guard to Alija Izetbegovic, claimed on 16 December 2015 that three high-ranking Bosnian Muslim officials had provoked the Markale massacre: President Izetbegovic, General Sefer Halilovic and the Reis-el Ulema (the highest Muslim cleric) Mustafa Ceric.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The Reis-el-Ulema Mustafa Ceric also stated, according to witness GRM-116: “Everyday 50 to 70 of our Bosnian Muslims die without anyone saying a word. If in one spot more than 200 of ours die, the whole world will know.”</span><br />
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><b><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>The strategy of Internationalizing the Bosnian question paid off:</b> By imputing malevolence to Serb leaders, the Muslim party tried to cover up its own foul deeds.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></span><span style="font-kerning: none; text-decoration: underline;"><b>The real objectives of the ICTY in this new Cold War</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><b><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span></b>The International Criminal Tribunal for the former-Yugoslavia was created to conduct historic trials; but as a product of the Western powers, it puts forth an image of Anglo-Saxon law and, worse, makes constant threats against public liberties.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>But especially because of the length of the trials and the application of a ‘double standard’, the ICTY has been transformed into an Inquisitional ‘Star Chamber’: along the same line, instead of working to heal the wounds of a more than twenty-year old war, <b>the systematic rulings against the Serbian military and political elites</b> from the 1990s can only push, with a boomerang effect, a part of the populations into the arms of Serbian nationalists on the one hand, and Muslim nationalists on the other.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Fundamentally, should not the real significance of these one-sided judgments have been to correct the errors made by the West in the wars on Yugoslavia? In fact, all these relentless judicial actions are merely a way for the United States and its partners not only to be done with a world where there is an equilibrium of non-alignment between the West and East, but also to end the dirty business begun by the Dayton Accords in 1995. By teasing this dog with his boner against the Serb leadership during the Bosnian conflict, was not the ultimate goal to call into question the very existence of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia, which is now acting as a rampart against the expansion of Islam in the Balkans? By punishing the Serbs but not the Muslims, Bosniaks nor Albanians, is the goal not, in practicing this kind of ostrich politics, to make the world forget that Islamic terrorism in Europe was born in Bosnia early in the 1990s, at a time when a certain bin Laden, holder of a Bosnian passport, was received by Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic, author of the “Islamic Declaration”, which wanted to wipe Christianity off the Balkan map?</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In its rage against the Serbs, the ICTY showed that it is a political court in the service of its NATO and U.S. sponsors. Its raison d’être is the suppression of all evidence of its supporters’ involvement in the resurgence radical Islam in Europe: like the public attention that Madeleine Albright, Clinton’s Secretary of State—the first woman to hold that position—aroused with her choice to support the Albanian gangster Hashim Thaci in 1998 at the Rambouillet talks, or like Bernard Henri Levy received Bosnian Muslim president Alija Izetbegovic in Paris in January 1993. But the wind is known to change direction, and these leaders who themselves are guilty of crimes against the peoples of Bosnia, Serbia and Kosovo, could one day see fate turned against them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Alexis TROUDE</span></div>
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<span style="font-kerning: none;">[Translated from the French by CM/P]</span></div>
CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-8842369773333931932016-04-19T08:31:00.001-07:002016-04-19T08:39:02.100-07:00Re-Post: Libya's Ambiguous Role in the Rwandan Drama--Chpt 7 of Charles Onana's "La France dans la Terreur Rwandaise" (adapted by CM/P)<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: justify;">
{Hoping to clarify just why some public intellectuals with understandable loyalties to the Libyan Revolution might be playing fast and loose with details of the recent history of Rwanda (e.g., the exact origin or President Habyarimana's ill-fated final flight [i.e., Dar es Salaam rather than Arusha]; the clear responsibility for the assassination of two duly-elected African heads-of-State, which has been definitively determined by the investigations of French anti-terrorist magistrate Jean-Louis Bruguiere and Spanish Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles to belong to Paul Kagame and his cohort): we're re-posting this excerpted chapter from Charles Onana's book on France during the Rwandan nightmare. Details matter--even in non-military situations.}</div>
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[Being a staunch defender of the Rwandan and Libyan Revolutions, the MRND and the Jamahiriya govts., it has always been very difficult to maintain our annoying 'know-most-all-of-it-but-can-guess-the-rest' attitude when it came to uderstanding Libya's support of Paul Kagame's RPF, a backing that dated back to even before the October 1990 invasison by the bunk-ass Rwandan Tutsi refugees* from Uganda. One is supposed to lose one's refugee status when one takes a commission in another country's military or government.</div>
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In his latest and greatest book so far on the dramas of Central Africa (this one's so great, in a panic, I actually sleep-ordered a second copy), Charles Onana has quickly and concisely straightened out this particular piece of cable and, by including the work of our other Africa-hand préféré, Pierre Péan, has brought us a good way toward understanding how the events in Rwanda were of similar origins and nature to the goings-on in all the other independent democratic countries plagued by the Global Counter-Revolution of late-stage Privatized Waste Capital.</div>
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Ironically (or not), in the end, the Libyan Guide and the Rwandan president suffered the same grotesque fate at the hands of Western-salaried barbarians. --mc<br />
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*Once you have served in the Administration or the Military of your 'host' country (Rwigema was M7's Defense Minister and Kagame was an official in Ugandan Military Intelligence), you effectively lose your 'refugee' status in the country from which you fled 25 years before.]</div>
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Libya’s Ambiguous Role in the Rwandan Drama</div>
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(from Chapter 7 of Charles Onana’s “La France dans la terreur rwandaise”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[1]</span></a>)</div>
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From the first attack by the ‘Tutsi rebels’ in October 1990, their support from Uganda has been acknowledged and remained plainly visible on the ground until the end of the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But another source of support, less overt and more difficult to measure, appeared over the course of the conflict:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that of Libya.</div>
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In his 16 October 1990 note to French president François Mitterrand, his son and representative in Central Africa, Jean-Christophe, indicated that members of the Libyan secret services had been seen with the Tutsi rebels and were “taking part in a very organized and tough corps.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This information was also confirmed by the French secret services, particularly the DGSE.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But what was the connection between the Tutsi rebels, supported by Washington, and Col. Khaddafi’s Libya, and what were Libyan Special Forces doing on the rebels’ side while Khaddafi seemed to be carrying on friendly relations with Rwandan President Habyarimana?</div>
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Gradually, as the destabilization of Rwanda took shape, things became more and more complex, especially in the realm of the geopolitical.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The connection between Libya and the Tutsi rebels was first seen as a function of another cordial relationship, that between Ugandan president Museveni and Col. Khaddafi, but even more the result of problems that the Libyan Guide had with France, which had been backing the side of the Rwandan head-of-State, Juvénal Habyarimana.</div>
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To better understand the origins of this disagreement, it’s necessary to go back a few years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1983, several units of the Libyan army crossed over their northern border into Chad to support the Chadian rebels in their plan to overthrown then-president Hissèn Habré. Neither the US nor France approved of this initiative, and President Mitterrand even sent French troops into Chad under the banner of “Operation Manta” (1983-84) to stop this attempted regime change.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Within two months, France and the US ordered military aid (arms and ammunition) be sent to President Habré to help him deal with the Libyan threat.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Chadian government was stabilized and the Libya did not achieve its objective.</div>
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Libya gave it another try in 1986 when it crossed the 16<sup>th</sup> parallel, which had been established as the boundary of a non-aggression zone (with Libya in the North and Chad in the South).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once again France came to the rescue of the Chadian regime and sent in its troops: this time it was christened “Operation Epervier”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In August 1987, Hissèn Habré’s troops, along with some elements of the Chadian intelligence services, supported by the French from the DGSE, the Americans from the CIA and the Israelis from the Mossad, seized the Libyan airbase at Ouadi Doum, occupied by 5,000 troops of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya.</div>
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In September 1987, Hissène Habré took back some of his territory while delivering a crushing defeat to the Libyan forces, this time without Western help.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nearly 1,000 Libyan troops were killed and some 300 captured by the Chadians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For Col. Khaddafi this was an unforgivable affront!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He could not bear this defeat or the humiliation inflicted on his troops, but the ferocity with which the Chadians defended their territory forced him finally to accept a ceasefire in March 1988.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This episode, which profoundly shocked Col. Khaddafi, gave birth to his deep desire for revenge against France.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it was in the Tutsi rebellion that he saw a way and the means to make France pay for its support of Chad.</div>
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Early on the nature of the support given to the Tutsi rebels by Libya remained pretty vague.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But as the rebel attacks inside Rwanda began to multiply, verifiable information that Libyan arms or arms destined for Libya were being used by Paul Kagame’s troops began to accumulate.</div>
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It was first President Habyarimana, in his 16 October 1990 conversation with the French ambassador, who made it known that, according to information from is own intelligence services, three Libyan aircraft were spotted at the airport in Kampala and that they were carrying arms for the Tutsi rebellion in his country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As the suppositions about Libyan involvement were beginning to be fleshed out, Col. Khaddafi was welcomed on 23 October in Kampala by President Museveni.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This troubled President Habyarimana, and he brought up the subject again with French ambassador Georges Martres in their meeting of 25 October.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He noted that The Guide had arrived with several cargo planes that were still parked at the airport in Entebbe.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“What do you make of Col. Khaddafi’s visit and all these Libyan planes in Kampala?” Habyarimana asked the French ambassador.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Martres replied that France was paying very close attention to all this, and if it seemed that Libya was trying to get more involved in the Rwandan conflict, France would have to reevaluate its commitment with regard to these new parameters.</div>
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In Tripoli, Col. Khaddafi avoided saying anything about the crisis in Rwanda, but Libyan media regularly reported on the prevailing situation on the ground.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Officially, Libya did not want to appear as Rwanda’s adversary because President Habyarimana had never expressed any hostility toward the Libyan leader.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moreover, the Rwandan president had been welcomed in Tripoli for the official inauguration of the Great Man-Made River on the completion of this project initiated by Col. Khaddafi.</div>
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And then there was the time The Guide had asked President Habyarimana to intervene on his behalf with Zairian president Mobutu and Kenyan president Moi to speed negotiations on the release of Libyan prisoners held by Chad since the 1978-1988 war described above.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Col. Khaddafi had also asked the Rwandan president to go to bat for him with French authorities in the matter of the 17 March 1989 downing over Ténéré (Niger) of a DC10, UTA flight 772, en route from Brazzaville (Rep. of Congo) to Paris. At the time, Khaddafi was accused of this terrorist act even though, in reality, he was not at all responsible for it.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[2]</span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So Habyarimana had good personal relations with the Libyan leader, and the Rwandan Chief of Presidential Security, Col. Elie Sagatwa, was a regular visitor to Tripoli.</div>
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But on the great political and diplomatic Chess Board, it looked like the Libyan Guide was running a double or even a triple cross by maintaining normal, cordial relations with the Rwandan government, while at the same time carrying out secret actions against this same government by furnishing guns and ammunition to those Tutsi rebels working from Uganda to overthrow Habyarimana.</div>
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Apparently, Libya started very early to support the Tutsi rebellion out of Uganda, even before the 1990 invasion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was the Belgian ambassador to Ottawa (Canada) who revealed this to the authorities in Brussels in a highly detailed report from 16 July 1987, three years before the RPF/RPA’s attack against the Habyarimana regime.</div>
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“Without prejudice and for your information,” the Belgian diplomat stated, “I’m sending you here below intelligence recently received by my colleague and which I have shared with our military attaché in Washington.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An Anglophone Canadian visitor, with a troubling appearance, claiming to be called Capt. Sheldon Zack, came of his own accord to tell us that he had been personally hired by the Ugandan president to recruit 300 experience Canadian and American mercenaries to train groups of Tutsis with a view toward an invasion of Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This person claimed he had to return to Uganda in about three months to present his first report on the recruiting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Zack said his reason for bringing this information to the Belgian embassy in Ottawa was that after having accepted the mission, he came to find out that the intention of the “Muslim Tutsi invaders” was to kill not only the Christian Hutus but also the Belgian nationals in Rwanda because the Tutsi consider that the Belgian government helped the Hutu overthrow of them [ca. 1959].<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They expressed a determined will to massacre our fellow citizens.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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According to Sheldon Zack, as the Belgian ambassador related it, Col. Khaddafi and the Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni, will be the sponsors of this operation with an eye toward creating a vast Islamic State uniting Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A plane, a C-130 or an Antonov, was to leave Tripoli in February or March of 1986, flying at very low altitude over Libya and Sudan, finally landing in Uganda where it would off-load the arms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Zack took part in unloading munitions from the planes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There were specifically:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>10 huge cases of materiel, five of which bore writing in Arabic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These cases supposedly contained AK47s, RPGs, grenades, Kalishnikovs [sic], etc.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All these weapons were to be stored underground in Kampala awaiting the date of the invasion.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The Belgian ambassador said:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“This information seems to me to be worth passing along because of the atmosphere of radical anti-clericalism being fomented by Libya in Burundi these days, but it raises serious reservations for the following reason:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the inexact dates of the arms deliveries.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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The only real reason for Libya’s standing with the Americans in support of the Tutsi rebellion was its fierce opposition to France and its intention to take part in weakening the French geopolitical position in Central Africa. Yet, especially shocked by the 6 April 1994 attack that claimed the life of President Habyarimana, Col. Khaddafi put an end to his support of the Tutsis at that moment.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[1]</span></a> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Published as yet in French only, this is our unauthorized translation of Charles Onana’s <i>“La France dans la terreur Rwandaise</i></span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">”, Editions Duboiris, Paris, 2014, pp 167-172.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[2]</span></a> <span style="font-size: 10pt;">Our friend Pierre Péan has a great book on this incident (sadly, still only in French) that clears the Libyan government of this terrorist act, a job of work that forced PP to come down pretty hard on French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière who was determined to hang it on Khaddafi. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So, when years later the same magistrate produced a report totally damning Paul Kagame and the RPF for the terrorist murders of the three-man French crew of President Habyarimana’s executive jet, which was shot down on 6 April 1994, killing all aboard, including two African heads-of-State, Habyarimana and Burundi’s Cyprien Ntaryamira, as well their entourages and the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff Déogratias Nsabimana, the (left) defenders of Libya--and secondarily of the RPF (like Thierry Meyssan and his Reseau Voltaire)--did all they could to invalidate the Bruguière Report.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here’s Péan’s book:<o:p></o:p></span><br />
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-24517099022794633612016-04-15T12:43:00.000-07:002016-04-15T13:13:20.280-07:00<br />
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Milosevic Message on the Death of Arafat</h3>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlKd4Xk5r1mII692BGOd8-MT9skh668M6V-lQaNtNTn2wOChyV-Kz0VumMUH4PBDB4CkQeaQBgwduMqd0QAlTKNOXpKyX-XlX8DImt3yPW9Y-MDk5NLJOijnrxO2dUFcLbHWYWuXuuYoI/s1600/Milosevic4.jpg" style="color: #d52a33; text-decoration: none;"><img alt="" border="0" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5658595073160773122" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhlKd4Xk5r1mII692BGOd8-MT9skh668M6V-lQaNtNTn2wOChyV-Kz0VumMUH4PBDB4CkQeaQBgwduMqd0QAlTKNOXpKyX-XlX8DImt3yPW9Y-MDk5NLJOijnrxO2dUFcLbHWYWuXuuYoI/s320/Milosevic4.jpg" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.199219) 0px 0px 0px; background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-bottom-left-radius: 0px 0px; border-bottom-right-radius: 0px 0px; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-color: initial; border-left-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-left-style: solid; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-right-style: solid; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-top-left-radius: 0px 0px; border-top-right-radius: 0px 0px; border-top-style: solid; border-top-width: 1px; border-width: initial; box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.199219) 0px 0px 0px; float: left; height: 320px; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 10px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 8px; padding-left: 8px; padding-right: 8px; padding-top: 8px; position: relative; width: 248px;" /></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><img alt="Yasser Arafat" class="bio-img" src="http://www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1994/arafat.jpg" height="227" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.199219) 0px 0px 0px; background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-bottom-left-radius: 0px 0px; border-bottom-right-radius: 0px 0px; border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-left-style: solid; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-right-style: solid; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-top-left-radius: 0px 0px; border-top-right-radius: 0px 0px; border-top-style: solid; border-top-width: 1px; box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.199219) 0px 0px 0px; float: left; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 5px;" width="162" /><b></b></span><b></b><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: 16px;">[Here is a message of solidarity with the Palestinian people from one of their great friends. This same solidarity extends to the people of Iraq, but some of the President's supporters find this comradeship impossible to reconcile with their personal (Zionist) agendas. Now that Yasser Arafat has been set free, let's redouble our efforts to free all the prisoners of the globalization wars, and off the ad hocs at The Hague and Arusha. --mc]</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;"></span></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;"><br /></span></span>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;">"Following the loss of Yasser Arafat, the historical leader of the friendly</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;">Palestinian people, President of Palestine and one of the most important</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;">symbols of the struggle for the rights of peoples in our times, I express</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;">deepest condolences to his family, to the Palestinian leadership and people.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;">The Hague, 11 November 2004 Slobodan Milosevic"</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif; font-size: 12px; line-height: 15px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: "verdana" , "helvetica" , "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 11px; line-height: normal;">{<b>Only sixteen months after this letter was sent, President Milosevic, himself, would be freed from his earthly bonds with the cynical and in every other way unwelcome assistance of that murderous, unspeakable NATO Star Chamber.</b>}</span></span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-69419079158466625392015-12-02T17:27:00.000-08:002016-03-06T08:30:24.327-08:00Who's Whose Victim of 'Hate Speech'? [for the Serbian Radical Party's Conference on 'Hate Speech', in Belgrade, February 2007]<br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small;">[This was written for a conference held at the Sava Center in Belgrade in February 2007. The event was sponsored by the Serbian Radical Party, at that time the oldest and most popular party in the country. Dr. Seselj, its leader, had been locked down at The Hague facing charges of war crimes and crimes against Humanity since turning himself in in February 2003. He finally came to trial in November 2007 and was convicted of 'disrespecting the court' for blogging the names of the Trib's 'secret witnesses' in December 2009. His bid was fifteen months--time served.--mc]</span></div>
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Serbian Radical Party </div>
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 22px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 22px;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6pxIBZDk97PQeEQs1A8PmqBFtP1eQaSPbbdvbEzxPZJGvZiEIIH_FiKWQT6xQ6DoCbhkUw4-Lqa7pDs4GUPJ86PcheYdlS_Mf8-HG9JzE7NcyUUtfNdmhvSYkcRMETVCSETeKf9HPjWU/s1600/Nicolic.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj6pxIBZDk97PQeEQs1A8PmqBFtP1eQaSPbbdvbEzxPZJGvZiEIIH_FiKWQT6xQ6DoCbhkUw4-Lqa7pDs4GUPJ86PcheYdlS_Mf8-HG9JzE7NcyUUtfNdmhvSYkcRMETVCSETeKf9HPjWU/s200/Nicolic.jpg" width="133" /></a></span></div>
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="10px" src="file:///Users/mickcollins/Desktop/Clean%20desktop/images/pixel.gif" style="-webkit-box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.199219) 0px 0px 0px; background-color: white; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-bottom-left-radius: 0px 0px; border-bottom-right-radius: 0px 0px; border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); border-top-left-radius: 0px 0px; border-top-right-radius: 0px 0px; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 1px; box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.199219) 0px 0px 0px; cursor: move; padding-bottom: 8px; padding-left: 8px; padding-right: 8px; padding-top: 8px;" width="1" /></a> SRS head Dr.Seselj Current Serbian President Nicolic</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 1.4;">WHO’S WHOSE VICTIM OF ‘HATE SPEECH’?</span></h2>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , "verdana" , sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 1.4;">Mick Collins, CM/P</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">‘Hate Speech’, like most of the other terms in the ad hoc Tribunals’ dys-lexicon of repossessed juridical double-speak, serves as just another brick in the globalists’ ‘Security Fence’ which serves to obscure the basic, even primal, crime of unprovoked international aggression, the ‘mother of all war crimes and crimes against humanity’, or what the Nuremberg Tribunal called ‘a crime against peace’. Along with ‘internal aggression’, ‘ethnic cleansing’, ‘genocide’, and even the ubiquitously and uncritically used term (esp among Leftists), ‘civil war’, the implications of ‘hate speech’ lift the responsibility for military violence from the initial aggressor, whose motives and malice are all too clear, and transfer it onto certain victims of this targeted destruction, then explain the inexplicable but inevitable regime-o-cide as having resulted from internal ‘hatred’, ethnic or religious or national animosities, rivalries that are always ages old.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 1.4;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But unlike the ICTY’s favored means of shirking the traditional burden of proof, of evading its obligation to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that the charged political and military leaders harbored the criminal intent, the mens reas (legalese for guilty mind), though they may not have actually committed or even commanded the crimes themselves, this nearly evidence-free shyster-trope: the ‘joint criminal enterprise’ (or JCE, which the usually unfunny Canadian jurist Wm Schabas has humorously suggested stands for: ‘Just Convict Everyone’ ); the charge of ‘Hate Speech’ can be applied to all those who were never part of the actual command and control structures but merely took part in the public debate over the war and how to defend their people against this aggression..</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So, whereas President Milosevic, as political leader of Serbia and then Yugoslavia, was the perfect model for this new back-combed legal concept: like the cure for which there is not yet a disease, the JCE is a charge for which there is not yet, necessarily, any specific crime; Dr Seselj, as a public figure in the ‘Serbian opposition’, could only be charged with his ‘hateful contributions to the discourse and discord’ of preserving the sovereignty of Yugoslavia. One might call ‘Hate Speech’ a sort of JCE-Lite.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But you have to hand it to the ad hocs. The Tribunals in The Hague for Yugoslavia and in Arusha, Tanzania, for Rwanda, have been able turn the entire history of the law in both its adversarial (common law as practiced in the US and Canada) and inquisitorial (civil law as practiced in Europe) upside down and inside out in a relatively short time, a decade and some, while shaking down their imperialist patrons for important sums of money.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">John Laughland in ‘Travesty, the trial of Slobodan Milosevic and the corruption of International Justice’ ŠPluto Press, 2007Ć, and Tiphaine Dickson and Alexandre Jokic in their essay, ‘Hear no evil, see no evil, speak no evil: the unsightly Milosevic case’Šwww.springerlink.comĆ, go into some detail to demonstrate that these courts have made it possible not only to convict the morally and objectively innocent, but to convict them of crimes that may never have taken place—or were not consider crimes at the time of their commission. The Tribunals have adjusted the old legal saw, ‘no law, no crime’, to better fit their needs: they’ve given us ‘no evidence, no problem.’</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">The most glaring examples of this latter bait and switch prosecutorial technique are the ‘genocides’ in Yugoslavia (coded as ‘Srebrenica 1995’) and Rwanda (killing confined to the 100 days between 6 April and 17 July, 1994). At neither Tribunal has evidence been produced that would actually qualify these crimes as ‘genocides’—even the death tolls have been uncritically accepted without forensic corroboration: 8,000 at Srebrenica, 800,000 in Rwanda—with any and all questions as to the accuracy of these body counts getting tossed into the waste baskets of ‘negationism’ and, yes, ‘Holocaust denial’. The Hague has been satisfied merely to stipulate to a ‘genocide’ at Srebrenica; but in Arusha, on 16 June 2006, the Appeals Chamber issued a ruling that the Trial Chambers must ‘take judicial notice’ of the ‘fact’ that ‘between 6 April 1994 and 17 July 1994 there was ‘genocide’ in Rwanda against the Tutsi ethnic group. This motion was undoubtedly forced by the overwhelming and ever-growing amount of evidence which has recently been delivered by the Defence teams in the Military I and II trials against anything like a ‘genocide’ on the part of the Rwandan government of murdered president Habyarimana, the Interim Government headed by Prime Minister Jean Kambanda ŠLaughland in ‘Travesty’ mistakenly calls President Milosevic the first sitting head of state to be brought before an international tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity, when, in fact, that dubious distinction belongs to Rwandan (interim) PM Kambanda—edĆ, the National Gendarmerie, Habyarimana’s MRND party youth group known as the Interahamwe militia, or, and especially, the government and army of France.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">‘Judicial notice’ is usually taken of facts that are so obvious, like the street address of the court or the time of day, that there is no need to spend time proving them. But to ask the court to take ‘judicial notice’ of the very crime that is to be adjudicated in trial is the sort of judicial contortionism worthy of Tod Browning’s circus freaks.<strong>2)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">That the Obvious need not be proven has become one of the faith-based tenets of the new Authoritarian Consciousness (i.e., the sort of mind that depends on a ‘higher authority’ for its formation, an updated version of Horkhiemer and Adorno’s Authoritarian Personality) to which the ICTY and ICTR have made such significant contributions. Those who question the Authoritarian Obvious, as both President Milosevic and Dr Seselj did as to the origins of the violence in Yugoslavia; as Thierry Meyssan Šno friend of Serbia/Yugoslava or Rwanda he or his Reseau Voltaire, mais quand meme, when you’re right, you’re right—edĆ did as to the presence or absence of an airliner, American Airlines flt 77, at the Pentagon on 9/11; as Christine Maggiore and Dr Peter Duesberg did as to the causal relationship of HIV to AIDS and the real implications of medicating against this voodoo virus; as so many others, like Chris Black and Tiphaine Dickson and Jacques Vergès and Dr Patrick Barriot and Ramsey Clark have done as to the illegality, even the murderous indecency of the militarized global tyranny that these Tribunals represent: these brave or, maybe, foolhardy souls have found themselves cast from the congregation of respectable, happy communicants and relegated to the great and somber outback where their only companions are the truth, reason, a few good aging comrades and their certain knowledge that they did the right thing—and not necessarily for the money. But, then, no one ever got rich telling the truth, and, as Machiavelli says, ‘All good men are poor’.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">What makes the charge of ‘Hate Speech’ plausible? If homicide is excusable when the killing is in self-defense, then no one would claim that real acts of self-defense are motivated by malice or hatred. In order for the charge of ‘Hate Speech’ to stand up against the defenders of a nation under attack from abroad, history must be revised in such a way as to fuzz out the original international aggression that initiated the military violence, and force the public’s concentration into considerations of internecine, tribal, ethnic, or sectarian wars, civil wars. We see this today in Iraq where the March 2003 ‘shock and awe’ invasion has all but been forgotten in the paroxysm of fiery death and destruction that is now being referred to as a ‘civil war’. But this phenomenon occurred on the ground in Rwanda before it did in Yugoslavia.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">The heavily armed and US-backed invasion of that small, densely populated Central African nation by forces of the Ugandan National Resistance Army on 1 October 1990, a perfect fit for the Nuremberg Tribunals ‘crime against peace’ jacket, was renamed a ‘border incursion’, and is even presently referred to as a ‘trespass’ by the ICTR. Then the Ugandan invaders were declared to be Rwandan (Tutsi) refugees and the violence, which claimed more than 30,000 lives in just the first month of October 1990, was declared to be a ‘civil war’. By 1993 the Rwandan government was declared, by a Commission headed by the ever-witty maitre Wm Schabas and backed by the UN and a passel of Humanitarian NGOs, to have committed grave violations of the Human Rights of Rwandans since, strangely enough, 1 October 1990 that, if left unchecked, would eventuate in a ‘genocide’.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Schabas and Co. had to back off that future genocide beef, but they had set the steps for the line dance: Aggression, to What Aggression, to Civil War, to ‘smells like Tutsi Genocide’, to a definite ‘This Nation’s under new ownership’ sign out front in Kigali, with all the privatization, social expropriation, militarization and misery that that entails.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">The armed foreign aggression against Yugoslavia was a little more protracted and on the down-low: Germany and Austria had been arming and financing the remilitarizations of Slovenia and Croatia for some time—maybe from as early as the 1970s—; the EU then threatened their Yugoslav client republics with a cut-off of trade and aid unless they seceded from the Socialist Federation; private military contractors like Dyncorp and MPRI were organizing, arming and training Croatian ‘special police’ in violation of the UN and EU arms embargos; Enron, the Texas criminal elite, had made a deal with Franjo Tudjman, as they would later with Arnold Schwartznegger in California, to guarantee his election in exchange for the rights to broker energy deals in the newly deregulated Croatian market. ŠRichard Holbrook did much the same thing for Bosnia from his broker’s chair at Credit Suisse/First Boston—edĆ The predictable result of this replacement of Croatia’s privileged relations with its Russian energy suppliers through Yugogaz Šthe Yugoslav national gaz company once headed by Slobodan Milosevic—edĆ with a bunch empty Armanis from EU brokerage houses was that Croatian energy rates tripled—as did Croatian suicide rates because of the impossibility of life at those prices.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">It has been said that the first battle of the Croatian ‘war of liberation’ was in Borovo Selo, a small town in Eastern Slavonia on the Croatian border with Serbia, built around a shoe factory. The Serbian Radical Party and Dr Seselj were supposedly involved in keeping Croatian ‘special police’ out of this multi-ethnic suburb of Vukovar: e.g., the 1991 census recorded 84,189 inhabitants of which 36,910 were Croats (43.8%), 31,445 Serbs (37.4%), 1,375 Hungarians (1.6%), 6,124 "Yugoslavs" (7.3%), and 8,335 (9.9%) others or undeclared. Just who killed how many of whom and what sort of horrors were visited on the cadavers of the enemy is the stuff of Balkan legends. But the interesting thing to me is that the objective of one of the first attacks by Croatian ‘special police’ was to take down the flag from the top of the Borovo Selo Post Office. What kind of flag was flying over the Borovo Selo Post Office? Croate? Serb? Hungarian? SOS? No. That’s right. It was a Yugoslav flag.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So after changing all the locks and street names and border signs and other identifying national symbols, the secessionists went after ‘the sixth republic’, the Yugoslav army—several of the top generals of which were Croats.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But according to the ICTY, according to the charges filed nearly a decade ex post facto against mostly Serb military and political leaders and VIPs, as early as 1992 Yugoslavia had ceased to exist as a nation—everyone referred to it as the ex- or former-Yugoslavia; or it was conflated with Serbia as the realization of its nationalist dream of ‘A Greater Serbia’, where all Serbs ŠalreadyĆ lived in one state—and the JNA, the People’s Army, had been dissolved or broken up into regional armed forces and the Balkans were in full ‘civil war’. So anyone agitating for peace through the preservation of an already defunct Yugoslavia was quite likely to be taken for a hateful nationalist ‘warmongering’ toward the creation of an ethnically pure ‘Greater Serbia’. Hence the dependence of ‘Hate Speech’ on the ‘civil war’ conceit, and all this flatulent rhetoric is aimed at the obfuscation of the initial foreign aggression.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But was there really a civil war in Yugoslavia? Is it a civil war that is today blowing a powdered Baghdad back into the Tigris and Euphrates? Here’s an article off the CM/P blog about the situation in Yugoslavia ca. 1995—well before NATO’s infamous 78-day terror bombing of Serbia/Yugoslavia. Tell me if you see a civil war without any active foreign aggressor present:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">28 August 1995, an explosion in the Markale marketplace in Sarajevo left 29 dead and 90 wounded. Without waiting for any evidence to be analyzed, it was immediately attributed to the Serbs and served as a pretext for the Americans and NATO to launch an air assault, Operation Deliberate Force. This pretext was completely invented as the UN Experts were unable to determine where the shell had come from. General Charles G. Boyd, commander and chief of the US European Command from 1992 to 1995, testified:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">From American intelligence reports of radar surveillance of Sarajevo, we have confirmed that there were no penetrations by any kind of projectiles. . . Once again, the government of Sarajevo planted an explosive charge in the marketplace of its own city. . . . Members of the US Congress as well as representatives of US and British Intelligence know well of the strong collusion between US officials and members of the Izetbegovic government in the creation of a casus belli. . . What the Americans want is to turn the war in favor of the Muslims.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">(Defense and Foreign Affairs, 7/8/95)</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">In the course of the next two weeks, the NATO bombers flew 3,400 sorties, targeting (among others) the Serb positions around Sarajevo, Gorazde, Doboj, Tuzla and Mount Ozren. The weapons utilized included Tomahawk missiles and bombs and shells of Depleted Uranium (DU). In all, 10,800 such munitions.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Now this is some significant ‘humanitarian intervention’, another euphemism for foreign aggression. Someone pointed out to me that the 1995 NATO bombing of the Bosnian Serbs was far worse that Hitler’s fifty years before. At least the Luftwaffe, which saw its first action since WWII in this 1995 bombing campaign, took every other day or so off to allow the Yugoslavs to bury their dead.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">In June 1996, 20 Dutch soldiers who had served in Lukavica (a quartier of Sarajevo) in a unit of the SFOR testified on TV in Holland that they had contracted Šan swings?Ć. The union for Dutch servicemen and women and the Green Party demanded that these reports be investigated, but the whole affair was quashed.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Two and a half years later, in December 1998, the Belgrade newspaper Dnevni Telegraf published an alarming report. In the town of Doboj, there had been a sharp increase in the incidence of certain cancers, illnesses almost unknown there until then. During the previous Spring, instead of sprouting as usual, the leaves on the trees immediately dried up. The same phenomenon was observed among different flora and fauna in the neighboring region of Mount Ozren, which was home to the TV transmission tower that had been destroyed by NATO bombs. In this location there were unusually strong reading of radioactivity and a large increase in cancers and other maladies: anemias, headaches, respiratory difficulties, exhaustion, etc.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Since then, silence. It wasn't until 2000 and the death from leukemia of an Italian soldier who had served in Bosnia, Sergeant Andrea Antonacci, that the scandal over DU exploded and public opinion began to change.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Some questions were asked of different parliamentary bodies, and Various European Defense ministers found themselves in very Uncomfortable positions. These officials who swore, with their hands over their hearts, during the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia, that not a single bomb of DU had been used (like the German Sharpling and the Brit Robertson), were forced to face some real hard evidence, especially when the death toll mounted: seven dead and eleven other soldiers stricken with leukemia in Italy; five cases in France, two dead in Germany, and two more in Portugal. But, (in the words of an old French song) 'qu'a cela ne tienne, tout va bien, madame la marquise' (loosely, 'Don't you worry 'bout a thing, sweet mama, 'cause e'rythang's gonna be aw'ight--oh, yeah, oh, yeah.) was NATO's chirpy refrain. Absolutely no connection between these deaths and DU was ever established. Go back to sleep, we're just gonna keep on using these weapons as long as they work so well. . .</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">No connection, really? If the examples of Doboj and Mount Ozren are not enough, there's the story of Bratunac (in Eastern Bosnia) where still live the Serbs who fled the 1995 NATO bombing of Hadzici, a suburb of Sarajevo: In one day, NATO aircraft dropped more than 500 bombs. Balkans Infos did a long story on this in its No 52.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Obviously, these were only Serb civilians who died by the dozens. No reason to make a big deal out of a few Serbs, right? Messieurs les ministres? This Balkans syndrome is another myth--just like the Gulf syndrome. It's just propaganda by those who were against the NATO intervention, as the Albanian pacifist (sic) Ibrahim Rugova put it. As for the 12 tons of DU generously dumped on Bosnia and Kosovo, it looks like just more of that funky fertilizer we've gotta thank the West for.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">–Bosko DUKANAC, Avrille</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">1 April 2001 Paris</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">from my ‘Notes for Yugoslavia’, found on the CM/P Žblogcollective.com</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">And NATO’s devastation of JNA, like the Rwandan Patriotic Front’s (RPF) decimation of the already sorely handicapped Rwandan Armed Forces, was ably assisted by the ICTY’s parent, the UN and its Department of Peacekeeping Operations—Kofi Annan’s old bailiwick. After Blue Berets under the command of Canadian Army general Roméo Dallaire assisted the Rwandan ‘rebels’ in murdering their host, President Juvénal Habyarimana and his Burundian Hutu counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira, it was no surprise that their compadres in the black-robed legal goon squad at The Hague would oversee one of the most gruesomely protracted hostage executions in the history of state murder with the iatrogenic assassination of Slobodan Milosevic on 11 March 2006.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So just as, in July of 1995, the ICTY’s prosecutor Richard Goldstone issued indictments against Radovan Karadzic Šwhose son’s house in Bosnia was recently raided by a NATO death squad—20 February 2007—in another act of pure terrorism against the Serbs—edĆ and General Ratko Mladic to keep them out of the Dayton negotiations—so would the admitted war criminal Louise Arbour Šwho ordered quashed UN investigator Michael Hourigan’s inquiry into the RPF’s responsibility in the double assassination of the Rwandan and Burundian presidents on 6 April 1994, and joined with her employers, the US, Canada and the UN, in the criminal enterprise of covering up war crimes with the by-now tired claim of having ‘no authority’ over this aggressionĆ, in May 1999, dead off in the middle of the NATO terror bombing of Yugoslavia over Kosovo, file genocide in Kosovo charges against President Milosevic effectively to take him out of any negotiations to end the further destruction of his already ravaged country. And so, too, with Dr Seselj’s indictment for ‘Hate Speech’: it came at a time when the SRS and its leaders were gaining popular support by questioning the policies of the comprador Kustunica/G-17+ government—including one of the most craven examples of collaborationism this side of France: the extinguishing of the ‘Eternal Flame to the memory of the victims of the NATO bombing’ so as not to ‘embarrass’ Western investors.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Are these purely judicial gestures? Attempts, through the application of international criminal law, in a fair and open public trial, to establish the guilt or innocence of the accused individuals beyond any reasonable doubt? Or are they purely political instruments to expedite the colonial subjugation and perpetuate ad infinitum the indenture of the targeted country?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">ICTY President Theodor Meron would have it this way:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">I really believe, and I believe that all my colleagues very strongly believe that this trial is not a political trial. It is a legal trial under human rights and due process to determine, under international law and the Statute, whether to determine whether you are guilty beyond a reasonable doubt or you are not. And we would not have been conducting those proceedings this way if we were not convinced that this is really not only a legal trial, but I believe it is a model of a fair trial. <strong>3)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But ‘experts’ on the new ad hocs like David Scheffer and Michael Scharf, the latter actually bragging about being a founder of the system, see the goals of the Tribunal somewhat differently. Here’s Scharf’s take on what is to be done by the ICTY:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">In creating the Yugoslavia tribunal statute, the U.N. Security Council set three objectives: first, to educate the Serbian people, who were long misled by Milosevic’s propaganda, about the acts of aggression, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by his regime; second, to facilitate national reconciliation by pinning prime responsibility on Milosevic and other top leaders and disclosing the ways in which the Milosevic regime had induced ordinary Serbs to commit atrocities; and third, to promote political catharsis while enabling Serbia’s newly elected leaders to distance themselves from the repressive policies of the past. May’s decision to allow Milosevic to represent himself has seriously undercut these aims. <strong>4)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">So you make the call: Is this Tribunal an independent judicial body in service to the Rule of Law? Or a subdivision of the Imperialist war machine disguised in what Dr Seselj has so aptly described as the gowns of Grand Inquisitors? Is this about Justice or just neocolonial war by other means?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But how did international law arrive at this sad, humiliated and hypocritical state? Was it with the advent of the ad hocs that the honored principle of common law, that many of the guilty might go free so long as no innocent individual is punished, was abandoned? When did rape and population transfers become international Ševen warĆ crimes? ŠWas the daily demoralization delivered to the ICTY bench by President Milosevic’s keen lawyering the real cause of Judge May’s brain cancer?—edĆ One must look to the West, to the western United States, in fact, to find answers to these questions and to see the real beginnings of this new and streamlined prosecutor’s justice—this Victims’ Justice.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Laughland in ‘Travesty’ accurately points up the Tribunals’ tautological concern for Justice for the victims. He cites Carla Del Ponte’s description of her job as ‘to allow the voice of the victims to be heard. <strong>5)</strong> Yet he seems unaware of the roots of this victims’ justice when he says:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Some variants of the criminal justice system in Islamic countires allow the relatives of murder victims to play the role of appellants in a civil suit, for instance by deciding the sentence or fine (‘blood money’). It would be ironic if the latests developments in the international criminal law were to cause it to start to resemble systems of criminal justice which are generally rejected as atavistic. <strong>6)</strong></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">What is really ironic—and just a little puzzling—is that in Ramsey Clark’s commanding foreward to ‘Travesty’ he cites the OJ Simpson trial as being one, along with those of Jesus, Joan of Arc, Dreyfus and even Nuremberg, that may have changed the destiny of society. The OJ trial bore all the grotesque procedural mutilations that Laughlin criticized in the Milosevic trial (inversion of presumption of innocence to presumption of guilt; degraded rules of evidence; reduced burden of proof)—including the suspension of protections againsts double jeopardy, because after Juice’s acquittal of murders of his wife Nicole and Ron Goldman by a jury of his peers, a civil court judge found him ‘responsible’ for the deaths under much diminished evidentiary requirements. This civil judgment gave a good part of Simpson’s earnings to the victims’ families—and initiated a legal syndrome that has found wide-spread expression in the Balkans and Central Africa, and which I have named the OJ-to-Goldman-to-Goldman/Sachs syndrome.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Perhaps others should learn about the history of one of the most financially flourishing of legal practices, a money mill ancillary to what Prof Norman Finkelstein calls The Holocaust Industry: The Victims’ Rights Movement. Much more than any Islamic sharia court, the cynical and duplicitous techniques employed by the ad hocs were spawned in the despoiled beachfront courts of sunny Southern California.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Victims Rights movement:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1965</strong> The first crime victim compensation program is established in California.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1972</strong> The first three victim assistance programs are created:</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">1. Aid for Victims of Crime in St. Louis, Missouri</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">2. Bay Area Women Against Rape in San Francisco, California</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">3. Rape Crisis Center in Washington, D.C.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1974</strong> The Federal Law Enforcement Assistance Administration funds the first Victim/Witness Programs in the Brooklyn and Milwaukee District Attorneys’ offices.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1975</strong> The first "Victim’s Rights Week" is organized by the Philadelphia District Attorney. The National Organization for Victim Assistance (NOVA) is formed.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1976</strong> First hotline for battered women established by Women’s Advocates in St. Paul, Minnesota. Women’s Advocates and Haven House established the first battered women’s shelter. James Rowland creates the first Victim Impact Statement to provide the Court with an inventory of victim injuries and losses prior to a defendant’s sentencing.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1977</strong> The National Association of Crime Victim Compensation Boards is formed to promote the creation of a nationwide network of compensation programs. Oregon becomes the first state to enact mandatory arrest in domestic violence cases.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1978</strong> The National Coalition Against Sexual Assault (NCASA) is formed to combat sexual violence and promote services for rape victims. The National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NCADV) is organized and initiates the introduction of the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act in the U.S. Congress. Minnesota is the first state to allow probable cause (warrant- less) arrest in cases of domestic assault, regardless of whether a protective order has been issued.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1979</strong> Frank Carrington, considered by many to be the father of the victims’ rights movement, founds the Crime Victims’ Legal Advocacy Institute, Inc., to promote the rights of crime victims in the civil and criminal justice systems. The non-profit organization was renamed VALOR, the Victims’ Assistance Legal Organization, Inc., in 1981.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1980</strong> Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) is founded. The U. S. Congress passes the Parental Kidnapping Prevention Act of 1980. Wisconsin passes the first "Crime Victims Bill of Rights." The first Victim Impact Panel is sponsored by Remove Intoxicated Drivers (RID) in Oswego County, New York.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1981</strong> Ronald Reagan becomes the first president to proclaim "Crime Victims Rights Week" in April.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1982</strong> President Reagan appoints a Task Force on Victims of Crime. The Task Force Final Report makes 68 recommendations, one of which is to amend the Sixth Amendment of the U. S. Constitution to guarantee victims' rights. The Federal Victim and Witness Protection Act of 1982 brings "fair Treatment standards" to victims and witnesses in the federal criminal justice system. The passage of the Missing Children’s Act of 1982 helps guarantee for parents that identifying information about their missing child is entered promptly into the FBI National Crime Information Center (NCIC) computer system. California voters pass Proposition 8, which guarantees restitution and other statutory reforms. ;</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1983</strong> The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) is created by the U.S. Department of Justice to implement recommendations from the President’s Task force on Victims of Crime. The U. S. Attorney General issues guidelines for federal victim and witness assistance. The International Association of Chiefs of Police Board of Governors adopts a Crime Victims’ Bill of Rights and establishes a victims’ rights committee to bring about renewed emphasis on the needs of crime victims by law enforcement officials nationwide.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1984</strong> The passage of the Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) establishes the Crime Victims Fund, made up of federal crime fines, penalties, and bond forfeitures, to support victim compensation and local victim service programs. The U. S. Congress passes the Family Violence Prevention and Services Act, which earmarks federal funding for programs serving victims of domestic violence. A victim/witness notification system is established within the Federal Bureau of Prisons. Victim/Witness Coordinator positions are established in the U. S. Attorney’s Offices within the U.S. Department of Justice.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1985</strong> The United Nations General Assembly passes the International Declaration on the Rights of Victims of Crime and the Abuse of Power. The U. S. Surgeon General issues a report identifying domestic violence as a major public health problem.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1986</strong> The Office for Victims of Crime awards the first grants to support state victim compensation and assistance programs. Rhode Island passes a constitutional amendment granting victims the right to restitution, to submit victim impact statements, and to be treated with dignity and respect.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1987</strong> NCADV establishes the first national toll-free domestic violence hotline. Security on Campus, Inc. (SOC) forms and raises national awareness about the hidden epidemic of violence on U. S. college and university campuses. The American Correctional Association establishes a Task Force on Victims of Crime.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1988</strong> OVC establishes funds for the Victim Assistance in Indian Country (VAIC) grant program to provided services to Native Americans by establishing "on-reservation" victim assistance programs in Indian Country. The National Aging Resource Center on Elder Abuse (NARCEA) is established. State Constitutional amendments addressing victims’ rights are passed in Florida and Michigan.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1989</strong> The legislatures in Texas and Washington state pass their respective constitutional amendments which are ratified by voters in November.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1990</strong> The Student Right to Know and Campus Security Act, requiring institutions of higher learning to disclose violent crimes on campus, is signed into law by President ŠGHWĆ Bush. The Victims of Child Abuse Act of 1990, which features reforms to make the Federal criminal justice system less traumatic for child victims and witnesses, is passed by the U. S. Congress. The Victims’ Rights and Restitution Act of 1990 incorporates a Bill of Rights for federal crime victims and codifies services that should be available to victims of crime. Arizona’s victims’ rights constitutional amendment is ratified by voters.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1991</strong> U.S. Representative Ilena Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL) files the first Congressional Joint resolution to place victims’ rights in the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. Attorney General issues new comprehensive guidelines that establish procedures for the federal criminal justice system to respond to the needs of crime victims. The 1991 Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance implement new protections of the Crime Control Act of 1990, integrating the requirements of the Federal Crime Victims’ Bill of Rights, the Victims’ of Child Abuse Act and the Victim and Witness Protection Act of 1982. The American Probation and Parole Association (APPA) establishes a Victim Issues Committee to examine victims’ issues and concerns related to community corrections. The International Parental Kidnapping Act makes the act of Unlawfully removing a child outside of the U.S. a federal felony.Statutes prohibiting notoriety-for-profit have been passed by many states at this time to prevent convicted criminals from profiting from the proceeds of depictions of their crime in the media or publications. New Jersey legislature passes a victims’ rights constitutional amendment, which is ratified by voters in November.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1992</strong> Five states—Colorado, Kansas, Illinois, Missouri, and New Mexico---ratify constitutional amendments for victims’ rights. Twenty-eight states pass anti-stalking legislation. Massachusetts passes a landmark bill creating a statewide computerized domestic violence registry and requires judges to check the registry when handling such cases.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1993</strong> Congress passes the Child Sexual Abuse Registry Act establishing a depository for information on child sex offenders Twenty-two states pass stalking statutes, bringing the total number of states with stalking laws to 50, plus the District of Columbia. Wisconsin ratifies its constitutional amendment for victims’ rights, raising the total number of states with these amendments to 14.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1994</strong> The American Correctional Association Victims Committee publishes the landmark Report and Recommendations on Victims of Juvenile Crime, which offers guidelines for improving victims’ rights and services when the offender is a juvenile. Six states pass constitutional amendments for victims’ rights, bringing the number of states with amendments to 20. The states are: Alabama, Alaska, Idaho, Maryland, Ohio, and Utah. President Clinton signs a comprehensive package of federal victims’ rights legislation as part of the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act. The Act includes: Violence Against Women Act, which authorizes more than $1 billion in funding for programs to combat violence against women. Enhanced VOCA funding provisions. Establishment of a National Child Sex Offender Registry. Enhanced sentences for drunk drivers with child passengers. Kentucky becomes the first state to institute automated telephone voice notification to crime victims of their offender’s status and release date.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1995</strong> The National Victims’ Constitutional Amendment Network proposes the first draft of language for a federal constitutional amendment for victims’ rights. The first class graduates from the National Victim Assistance Academy in Washington, D.C. Supported by OVC, the university- based Academy provides an academically credited 45-hour curriculum on victimology, victim’s rights, and other related topics.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1996</strong> Federal Victim’s Rights Constitutional Amendments are introduced in both houses of Congress with bi-partisan support. Eight states, including Virginia, ratify the passage of constitutional amendments for victims’ rights---raising the number of states with amendments to 29. The Community Notification Act, known as "Megan’s Law," provides for notifying communities of the location of convicted sex offenders by amendment to the national Child Abuse Registry legislation. The Church Arson Prevention Act is signed into law in July. The Drug-Induced Rape Act is enacted to address the emerging use of sedating drugs by rapists on victims. The Office for Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) within the U. S. Department of Justice issues the Juvenile Justice Action Plan that includes recommendations for victims’ rights and services for victims of juvenile offenders within the juvenile justice system.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1997</strong> In January, a federal victims' rights amendment is re-introduced in the opening days of the 105th Congress with strong bi- partisan support. The U. S. Congress passes the Victims’ Rights Clarification Act of 1997, to clarify existing federal law allowing victims to attend a trial and appear as "impact witnesses" during the sentencing phase on both capital and non-capital cases. In July, the Crime Victims Assistance Act is introduced into the U.S. Senate, offering full-scale reform of federal rules and federal law to establish stronger rights and protections for victims of federal crimes. This legislation further proposes to assist victims of state crime through the infusion of additional resources to make the criminal justice system more supportive of crime victims. A federal anti-stalking law is enacted by Congress.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1998</strong> A new version of the federal Victims' Rights Amendment is introduced in the Senate by Senators Jon Kyl and Dianne Feinstein. The Senate Judiciary Committee approves the bill, SJR 44, but no further action is taken on SJR 44 during the 105th Congress. Four new states passed state victims' rights constitutional amendments: Louisiana, Mississippi, Montana, and Tennessee. The Supreme Court of Oregon overturns the Oregon state victims' rights amendment, originally passed in 1996, citing structural deficiencies. The fourth National Victim Assistance Academy (NVAA), sponsored by the U.S. Department of Justice, Office for Victims of Crime was held. Including attendees of this class, the total number of NVAA graduates now number 700. The Child Protection and Sexual Predator Punishment Act of 1998 is enacted, providing for numerous sentencing enhancements and other initiatives addressing sex crimes against children, including crimes facilitated by use of the internet. The Crime Victims with Disabilities Act of 1998 is passed, representing the first effort to systematically gather information on the extent of the problem of victimization of individuals with disabilities. The Identity Theft and Deterrence Act of 1998 is signed into law, outlawing identity theft.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>1999</strong> On January 19, 1999, Senate Joint Resolution 3, identical to SJR 44, is introduced in the 106th Congress. The Victim Restitution Enforcement Act of 1999, entitled Bill to Control Crime by Requiring Mandatory Victim Restitution and sponsored by Senator Abraham Spencer, is introduced in the State Judiciary Committee. Senator Joseph Biden introduced the Violence Against Women Act II, a bill that extends and strengthens the original 1994 Violence Against Women Act. Key provisions of this bill would: 1) Strengthen enforcement of "stay away” orders across state lines, 2) boost spending for more women's shelters, 3) end insurance discrimination against battered women, 4) target the "date rape drug" (Rohypnol) with maximum federal penalties. The fifth National Victim Assistance Academy (NVAA) is held, bringing the total of NVAA graduates up to almost 1,000.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2000</strong> The National Crime Victimization Survey shows that victimization rates in 1999 were the lowest recorded since the survey's creation in 1973. The Violence Against Women Act of 2000 is signed into law by President Clinton. This Act authorizes $80 million a year for rape prevention and education programs, $875 million over five years for battered women's shelters, provided $25 million to address violence against older women and women with disabilities, and expands the federal stalking statute to include stalking on the internet. In April 2000, the Federal Crime Victims' Rights Constitutional Amendment is addressed for the first time by the full U. S. Senate. It is eventually withdrawn from further consideration when it became apparent that the measure would not receive a two-thirds majority vote for approval. The Internet Fraud Complaint Center Web site (www.ifccfbi.gov) is created by the U.S. Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the National White Collar Crime Center to help combat internet fraud by providing consumers nationwide a convenient way to report violations. The site also provides a central site for fraud information.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2001</strong> The National Crime Victimization Survey Results for 2000 are released, showing that victimization rates continue to drop, reaching a new low of 25.9 million victims. Congress responds to the terrorist acts of September 11, 2001 by enacting related legislation, including: providing funding for victim assistance, tax relief for victims, and establishing an new federal compensation program specifically for victims of September 11. Changes were made to the Victim of Crime Act (VOCA), including Increasing the percentage of state compensation payments reimbursable by the federal government and allowing the Office for Victims of Crime to fund compliance and evaluation projects.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2002</strong> The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) Sponsors a series of regional roundtables to hear first-hand from victims and survivors about their experiences with the criminal and juvenile justice systems. OVC, along with Justice Solutions, Parents of Murdered Children (POMC) and the Victims'Assistance Legal Organization (VALOR), sponsor a national public awareness campaign to promote the scope and availability of victims' rights and services nationwide. All 50 states, the District of Columbia, U.S. Virgin Islands, Puerto Rico, and Guam have established crime victim compensation programs to provide financial assistance to crime victims.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>2003</strong> The PROTECT Act of 2003, also called the "Amber Alert" law, creates a national network of AMBER (America's Missing: Broadcast Emergency Response) to facilitate rapid police and community response to abducted children. Congress makes the Office on Violence Against Women a permanent independent office within the Department of Justice. The National Domestic Violence Hotline receives its one millionth call. The Office for Victims of Crime (OVC) celebrates its 20th anniversary.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Final accounting of the Victims’ Rights Movement? US domestic Crime rates way down—US domestic prison population way up, the highest per capita in the world.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">And after two decades of concern for the welfare of exploited, abused and violated women and children, the tender mercies of the Victims’ Rights movement, with its foreign franchises marketed by four-star NGOs under the heart-warming rubric of Human Rights, were turned toward the shocking and awful invasion of Iraq and the eventual liquidation of more than 650,000 Iraqis, a disproportionate part of this demographic being innocent Iraqi women and Iraqi children.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But one should not be too hard on the hypocrisy of the current US administration—for it may not be hypocrisy at all, but merely another unreflective expression of the speciation of ignorance that is currently wasting Western consciousness as the speciation of poverty disabled the Third World. It was once noted that Bush Jr is too stupid even to fake being human—something his chubby predecessor was actually pretty good at—ed After all, it was during the compassionate and courageous sic Clinton years, that then-UN Representative and soon-to-be US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, laid out her country’s business plan for spreading that special brand of militarized immiseration it calls ‘Democracy’, and declared that the cost in the lives of over one million Yugoslavs, Iraqis and Rwandans was absolutely worth paying—for, as they say at the Chicago School: whatever the cost of doing business: whether it’s the regular double-parking tickets incurred by the Fed-Ex truck making your deliveries, or it’s the extinction of significant portion of the world’s unprivileged and powerless population: Pay it! You’re a Businessman! You deserve to succeed! . . . And it’s not your money you’re paying with anyway.—ed</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">And what of the International Criminal Courts, with their graceless concerns for ‘Hate Speech’ and ‘War as Hate Crime’ and ‘Victims Justice as Buy Out’?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">Today’s International Justice and World History have been sentimentalized into mere spectacular diversions; turned into a couple of court eunuchs, a couple of cross-dressing crack whores, who exist at the whim of and in servile complicity with Surplus Value and the chinless, mindless and soulless elite that administers this condensation of human misery. They perform their particularly grotesque dance of death, in courtrooms and classrooms and in the media, to divert public attention from the global system of production’s sinister dependence on ever-increasing rates of return on investment, a habit more dire, more nose-opening and self-destructive than crack cocaine or even crystal-meth, because it can only be maintained by the complete redirection of all productive forces toward the provocation and prolongation of global war. The consumption necessary to appease, not to say get high on, this current craving for what is euphemized by politicians as defense production, will inevitably reduce our long-suffering planet to piles of putrefying corpses scattered around a toxic wasteland.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">But by then there will be no one left to deny or profit from This Final Holocaust.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;"><strong>Mick Collins<br />CirqueMinime/Paris</strong><span class="pasus" style="color: #000066; margin-bottom: 20px; margin-left: 20px; margin-right: 20px; margin-top: -10px; text-align: justify;"><strong><br />24 February 2007</strong></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">1) Cf Laughland, ‘Travesty’, (Pluto Press, 2007) pg 122.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">2) On Rwanda,see any and all articles by maitre Christopher Black on the CM/P blog @CirqueMinime/Paris @blogcollective.com</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">3) Cited in Dickson, Jokic, “Hear no evil, see no evil . . .’ pg 25.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">4) Ibid, pg 11.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">5) Travesty, pg 84</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">6) Ibid, pg 85</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit; font-size: large;">7) ‘In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defense.’</span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-7254997011633508882015-09-04T14:12:00.004-07:002015-09-04T14:17:26.847-07:00DEEP DELUSIONS, BITTER TRUTH--Final Summation in The General's Trial by Christoper Black<br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;"><br /></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">Deep Delusions, Bitter Truth (The Trial of a Rwandan General) [A Play in Two Acts]-- Compiled by CM/P from the actual trial transcripts of 24 & 25 June, 2009</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">[Not much has changed since we first posted this in 2009. Except that, after more than a decade of being locked </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">down, </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">General Ndindiliyimana has been acquitted of ALL CHARGES and, after much ado over 'Political Concerns' </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">by his </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">home country, Belgium, he has been returned to his family. There was only one thing I knew how to do </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">with this </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">vast expanse of life in Paris, and that was to make Theatre of it. Now let's see if anyone remembers or </span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">cares to </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">be reminded of these events.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="border-collapse: collapse; font-family: Verdana, Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 11px;">If you'd like to get involved in a production of this one-man show, please contact us here with a COMMENT.--cm/p]</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold; font-size: 26.0pt;"><b>Deep Delusions, Bitter Truth</b></span></h2>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>(The Trial of a Rwandan General)</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[A Courtroom Drama in Two Acts]</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[COMPILED BY CM/P FROM THE ACTUAL TRIAL TRANSCRIPTS OF 24 & 25 JUNE, 2009]</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>THE SET: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The stage is empty but for a small table with a lectern on it around CS.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the Cyclorama is a large ‘Big Brother’ screen on which are projected images, still and moving pictures, appropriate to what is being said on stage.</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>IN BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>FIRST VO [Prosecutor Mr. Van]</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>Mr. President, if you hate somebody, it's not because you want to live with that person.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And we are in a war context.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So if you consider that the Tutsi are an enemy, the Hutu, who did not want the Tutsi, and actually hated the Tutsi, logically had to hurriedly exterminate the Tutsi, or else the Tutsi would exterminate them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that is the situation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When you say that you hate somebody, it is not a joke.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>Besides, Mr. President, Your Honors, the results are there; the Tutsis were killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were massacred, they were exterminated, and there was genocide.<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>SECOND VO [Thespus]</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>Yet the Tutsis minority wound up seizing state power and taking over Rwanda from the Hutu majority!</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>FIRST VO</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>In the Karemera case, the Appeals Chamber took judicial note of that.</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>SECOND VO</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>The order to take ‘Judicial Notice’ effectively removed from the Prosecution any burden of having to produce evidence to prove the genocide actually took place.</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>LIGHTS UP:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Alone on stage is Maitre Christopher Black, Defense attorney to Major General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, former Chief of Staff of the Rwandan National Gendarmerie during the troubles of 1993 and 1994, on trial before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, in Arusha, Tanzania, on charges of Crimes against Humanity unto Genocide.</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mr. Black is just over 60 and very weary from his long travail.</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>The Judges sit OS DR, the Prosecution is OS UR, and the Defendants are OS UL.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>SEVERAL BEATS, Maitre Black speaks:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Mr. Sefon, yesterday, referred to two interesting books.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I find the reference he made--and the fact that he made that reference--that the Prosecution made that reference, very interesting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He referred to Niccolò Machiavelli's book, </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>The Prince</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Everybody here, I assume, who went to law school has read that at some time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it's a book written by a man who was forced by a regime, the Medicis at that time, to bow to a dictatorship, and decided to write a book to please his master about how to rule a people who did not want to be ruled by a dictator.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And one of Machiavelli's words of wisdom in that book of realpolitik was that deception is one of the ways in which to control a people, deception and fear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Mr Sefon also made reference to </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>The Art of War,</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> by the Chinese military scholar, Sun Tzu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That is also a very important book, studied in all military colleges and by philosophers, because it sets out how wars are really conducted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Sun Tzu's first lesson in that book, in the opening pages, is about the art of deception, and how the art of deception is the key to winning any conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And I raise that because it's quite clear that the Prosecution in this Tribunal is part and parcel of the grand deception which is being woven--has been woven by the RPF and its neocolonial masters, the United States and the United Kingdom, for the last 15 years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Why do I say that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I will go into why it's evident that the--the Prosecution here has manipulated this Court since day-one, and how they have tried to cover up the crimes of the RPF, how they, despite the rank hypocrisy expressed by Mr. [Abubacarr] Tambadou and Mr. [Alphonse] Van, that they wish and desire international justice and the erasing of immunity from prosecution for world leaders, when they, in fact, have done nothing but grant those murderers in the RPF immunity from prosecution from the beginning.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And I'm not alone in saying this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have here a letter which has been sent by 50 world scholars and human rights defenders from universities in Canada, the United States, Britain, from Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They include professors from Columbia University, Princeton, the University of California, the University of Antwerp, and on and on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Including the husband of the late Dr. Alison Des Forges, Professor Roger Des Forges, and including the former expert for the Prosecution, Filip Reyntjens, who refuses to work for the Prosecution any longer.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This letter is addressed to Ban Ki-Moon, President Barack Obama, Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and copied to Hillary Clinton and various other American and British Foreign Ministry officials, because, obviously, they're the ones who control this Tribunal.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is also copied to Judge Dennis Byron, and to Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It says that Mr. Jallow—that the RPF has committed crimes, and that Mr. Jallow expresses an evident reluctance to prosecute these RPF crimes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And this is clearly the result of intimidation and obstructionism by the RPF, which now rules Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Prosecutor, Jallow, has severely compromised his prosecutorial independence and the Tribunal's integrity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But they conclude with this:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"In conclusion, we call on you to ensure that the ICTR prosecutes RPF crimes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This issue should be raised when Prosecutor Jallow addresses the United Nations Security Council about his completion strategy on June 4th, 2009.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unless the Prosecutor acts swiftly, the ICTR will squander not only its last chance to provide accountability for those serious crimes, but also its legitimacy."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It's dated May 31st of this year.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another professor, Dr. Hans Köchler, at the University of Innsbruck in Austria, and who was selected as the Secretary General's personal representative at the Lockerbie trial and still acts in that capacity, wrote a book called </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Global Justice and Global Revenge,</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> about these ad hoc tribunals and, with respect to the ICTR, stated that the Prosecution has engaged in selective prosecution on ‘a massive scale,’ quote-unquote, ‘a massive scale.’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now, why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I don't think Mr. Jallow is afraid of a little man like Mr. Kagame in<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mr. Jallow is not afraid of that little man.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He is controlled by bigger powers than that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's why this letter is addressed to those powers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And if my friends over there [the Prosecution] want to sit in service of neocolonialism, shame on them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But I don't think this Court should acquiesce to the planning out of neocolonialism and imperialism in Africa by listening and accepting the manipulations presented to this Court and the argument they pretend to make as evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Let me get to the argument.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When Prosecutor Lloyd Strickland stood up and said, correctly, that he had to deal with the challenges raised by the Defense brief in our case, it's quite true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I submit that the argument we presented has built, brick by brick, a wall of reasonable doubt which they cannot ever penetrate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So what do they do?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Instead of trying to refute the argument we made--the written argument we made---they leave it—which I would interpret as their ceding the case to us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Instead, he gets up and makes a couple of comments about Kansi and Saint André college and then engages in a slanderous attack on General Ndindiliyimana and that he's just a born liar because he's a politician.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">--I'll refute that later.--<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But they make no other argument at all.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I was surprised when the arguments here started.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I've never followed the arguments in these cases really.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But I expected, even when I was in law school, that—I was taught that when you make a legal argument, you have to deal with the argument that the other person made.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The Prosecution, in its brief, just puts out nothing but RPF propaganda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's as if they were never at the trial.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They ignore their own evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They ignore our evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they just repeat the accusations in the indictment and page after page of pure RPF propaganda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And then, when they come to their oral argument, you would expect that they would have something to say to knock—to try and knock out our argument.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But no, they don't, because they can't.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So they resort to innuendo and slander.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, let's look at how they start off with this RPF propaganda campaign, which they've engaged in since this trial began.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I agree with Mr. St Laurent that they mischaracterized the history of Rwanda totally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For instance, at their paragraph 41, they say that since 1959 the country has suffered ethnic unrest following the Hutu social revolution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, whose fault was it that there was social unrest in Rwanda?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because the émigrés, the aristocracy, and the King, the King's clan, when they fled, because they were being hunted by the Belgian police for murdering Hutu </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>bourgmestres</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> who had been elected, attacked the country many times between 1959 and 1973.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And you heard evidence from the UN—from UN documents which agreed that there was no reason for those attacks.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were completely gratuitous.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Murdered people right, left, and centre, and they were forced out.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And there was no unrest after 1973 and until 1990.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The country was, as everybody knows, considered the “Switzerland of Africa.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because it did have social and ethnic cohesion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a very poor country—even though it was a poor country, it did have a progressive government, one of the most progressive in Africa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a model for African development and Third World development.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then, in October 1990, that's all destroyed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For no reason at all except that the Tutsi aristocracy in the Ugandan Army, and President Yoweri Museveni, and their allies, all wanted to conquer Rwanda in order to invade the Congo. And that's the only reason.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then they say, in paragraph 42, that since then Rwanda has been a time bomb, which went off on April 6th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No, it wasn't.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rwanda was not a time bomb until 1990 when the RPF attacked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I was going to go through their paragraphs seriatim.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's easier for me to do it that way.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The military, ¶43.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They say the military involved in the conflict are the Rwandan Armed Forces [FAR] and the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, no.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's not true, either.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The attack was made by the Ugandan Army, by Mr. Museveni.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they don't charge him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Every member of the RPF was a Ugandan Army soldier, every one of them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They used Ugandan military equipment: Trucks, vehicles, weapons, heavy weapons.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They all carried their Ugandan NRA<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>identity cards.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The RPF is not a rebel movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's a ring within the Ugandan army disguised as a rebel movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">[Tutsi Historian] Antoine Nyetera testified here that many Tutsi businessmen wrote them a letter saying, "We don't want this war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who are you?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You don't represent us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Things are fine here for us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why are you destroying the country?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Destroying everything?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For what?"<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Paragraph ¶50, they say another false thing: That Augustin Ndindiliyimana was designated as chair of the Crisis Committee.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, no, he was not.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I—you read in my brief.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I'm not going to argue about that too long.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it's quite clear that committee ceased to exist April 8th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's quite clear that the only reason he took over the meeting on the 7th was that [General Théoneste] Bagosora was trying to take over and that [Leonidas] Rusatira and Ndindiliyimana opposed Bagosora, and, therefore, Ndindiliyimana stepped in to solve the dispute.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's the only reason.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">General Dallaire confirmed that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Alison Des Forges confirmed that.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say, at paragraph ¶63, that the Rwandan Patriotic Front is a political and military movement whose adepts were drawn from the Tutsis in the diaspora.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As I say, that's not true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were not drawn from the Tutsis of the diaspora.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, as I said, they were the Ugandan Army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Antoine Nyetera said that he was surprised when the RPF columns came down from Mt. Rebero in July, when the FAR had retreated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was surprised to see that most of them weren't Tutsis at all.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They were Eritreans, Ethiopians, Somalis, Tanzanians, and Sudanese.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Remember their hair down to their shoulders, dark as pitch, tattoos everywhere:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mercenaries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">This myth that the RPF was some sort of ‘People's Liberation Movement’ was bought hook, line, and sinker, by many people in the West because of propaganda put out by Des Forges and her acolytes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But nobody buys it anymore.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say that—at paragraph ¶64—that Prime Minister Sylvestre Nsanzimana’s government collapsed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">There was no collapse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And then that a Transitional Government was formed on April 16th, 1992.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No, it wasn't.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A Coalition Government was formed in 1992.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because President Habyarimana had acceded to French and American influence and agreed to a multi-party democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And there were successive governments, all made up of parties which represented the people and with different views.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There's the MRND, PSD, PL.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And whom did they represent, really?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It was a Coalition Government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was not ‘Habyarimana's Regime.’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It ceased to be that in 1991.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Habyarimana</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">was just a figurehead.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pro-RPF Prime Ministers were in charge of the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So there was no reason at all for this war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the RPF persisted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say, at paragraph ¶65, that the United Nations and UNAMIR got involved in the conflict with the aim of resolving it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's not true, either.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>UNAMIR—the UN did not try to resolve this situation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They actively acted on the side of the RPF and ensured their victory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Mr. [Defense attorney Ronnie] McDonald put to General Dallaire questions about many situation-reports where General Dallaire was receiving information about the build-up for the offensive launched on April 6.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He never passed it on to President Habyarimana or to General Ndindiliyimana or to anybody else.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He passed it on to New York.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But he kept it secret from the Rwandan government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said, "Oh, I didn't receive those reports."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it's quite clear he did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They are all addressed to him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He lied to the French and German ambassadors when they asked him about it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"We hear rumors they're building for an offensive."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Oh, I don't know anything about that."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He lied.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And it's quite clear he didn't do it on his own.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General Dallaire's a very competent officer.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He did exactly what he was told to do.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say that Prime Minister Dismas Nsengiyaremye was against the handing out of—the distribution of weapons to the population by civilian authorities, implying that the Civil Defense was some sort of evil mechanism to kill Tutsis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, we all know the reason why Dismas Nsengiyaremye was against that:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>because he was an active agent for the RPF and didn't want the population to be armed against their attacks.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He broke up the intelligence—the civil intelligence service.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We heard evidence on that.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say at paragraph ¶67, that UNAMIR's mandate ended on March 8th, 1996.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's also a lie.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">UNAMIR II ended in 1996, but UNAMIR I ceased to exist, in all practical terms, by April 17th, 1994, when the Belgians pulled out and the Americans in the Security Council refused the Rwandan government's request for 5,000 more troops be sent in.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Prosecution wants to bury that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">You don't want the people to know that the Rwandan government asked for 5,000 more men to be sent in in April.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And you don't want the world to know the Americans refused that request and pulled out the UN forces in order to allow the RPF free access to roam around murdering and massacring everybody.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">General Ndindiliyimana testified.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You say that the Americans brought US weight to bear on the Rwandan conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, they sure did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Paragraph ¶71.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They tried to lure Habyarimana out of the country and keep him in Washington.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In October 1990, on the day of the attack, he was with Mr. Museveni.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They lured Habyarimana to Washington.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, Museveni knew his men were going to attack Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Americans knew that, and then they offered him sanctuary.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Instead of condemning Museveni, they say, "Well, Mr. Habyarimana, why don't you stay here?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It will be fine."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And this is the same time when Iraq invaded Kuwait.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Iraq invades Kuwait, which they had some claim to, and the Security Council and the United States bring all hell down on Iraq and Saddam Hussein.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time, the Rwandan ambassador in the Security Council asked for the United Nations to condemn the attack by Uganda against Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It doesn't even get on the agenda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's how Big Power politics are played.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In one situation the attack has to be—the aggression has to be condemned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the other, "Let's just hush it up.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's okay."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because that aggression suits our purposes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And UNAMIR II only came in—they sent more men in for UNAMIR II after July 1994.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's quite clear:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>to consolidate RPF power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And once it was consolidated, they left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now the Americans have three bases in Rwanda, right in the heart of Africa.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then in paragraph ¶68, they refer to the resolution adopted by the Security Council to create this Tribunal.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they forget to tell the Judges—to remind the Judges that--as I read into the record during cross examination of one witness--I think it was maybe Des Forges—that Herman Cohen threatened to kill Habyarimana in October 1993, and said, unless he ceded all power to the RPF—ceded all power, not shared power—ceded all power to the RPF, they were going to kill him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they were then going to set up an international tribunal to try the rest of his crew.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's exactly what they've done.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They killed him, and now we're all here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's not magic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then, again, they go into this strange attack on France.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>France was Rwanda's friend.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, that's true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But so was America and Belgium, at the time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rwandan army officers were trained in the United States and Belgium and Germany.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rwanda also had friends in the Soviet Union—the former Soviet Union, North Korea, West Germany, Canada, Israel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It wasn't just France who supported Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And who forced the French out?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF did, in 1993.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF, "We don't want them here," and the French left.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">¶72.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They talked about the fact that the Organization of African Unity remained inconspicuous.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, that's no big secret.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because President Museveni was the president of the African Unity Association—OAU,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>sorry.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Salim Saleh [Museveni’s half brother and principal advisor] was the secretary.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, here, Mr. Museveni was in favor of the attack on Rwanda, because Tanzania had designs on Rwanda itself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's no surprise the OAU said not a word about the aggression by Mr. Museveni against Rwanda—not one word!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And they make a surprise admission in paragraph ¶73.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It says, "Some Human Rights NGOs, such as Human Rights Watch, were, because of their public and official stance for peace and against human rights violations in Rwanda, assimilated with the international community"—which is just a euphemism for the United States and its puppets.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Human Rights Watch and the rest of those NGOs are part of the United States and British intelligence services.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's quite clear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Everybody knows that, too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's no secret outside this courtroom.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I don't see why it should be a secret inside this courtroom.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Everybody knows who funds those groups and who runs them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And then it says, "Mostly, the International Community”—which is really, again, a euphemism for the United States and its allies”—is made up of all those people worldwide who had seen the atrocities and were deeply appalled."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, no.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's not true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The whole world was deeply appalled by what happened in Rwanda, not just the international community, that is, the United States, the UK, and it's allies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The whole world was appalled, because the RPF murdered millions of people and is still doing it in the Congo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">In paragraph ¶75, they mention, in respect to the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">, that somehow the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Akazu</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>[‘Little House’ in Kinyirwandan, a group of ‘Hutu Extremists’ gathered around President Habyarimana and his wife Agathe and supposed by the uninformed to be responsible for planning and instigating the Genocide, even unto assassinating their own leader, the Rwandan President—cm/p]</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> was involved in the creation of that organization.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There's no evidence in this trial about the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Akazu</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I don't know where Mr. Van—who wrote this—but there was no evidence whatsoever about the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Akazu</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> in this trial.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But that's just, again, to inflame you.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say in ¶77, quite correctly, that the Interahamwe president was Robert Kajuga, a young Tutsi businessman.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's correct.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As was the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>(Witness’s official position is redacted here)</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">, 006, you brought here, being protected by western governments.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He's also a Tutsi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's very strange that an organization controlled by Tutsis is supposed to be accused of killing Tutsis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And yet, apropos of that, I draw your attention back to that video we showed—that my co-counsel Mr. Lurquin showed here, a video of Captain Amadou Deme, a UN officer at the time, giving bulletproof vests and weapons to an </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> leader.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now, the ramifications of that are quite extraordinary.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">We've alleged for some time, and now, because of the disclosure, they finally gave it to us after many years, statements of RPF officers confirming that many of—or, at least some of–-or, many of the so-called </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> roadblocks in Kigali were actually manned by RPF, and that the RPF infiltrated the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Lt. [Abdul] Ruzibiza, since we're bringing things out—from outside the case in your argument—testified in Military I that they did infiltrate the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">, killed people in order to discredit the government and create chaos behind the government lines.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they were very successful.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So that ties in with the video and my submission that the UN forces were involved in helping the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They actively gave </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> leaders bulletproof vests and were joking around with their submachine guns and drinking.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is in—after the so-called massacres have begun.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You don't want the world to know about that either.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The UN wasn't just negligent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were actively involved, because the UN, which was the hope of the world in 1945, 1946 . . .<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"There will be no more war, no more aggression."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And if the General Assembly ran things, there wouldn't be.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the Security Council, run by the United States and the United Kingdom, have twisted it and destroyed it until there's nothing left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And now they attack countries and nothing happens, nothing is said, and we have this game going on in the Tribunal where these eminent Judges and us are just wasting our time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And they say, again, the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> is the armed militia of the MRND.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, there's no evidence of that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They've got no evidence—no credible evidence they were ever an armed militia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And I draw the Judges' attention to the fact that the law—Rwandan law stipulated that armed militias were banned—under the penal code they were banned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yet neither Prime Minister Nsengiyaremye nor Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana banned the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> or any other group under that code.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because they knew they were not an armed militia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were just an ordinary youth wing in a political party.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But to discredit the MRND, because that was the party of the majority of the Rwandan people and the so-called Hutu party—even though it had many Tutsis in it, the propaganda was the MRND was the bad party, and they try and equate them, somehow, with Nazis in Germany.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They try and discredit that party by attaching that party to the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> youth wing and saying they killed people on a mass scale.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So they identify every killer, any bandit, or anybody who killed for any reason whatsoever, and they say that was </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even though their witness, their own witness, 006, AOG, the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>(Witness’s official position is redacted by the Tribunal)</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">, said there were only 1500 </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> in the entire country and most of those were in Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You tell me how 1500 people, most of them in Kigali, could do what they say they did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But as Mr. Ciré Aly Bâ said here—and as they say in here—“Everybody who killed was </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's their point of view.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Every Hutu is </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">; therefore, every Hutu is guilty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's collective punishment, collective guilt.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And this is supposed to be an advance in International Justice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say in paragraph ¶80, “October 1st, 1990, the RPF launched an attack against Rwanda from the Kagitumba border post.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A surprise attack was a complete success, and the sole garrison of Mutara was overrun.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Like the Prosecution is proud of the fact the RPF launched a war of aggression! A surprise attack, a dirty surprise attack, in the midst of negotiations over refugees’ return, murdered everybody at that border post, and started a horrible war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the Prosecution says it was a <b>SUCCESS</b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And yet they don't charge the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They actually admit they committed a war crime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because at the Nuremberg Tribunal, the supreme war crime is committing aggression, because all other crimes follow from that, and if you don't condemn that, there's no point.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they're proud of that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And then Belgium and France, Mobutu, they decided to send troops to assist the FAR, which was in disarray.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yes, the Rwandan Army were in disarray, because nobody expected to be attacked like that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The Rwandan Army, 5,000 men, wasn't expecting a sordid, dirty little attack like that, which killed thousands of civilians, mainly Hutus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Kagame brags about, "Oh, I—I—I was trying to stop the genocide."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What was he doing?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hutus don't count?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He kills Hutus, and that's not genocide?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why did he kill those men at that border post?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because he liked them?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He obviously hates Hutus, and probably most of the Tutsis inside the country, really, too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the Prosecutor does nothing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They—they're—they're proud of what their man does.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say in ¶84 that the peace negotiations culminated in the signing of the Arusha agreements in 1993.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, that's not true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I mean, it's true that there was—there were the Arusha Accords, but they weren't a peace agreement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were a ceasefire agreement, while certain things took place politically.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But what the Prosecutor leaves out at paragraph ¶84 is the fact that between October 1990 and the signing of that accord, there are several other ceasefires agreed to by the RPF, and every one of them was broken by the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><b>EVERY ONE</b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not by the FAR, but by the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And in February 1993, the biggest breach of the ceasefire was when they attacked Ruhengeri and killed, in two weeks, experts say, 40,000 Hutus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Forty thousand!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And we had soldiers testify here who saw what they did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They testified how the RPF treated people, cut women open, cut their eyes out, tied their hands behind their backs and hit them with hoes, because that's the iconic symbol of the Hutu peasant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And still the Prosecution is proud of them and does nothing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Not only did they kill 40,000 people in those 14 days, before they were pushed back by the army, they drove out, because of the fighting, one million, mainly Hutu peasants, driven out of their homes, burned their homes down, drove them down to Kigali to the camp at Nyaconga.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So you had around Kigali one million refugees out of a population of 8 million.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they took over the breadbasket of Rwanda, which created starvation in the rest of the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">This is your humanitarian, Kagame.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is your hero.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And you blame General Bizimungu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You blame General Ndindiliyimana.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Up to this point the FAR has killed no one!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The government, which is a coalition government with pro-RPF people included, has killed no one.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Planting mines, blowing up kids with land mines.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they placed anti-tank mines on roads.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Can you imagine!?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not just anti-personnel mines.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Do you know what an anti-tank mine can do?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mr. Black, just give me one minute.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Sorry.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">In reference to a Witness 006, AOG, you referred to his official position.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think we should place that under seal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Oh, sorry about that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I'm sorry.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yeah.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's all right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You're right.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Why do you—so why does the Prosecution mislead—try to mislead the Court in this argument?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because they are protecting the RPF, and if they don't put out this false story, then the context in which they accuse these men here doesn't make any sense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because if the world knew that there was not just an explosion on April 6th, there was an ongoing war for four years in which the RPF assassinated people, committed acts of terrorism every day, created millions of refugees and murdered tens and tens of thousands of people, all mainly Hutus, but their attitude is that the only good Hutu is a dead Hutu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's obviously their attitude.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then they say, in ¶87, the Arusha Peace Agreements ended the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No, they didn't.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That was just a ceasefire, which was again broken by the RPF on April 6th, when they murdered the president.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Who started the massacres on April 6th?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The first massacre was committed by the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They shot down that plane.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Twenty people on that plane, two Hutu presidents.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, including the president killed in Burundi, the Hutu president murdered by them, because the RPF is implicated in that killing, too, in Burundi, in October, six months before:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that's three Hutu presidents murdered in six months or nine months.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Still they do nothing.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Louise Arbour orders an investigation into the Habyarimana murder, and you find out—the Prosecution finds out it was the RPF that murdered those people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Michael Hourigan is called to The Hague to talk to Louise Arbour about it, from his affidavit which is filed here, one of your—the only—one of the few people on the Prosecution that's got any courage and integrity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he went to Louise Arbour and says, "We know who did it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It wasn't the Habyarimana—or the MRND extremists.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was the RPF."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And implicating the CIA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Louise Arbour tells him to burns his notes, and she takes his disks, his CD with all the information.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And she kills that investigation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Yet she's a heroine in Canada.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And she covered up and protects and is an accessory after the fact to murder, to mass murder.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">[Carla] Del Ponte's continued that policy, and Mr. Jallow continues that policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they still pretend, "Oh, maybe Hutu extremists shot down their own president."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's laughable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now you're making a film about Louise Arbour, looks like Dallaire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The propaganda put out is intense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it doesn't matter a wit, because History will find out that it's not true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's all nonsense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And History will absolve all these officers here eventually.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And you will be condemned, because you're acting for the neocolonialists and the imperialists, not these men.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These men were fighting for majority rule and democracy in Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They didn't start the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Your people did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They mention, paragraph ¶88, about Operation Clean Corridor, supervised by the MINUAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, yes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Also the Coalition Government and the Gendarmerie.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Remember the letter Colonel Marchal sent commending General Ndindiliyimana and the gendarmes for helping bring the RPF into the CND, which got General Ndindiliyimana a lot of flack because many people saw this as a traitorous move, helping the RPF put a battalion of their own men right in the centre of the capital.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The critics turned out to be correct.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a Trojan horse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But his hope at that time was that this was going to lead to peace.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Everybody believed that, in the government and the FAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Ambassador Swinnen said the Rwandan army supported the Arusha Peace Accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Marchal said that, too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel André Vincent, who later became deputy head of Belgian Army Intelligence, said the Rwandan army always supported the peace accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was the RPF who opposed them all the time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They put up one obstruction after another—not the government, not the FAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And why?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because if the accords were fulfilled and the transitional government was actually installed and then elections were held, the RPF knew it was going to lose everything.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It would lose all power, because the majority of the people would still vote for the MRND or its allied parties.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would control a minority in the government, and they would have gained nothing after four years of war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's why they hit the plane on April 6th, because they don't believe in democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They believe in minority rule.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they want to restore exactly that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They laugh at me in here by saying, "Oh, the Hutus say the RPF</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">wanted to restore the oppression of the pre-revolution days."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's exactly what they've done.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There's no Hutu mass party in Rwanda now.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Anybody who tries to start one, they're put in jail or killed or disappear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's like Chile.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Paragraph ¶89.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>[Heckling]<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's okay. . . .<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They say that the president of the republic took the oath of office on 5th January, but other institutions were never set up, as all attempts to do so remain fruitless.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Again, the attempts were fruitless because the RPF put up roadblocks at every step.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">President Habyarimana was sworn in on January the 5th in the morning, but the swearing-</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"> </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">in ceremonies for the Deputies in the afternoon were cancelled.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not by these men here [ind the accused].<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not by the FAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not by the MRND.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It was cancelled by Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, whose letter we've filed here, but which the world had never seen.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She sent a letter saying, "Afternoon ceremonies cancelled"—with no reason given and no further date given.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She cancelled it because the RPF wanted it cancelled.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because you could have had a coalition government, a transitional government on January the 5th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was no obstruction whatsoever, except that she cancelled the swearing-in ceremony.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because soon after that, in March—they called for elections in March.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The MRND and its allied parties would have won, and the RPF would have been sitting out there with no excuse for the war anymore.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So they cancelled it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Claeys, of the Belgian army, who was called by the Prosecution—this is their evidence, your evidence—said that on January the 8th, when they tried to swear in some Deputies for the pro-RPF parties, when President Habyarimana was out of the country, in his absence, he said that that could be construed as an attempted coup d'état.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Luckily, Roger Booh-Booh wouldn't take part in it, so the ceremony couldn't take place.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So on January the 5th, they cancelled the swearing in ceremonies of all the Deputies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>January the 8th, the president's out of the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They try to swear in their own Deputies to take over the government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But Roger Booh-Booh, the UN representative, said no way.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And even your witness said there was an attempted coup d'état.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's not my evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's your evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then going down to paragraph ¶90.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Evening of April 6, President Habyarimana has his plane shot down.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, yeah.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By whom?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Do you charge them with murder or a war crime?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And you make up some cockamamie story about, "We don't have jurisdiction."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it's quite clear you do.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's quite clear you found out who did it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You've known since at least 1997 who shot down that plane.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And the RPF immediately began hitting everybody else in that city they wanted to eliminate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The troops left the CND that night.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We had a report from a Belgian sergeant, Tabour, I think, an intelligence report in which—from Lieutenant Nees, including a statement from this officer—or this Mr. Tabour—saying, he received instructions from his commanding officers that you can expect an RPF column from the CND to cross your point to attack Camp Kanombe—I mean, to attack,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>yeah, Camp Kanombe, I think it was.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Do not resist it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Do not oppose that movement."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he said that they crossed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they were stopped.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The attack on Camp Kanombe on the night of the 6th was stopped by the FAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So this line that Kagame puts out—that, "We only attacked when killings began.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We wanted to save the world"—Is just nonsense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And even Alison Des Forges stated that the myth put out by Kagame that he started the war, or let his troops loose to stop it—I'll find it later—to stop the killings was false.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's a myth.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She said he never cared about people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He only wanted to take power by force of arms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's in the testimony of Mme. Des Forges.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's your witness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You're stuck with that evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's not my evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's yours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Kagame couldn't care less about people's lives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Ruzibiza, in Military I, testified that he left—and many RPF officers left—because they felt betrayed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They actually believed the RPF was a liberation movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they were hoodwinked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And when they asked Kagame’s permission to go on the streets, because they had more men in Kigali than the FAR, and control bandits and ‘</span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">,’ if you will, Kagame refused to let them do it, because he wanted people killed, because that gave him support from the International Community, because then they could say it was a genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it created chaos behind the Rwandan lines.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Any support this government had in the International Community was totally—It just evaporated with all his propaganda, and that's why many of the RPF officers fled and left, in bitter disillusionment, and came here to testify.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then they say, in ¶94 again, the Crisis Committee, they, in total disregard of the provisions of the Arusha Peace Agreements, formed an exclusive Hutu government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, I'm not—you can read my brief—I'm not going to repeat all that again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's quite clear that the Crisis Committee, from your witnesses, Des Forges and Dallaire—not just General Dallaire, but General Ndindiliyimana and the FAR officers who testified here—it's quite clear that that Committee was set up only to ensure security for the continued working of the civilian government, because they'd been—the prime—because the President's been assassinated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The army Chief of Staff is murdered.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is a security vacuum.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So the Army and the Gendarmerie and the UN—because General Dallaire and Colonel Marchal show up at those meetings together—so they try it:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"How are we going to control security so the civilians—so we can try and pull back the Arusha Peace Accords somehow."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So it was not in total disregard.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was in exact accordance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Despite the fact that it's clear the RPF broke the Accords, they were a dead letter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They just burned them in the ashes of that plane.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Men like General Ndindiliyimana and others—with his help and at his invitation—others like General Dallaire, Marchal, Booh-Booh—all tried to pull the Accords back from the ashes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They asked the RPF, "Stop fighting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Stop your fighting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For with the ceasefire we’ll just keep the—we'll just get new people in the government and keep going."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They refused because, obviously, they didn't want to.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They've attacked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They've got the advantage, a surprise attack—in the sense that they've got 10 to 14,000 men in that city—maybe twice as many as the FAR probably have at that time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And yet the FAR, in my view, were naive enough to still believe that it is possible to talk to these people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Ask for a ceasefire."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They're pleading with Dallaire, "Ask for a ceasefire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ask for a ceasefire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ask for a ceasefire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We can't do anything.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We don't want a war."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Dallaire comes up—comes back and replies like the RPF–arrogant, obstinate, "No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And even on April 12th, when several senior FAR officers actually offer the RPF an unconditional surrender, "We give up.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unconditional surrender.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's over.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You won."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">What does the RPF do?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They refuse that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The killing could have stopped on April 12th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they don't want the killing to stop.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They don't want the war to stop.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because if they—if they agree to a ceasefire then, they would have to negotiate with the government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would have to agree to things.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would not get all power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would have to share power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And the FAR would still exist.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would still have to integrate their forces with the FAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And my friends over there [</span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>ind the Prosecution</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">] talked about, "Oh, the FAR was against the Accords because a lot of men were going to lose their jobs and positions in the Army."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But that was also true of the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Most of the RPF would have to be demobilized, and all the RPF officers would be out of jobs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Don't they have a motivation to break the Accords?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If you can argue that<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>way against the FAR officers, it applies equally to the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What were those men going to do?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Roam around the streets in Kigali?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Go back to Uganda?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They're not farmers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They're soldiers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But no.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF disappears in the Prosecution’s entire theory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In their argument there's no mention of the RPF.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">¶96: They say some—oh, ¶95, an astonishing statement—General Ndindiliyimana and Colonel Bagosora's Crisis Committee had just buried the Arusha Peace Agreements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I mean, come on!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You've got to be kidding me.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>RPF shoot down the plane.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They attack.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They won't agree to a ceasefire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But these men want to continue the Accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And you say they’re the ones buried it when they invite the UN in and say, "How can we keep it going?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's your own witnesses talking.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">What surprises me and what the public doesn't know—or realize—is that this is their case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is not my case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General Dallaire said that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dr. Des Forges, this celebrated expert, said that here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I'm going to read some excerpts later about how she talked about General Ndindiliyimana doing all he could to keep the peace accords going.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ambassador Swinnen who—you name it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And yet they put this lie in their brief.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's as if they were never at this trial.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or that the purpose of the brief is not to make an argument but, again, to be distributed to the press here, to Hirondelle and their allies everywhere, and just to put out a propaganda tract.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's all it is.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's not an argument about the evidence in the case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It, in fact, ignores everything that Dallaire and Des Forges say.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nowhere in their argument do they refer to their main witnesses, Des Forges and Dallaire, except in passing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why do they suppress that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Two of the most important witnesses ever to testify at this Tribunal, and it just disappears from the argument totally, which again supports my opening remarks that they—they're just working for the RPF and those—the people behind them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I want to make a gratuitous remark that Mr. Van made also, that from 1973 on, the Rwandan government was laced with military officers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, so what?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's not relevant to anything.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The United States, which controls your office completely, is heavily infiltrated or ‘laced’ with the American military—ex-military officers, present military officers:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General Colin Powell, General Eisenhower, Alexander Haig, Brent Scowcroft.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I can go on and on with a list of American military officers holding high places in government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's nothing new in the world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many other countries have military officers in government positions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So what?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And what was the RPF?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a—you say it was a political/military organization.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, if it's okay for the RPF, your heroes, to be a political/military organization, what's your problem with the Rwandan government?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Paragraph ¶100.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Talking about the attack of October 1990, they say—they admit that—that Rwanda was attacked from Uganda—which makes it an international war, by the way, not an internal war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They say the RPF talked mainly of the return of refugees and democratic reform.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's false also, because we heard testimony from many witnesses, experts and UN documents, that in late September there was an agreement between the UNHCR, the OAU, the UN, Uganda, the RPF wing of the Ugandan army, and the government in Rwanda that there would be a mass-. . .—they would allow, finally, a mass return of refugees into Rwanda, which is difficult because it is such a small country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And the agreement was that the Tutsi refugees who wanted to return would send a delegation to Kigali to discuss the mechanics and logistics.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Like where are they going to put these people?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What are they going to live on?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who's going to house them?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the government was expecting that delegation to come.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Instead, what do they get?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Machine gun bullets and murder!</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because once that agreement was signed, the excuse for the existence of the RPF ceased to be.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their excuse was, "Oh, we want to come back to Rwanda."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well—and it's quite clear that individual Tutsis could always go back to Rwanda at any time they chose and many—and we had people testify they came back.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There's no prohibition with Tutsis coming back if they wanted to, singly or as families.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it always was a concern for the government that 30, 40, 50,000 people come back, because they had a problem with that before.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And no country could absorb that many people without problems.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And talk of a democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That also was a figment of their imagination, because what happened in 1991?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Aggiornamento</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Not sure I pronounced that right.)</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The French president and the Americans put heavy pressure on Habyarimana, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, to allow multiparty democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Did he resist?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He changed the constitution, and Rwanda was changed from a semi-socialist one-party state into a multiparty Western-style democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Even during a war---the country is now at war—and he still did it—which is amazing!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No other country would have done that in the middle of a war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Changed their entire constitution and allowed parties to be set up which were obviously fronts for the enemy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But he did, because he's bending over backwards to stop the war and take away every excuse from the RPF to keep conducting that war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But still they press—they press—they press for more—for more—for more.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they never stop, because they were not interested in democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They wanted to take all power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And finally, with Herman Cohen's threat and its realization, they took all power, and they have it now.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say on October 4th, 1990, in paragraph ¶101, the Rwandan Government Army staged a fake attack on Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's also a lie.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The evidence was that this fake attack was conducted by RPF agents inside Kigali, as a feint, F-E-I-N-T, a diversion, to draw the Rwandan army away from the Northern Front, where they were facing the RPF, in order to give the RPF an advantage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But the FAR did not fall into that trap.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They did not withdraw from the front, as they hoped to counter a threat in the capital.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the Americans were implicated in that too, because it was—the information was put out by an official of the American Embassy in Rusatira.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a deliberate Black Op, Black Operation, to try and allow the RPF to win right there and then.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You can read the evidence on that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I won't go into it in detail.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And then they complain about 10,000 people being arrested.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, the country is at war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is a feigned attack, machine gun fire all over the capital at night and nobody knows who's firing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they arrest people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">What do the Americans do after 911?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arrested tens of thousands of people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some are still being held indefinitely, ten years—nine years later—eight years later.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What country wouldn't protect its own security and wouldn't arrest suspects?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">What amazes me is that those people were all released in six months.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the middle of a war—and there's no doubt some of them were involved, and I think there were charges laid that some of them were involved—they released them!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Americans didn't do that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Look what happened to the Japanese after their surprise attack on Hawaii.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Every Japanese citizen in the United States was put in a concentration camp and kept there for the entire length of the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No proof they were involved in anything whatsoever.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Property seized.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They never got those properties back.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some compensation came, like, 50 years later.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But you complain that this government under—in the face of an enemy attack, takes reasonable security measures to protect itself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's a—that's a sign of an anti-Tutsi bias.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I mean, its crazy! <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">In paragraph ¶105 they say that, while the Rwandan government was talking peace with the RPF on one hand, on the other it was preparing for war and a final solution to the Tutsi problem in Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, no.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's interesting they incorporate the Nazi German reference to the Jews, "Final Solution".<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's all very dramatic, like Mr. Tambadou's fake histrionics yesterday, where he tried to tear at our heart strings because he has no facts to base his argument on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">No.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Vincent and Colonel Marchal went in and testified quite clearly that the fight at the—the talk-and-fight strategy was the strategy of the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They would talk, get you to agree to a ceasefire, make some concessions, and then after that they would attack again, push you to the wall.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Get some more concessions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another ceasefire, attack again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is totally false, and it's against the evidence in this trial.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, again, it's as if the people who wrote this—I don't know who wrote this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I suspect some of these lawyers, they didn't write this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Somebody else did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because nobody in this trial could have—no one who was here could have written that and be honest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It was the RPF that engaged in the—in the fight-and-talk strategy, and they were the ones preparing for a final solution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I referred in cross-examination to a letter sent to the UN in 1999 by—I think it was a Captain.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not sure if it was a Captain, but . . .<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Christophe Hakizimana, an ex-RPF officer.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He wrote a letter to the UN at the time the UN was doing an internal investigation on what went wrong.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And he said, you—"The UN is investigating the wrong people."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said, "We killed 2 million Hutus in those 12 weeks."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Two million and still continuing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he gave a very detailed outline of the RPF strategy and tactics up to that point:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Destabilization; Black Operations; False Flag Operations; sabotage; assassinations, which they blamed on the government; feeding false information to NGOs; planting people inside the government and NGOs; economic destabilization; starting newspapers to create ethnic tension.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPF were the ones that started that strategy to divide the people, not the government, not the FAR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And yet, despite that letter, which the Prosecution I'm sure has—and they have evidence of this—they claim—they don't mention dead Hutus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Every dead person is a dead Tutsi or a moderate Hutu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It's like the Americans used to do in Vietnam.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Every Vietnamese they killed in their bombings was a</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">dead Vietcong, every one of them, millions.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And the Prosecution doesn't prosecute.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I remind the Judges that on your Rule 68 decision, when they were forced to give us disclosure, they had found 3,000 more pages.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We found in there statements from RPF officers, where they received officers from Kagame personally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I will give you two examples.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“We have thousands of civilians, Hutu civilians, in Byumba stadium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What do we do with them?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Order: "Kill them."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“We have thousands of civilians in Gitarama stadium, including former government officials.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What do we do with them?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">His orders, "Kill them all."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">This is in May.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In June. "Kill them all!"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They've had those statements for over ten years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that's why they didn't disclose them, because they don't want to charge the RPF, even though they committed massacres on a mass scale.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I refer to the Gersony report.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They hid that from us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At least we found his preliminary report, which was sent to the UNHRC in October 1994 where he said to the UNHCR, "I have done a study and it's my conclusion that the RPF engaged in systematic and planned widespread massacres against the unarmed and defenseless Hutu population."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they were continuing to do so!</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, after that preliminary report, he made a final report, which the UN is still hiding.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But we referred to it in another document.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, I forget the document now, but you may recall it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In a UN report, another situation-report, it referred to Gersony's full report.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it referred to a meeting between Robert Gersony, who, we remember, is a USAID man, now working in Baghdad.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was so incensed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He demanded a meeting with Paul Kagame and presented him with the findings of the report, that he found in just three </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>préfectures</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">, in those weeks in '94, the RPF had murdered 300,000 Hutus, and that he assumed—he concluded that they had done the same in the other eight remaining </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>préfectures</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he accused Kagame of committing genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Kagame kicked him out of his office, and then the UN buried that report.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Gersony was taken off that file, and the report has been buried ever since.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They even denied it existed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So who are the dead in Rwanda?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's what I would like to know.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who are the people at Gisozi?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I will come back to that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Let's take a break.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Court is adjourned for 15 minutes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>END OF ACT I</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>ACT II</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>IN BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] PROSECUTOR MR. VAN:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">Let me give you a number of examples, Mr. President.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">First of all, this is what you said:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">"The positions of the Accused, Bizimungu, Ndindiliyimana, and Nzuwonemeye, as Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Army, Chief of Staff of Gendarmerie Nationale, and the Commander of Reconnaissance Battalion, respectively, and the fact that the institutions under their command and control engaged in various activities that facilitated the mass killing of Tutsis on account of their ethnic identification."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">Secondly:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"In 1991, following the invasion of Rwanda by rebels of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, RPF, the previous year, the government of President Habyarimana commissioned a report which defined the enemy as Tutsi. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This definition was widely disseminated among elements of the Rwandan armed forces, with a view to their indoctrination."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">Thirdly, you said, Mr. President:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"The Accused Bizimungu participated in various meetings between 1991 and 1994 to discuss the identity of the enemy and how to combat it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These meetings identified the Tutsi as the enemy, and acquitted members of that ethnic group to the </span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;">‘</span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><i>Igusura</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">’—I-G-U-S-U-R-A—the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><i>Igusura</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"> plan that needed to be emanated."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><i>Quatrièmement... -- je ne veux pas citer tous les 15 exemples, Monsieur le Président, mais je prends ceux qui me paraissent importants.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Quatriàments—dis-je</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Bizimungu and Ndindiliyimana made remarks after 6 April, 1994, which arguably could be interpreted as a threat of exhortation to kill Tutsi civilians."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><i>Cinquièmement—ce sera l'avant-dernier</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Ndindiliyimana and Nzuwonemeye both attended the meeting held at the army headquarters in Kigali on the night of 6 April 1994, soon after the president of the country was killed in </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold; font-size: 18.0pt;">a plane crash [dir: </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic; font-size: 18.0pt;"><i>Warp and echo this term</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold; font-size: 18.0pt;">].</span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At another meeting held at the </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><i>École</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"> </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><i>supérieure militaire</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">, ESM, the following day, they established a Crisis Committee composed of senior military figures under the chairmanship of Ndindiliyimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The committee was responsible for the formation of a new interim civilian administration dominated by Hutu."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;">And, lastly:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Soon after the president's death in early April 1994, several opposition politicians and moderate Hutus were assassinated by members of the Rwandan army forces, including the Presidential Guard and Recon Battalion." </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>LIGHTS UP:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The stage is as in ACT I.</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yes, Mr. Black.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Court has resumed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You can continue.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Thank you.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They talked in paragraph ¶109—I'm just going to go on my diatribe about the history just a bit more, and then I will go on to the actual argument by Mr. Strickland briefly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They say that in order to defeat the enemy politically, the MRND launched a systematic campaign of violence against moderate opposition politicians resulting in the deaths of some of them, such as Félicien Gatabazi, Emmanuel Gapyisi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, I really fail to understand how they could say that when the evidence in this trial clearly was—and in every other—in Military I and other trials—that the RPF murdered Félicien Gatabazi, the RPF murdered Bucyana, the RPF murdered Gapyisi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's well known now.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Guichaoua wrote about that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I mean, everybody—every expert now recognizes the RPF murdered those people to try and discredit the government by saying they did it, and pass it out to the whole world that the regime is an anti-Tutsi regime, an anti-democratic regime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And when they murdered Gatabazi, by the way, remember, he just came from a meeting with [PM Faustin] Twagiramungu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He had a gendarme escort.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they were all shot, too.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So why is the Prosecution deliberately writing material in their argument which they know to be false?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unless they take us all for fools!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I don't know.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or, as I said, this is not meant to be an argument.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It is just meant to be a propaganda tract.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, on page—paragraph ¶115, they say, from April 7th, the massacres of Tutsi started in Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's not true, either.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The evidence is, from many witnesses, that Hutus and Tutsis manned the barricades together until about April 13th or so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And on April 13th, most of the Tutsis left the barricades, and then everybody began wondering what's going on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it's then that some killings took place.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Though I just read in the book last night—this is not evidence, so you don't have to take it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Alan Cooperman wrote a study for the Pentagon, analyzing a timeline for deaths.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he said, by April 15th—there's no killings between 7th and 6th—6th, 7th, 8th and 9th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They started on the 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, and ended by the 15th, 16th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But he is wrong on many things, so don't take that for anything.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And then, finally, ¶116, between April and July, hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, where</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">is the proof of that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Are we going to be content with just this mythology—this myth?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If this Tribunal, which is mandated to investigate and charge people with war crimes in Rwanda in 1994, cannot present to the world one scintilla of evidence about how many Tutsis were killed, then what are we doing here?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">What are we doing here?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">There is no proof whatsoever that hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were killed!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It may be so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I don't know.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But they've never established how many Tutsis were killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">We filed the census figures from 1991.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For Kigali alone—I may be off on the numbers, but I'm<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>approximating, I remember the population of Kigali is around 250 to 300,000 people or so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maybe a bit more.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The number of Tutsis in Kigali is around 40,000 or so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General Dallaire states in his book that 14—he saw a column of 14,000 Tutsis being taken out by the RPF on around April 14th or so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Bernard Kouchner, in the letter we filed, dated May 20th, on his visit to Kigali, states in this letter to the UN that 20,000 Tutsis were still alive in the city after the killings in Kigali had stopped, except for the fighting between the armies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That leaves you—that's 34,000.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We are missing 6,000—and many people fled.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So who are—whose skulls are those at Gisozi?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Two hundred and fifty thousand skulls, supposedly killed in Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That would be the <b><i>ENTIRE</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> population of Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We have an inkling of who they might be, because Antoine Nyetera said that when the RPF took the city, they rounded up all the—the entire population of different districts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In his district, over 100,000 people put in the Nyamirambo stadium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the RPF—he said he saw thousands of Tutsis in that stadium with him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Antoine Nyetera, remember, is a Tutsi, a very elegant man, famous artist trained in Paris, famous for designing the national stamps for Rwanda, related to the monarchy, a Prince.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he said he was in Kigali and he never saw what they say happened.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said he never saw the army killing people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He said that when the RPF took the city, they rounded the people up, put them in the stadium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He saw thousands of people—Tutsis in the stadium with him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And then the RPF began pulling out of line the Hutus and just shooting them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Bang, bang, bang.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And I asked him, what would happen if a Tutsi had complained about this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said, "They'd shoot them, too."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I remember Rose.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I won't tell you her last name.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was a person who came here, a journalist, testified about going—about fleeing on the first few days of the war in April to Amahoro stadium, where General Dallaire's headquarters were based.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the refugees fled there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mainly Hutus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that on the stadium grounds—part of the stadium floor was occupied by, I think, Bangladeshi troops.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I'm not sure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The UN troops were there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that Dallaire, from time to time, walked through the stadium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And she testified quite graphically about how the RPF pulled people out of that stadium and shot them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Her husband was shot by the RPF, by a sniper, while he was walking in the stadium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They fired at her and wounded her foot.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">She says her two sons—she attributes the suicides of her two sons to that experience.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They committed suicide just last year.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Twenty years old, hanged themselves because they can't take the injustice of the world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And she said she approached him—and other refugees approached General Dallaire and said:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"When are you going to stop the RPF from murdering Hutus in the stadium—right in front of your eyes?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He just said nothing and walked away.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So who are the dead people?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Where are the hundreds of thousands of bodies?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Where are the photographs?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Where are the mass graves?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Where are the lists of the dead?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why does the RPF refuse to conduct a census to find out what the true survival rate of the population was and who survived and who was killed?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because, if Christophe Hakizimana and Abdul Ruzibiza are correct—and I don't know, but this is what they say—then two million Hutus were killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Davenport and Stam at the University of Maryland put out a study based on Prosecution figures they took, and RPF figures they were given to do a study for the Prosecution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They came to the conclusion that only 250,000 people were killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And for every Tutsi, there were two dead Hutus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A two to one ratio.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their contract with the Prosecutor's office was then cancelled.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But they say that's what their figures revealed, based on reports they got from each village, each site, from the Prosecution’s office and the RPF government.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So it's in between there and there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Two hundred and fifty thousand and two million.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nobody knows because nobody wants to find out.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or they do know, but don't want to tell us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And we have Gersony saying 300,000 dead Hutus, in three </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>préfectures</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> alone, in those 12 weeks.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But the Prosecution doesn't charge anybody in that government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not one single person!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And by encouraging Kagame in his impunity from prosecution, this Prosecution service is allowing him, encouraging him, giving him carte blanche to go into Congo and kill 10 million more people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We heard what they did to the Hutu refugees in eastern Congo, forced into the forest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Four thousand kilometers, they're pushed into the forest.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hunted down like animals every day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You heard those stories.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It will make you cry.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And we heard Rose ask: “Where is the justice for the Hutus?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Obviously there is none.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">All right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I am now going to go to the Definition of the Enemy Document.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think my friends before me addressed that very well, and the brief, I think, just totally refutes their false argument on that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They do mention in their brief, here, that the Belgian War College thesis that General Ndindiliyimana wrote in 1974, when he was a young cadet at the Belgian War School, somehow spawned the Definition of Enemy Document.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">First of all, Military I said that document is fine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It doesn't say Tutsis were the enemy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's quite clear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their actual indictment says it correctly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Tutsi extremists who want to take power by force of arms were the enemy, and that would be true in any state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But those who want to change the government by democratic means are not the enemy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's quite clear.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But somehow they use a thesis which he wrote and which was approved by the Belgian War School as correct, and then buried in their archives, somehow that influenced the Definition of the Enemy Document, without any proof whatsoever that anybody even knew about that thesis he wrote as a young cadet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It was never produced and circulated among the army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Oh, that's great.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We'll use that as a template for our argument."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I mean, it's just absurd what they are trying to argue here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And it doesn't even mention the Tutsis being the enemy in his thesis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, if he is guilty of that, then the Belgian government is too.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Para ¶525, they state that the Accused were against the Arusha Accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, I'm going to read some excerpts from<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>some testimony which indicates that the FAR—and Ambassador Swinnen struck me very strongly on this, the Belgian ambassador.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said, the FAR were quite clearly in favor of the Accords—the Rwandan army. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it was the RPF who were the obstructionists.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And in that—In his testimony, we filed the report by the Tanzanian Foreign Minister who was acting as go-between for the negotiations between the RPF and everybody else.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Tanzanian Foreign Minister complained to the UN that it was the RPF who were the obstructionists.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And when the issue about the CDR party being involved or not in the transitional government, when finally everybody agreed that they could take part, and the CDR agreed—acceded to the Arusha Accords—he said, it was the RPF who still refused to go ahead with the Arusha Accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were the ones opposing everything.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">All right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think I'll—there are a couple of things in this argument which also struck me as odd.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is our legal issue.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's a minor point in a way, but it's important for your considerations because, as I said at the beginning, I think—I submit that we have, brick by brick, built a wall so solid of Reasonable Doubt that they could never penetrate that wall.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">There is Reasonable Doubt on every issue.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I think, in fact, we have gone beyond that and proven that General Ndindiliyimana is completely innocent—something we don't NEED to do!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They say the notion of Reasonable Doubt, at paragraph ¶1344, is related to the credibility of the evidence adduced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's false.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's not true in law.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Reasonable Doubt is not just based on credibility.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's based on the totality of the evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And whether the Prosecution's proven its case on the facts and on the evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Credibility is just one issue in assessing that evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So they don't even know what the law is on Reasonable Doubt.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They misstate it!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And in—the following paragraph reveals their attitude completely in this case—in ¶1345, they say something astonishing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, unconsciously or not, they represent their true point of view.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They say,</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“After the presentation by the parties of their evidence, the Prosecution observes that the Defense has not established at any point in time the innocence of the Accused.“</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That shows exactly what their mindset is, and why they don't back up any of their charges.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They make charges and bring no evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They charge that he should be in control of [Radio] RTLM, General Ndindiliyimana, but they brought no proof that he had any legal responsibility over RTLM.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They brought no expert to say so, no member of RTLM to say so, nobody in the RPF to say so, no expert in law and media to say so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No one.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They just say, "He is responsible."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, "You got a response to that, Mr. Black?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That is their attitude.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">We demolished that case anyway, because I know the thinking over there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They did it again when they alleged he could have done more to save lives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They didn't bring one military police expert here—which they could easily have done—to say, based on the resources he had at this time, based on what was going on on the ground and the dynamics of the situation, he could have done this, he could have done that, and he could have done the other, or he should have done this, he should have done that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He didn't.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he didn't do it for bad reasons.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So negligence is not enough.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They've got to prove he didn't do something with intent to assist in the killing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They just made the accusation:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He didn't do enough.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they could have brought an RPF officer here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"I was in Kigali at that time fighting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I knew what they had.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I knew they could have done that and done that."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They could have brought General Dallaire to say so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They didn't do it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They could have hired any sort of military expert from all their military colleges in Britain and the United States to come and do a study.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They didn't.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Major Nsanzimfura, who is their case manager in this case, because he is a G4, logistics officer.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Major Nsanzimfura was aware of all the capabilities of the Gendarmerie:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Number of men available, weapons, food supplies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He knew everything that General Ndindiliyimana had at his disposal, and he sits back there—he's not called as a witness to say,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"General Ndindiliyimana is wrong. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He could have done this and done that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We complained, and he wouldn't do anything."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But they don't call Major Nsanzimfura because Major Nsanzimfura would not agree with them.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And I go back just briefly to the charges they raised at the beginning of the case, the horrible charges laid against General Ndindiliyimana and no evidence whatsoever supported those charges.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were just withdrawn, because they laid those charges to manipulate the Judges and to make him look bad.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, the big attack on General Ndindiliyimana was made by Mr. Strickland, who said that he is a liar.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Plain and simple.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Without establishing any reason why he should be considered a liar, he just says he is a liar.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So—and why is he a liar?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because—well, he is a General, and he is a politician.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He is a Hutu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their attitude is: All Hutus are liars.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So, why have a trial?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If no witness can be believed here because he is a Hutu, why have these trials at all?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's a farce.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Since I'm forced into this exercise, let's spend some time establishing that Mr. Strickland's statements were totally groundless and slanderous.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I read from my brief—I wasn't going to do this because I don't think I need to, but I am forced to now.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Paragraph ¶17, page 10.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Vincent says, in support of General Ndindiliyimana's testimony, quote,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I am persuaded that the General—the General was in favor of implementing the Arusha Accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And the Gendarmerie cooperated fully with UNAMIR in the implementation of the Accords, fully, indeed."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Further he stated,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"At no time did we have any perception of General Ndindiliyimana’s being in any way implicated or involved in any of the massacres."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Page 15.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dr. Des Forges, I asked her—I put this question to her:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Question:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In April—"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and I'm reading to her from her book.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"’In April, General Ndindiliyimana and Colonel Gatsinzi and Rusatira summoned Gahigi of RTLM and Jean François Nsengiyumva of Radio Rwanda to the Military School in Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The officers supposedly told them that the radios must stop calling for violence against Tutsi and discrediting military officers opposed to genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another RTLM announcer incited militia to attack Ndindiliyimana, reporting that he was transporting RPF soldiers in his vehicle, for which the license plate number was given, when he was trying to help Tutsi escape.’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You wrote those words, did you not?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">She said, "Yes, I did."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Colonel Vincent, on page 19, in talking about the General’s cooperation with UNAMIR, said, "At the level of the negotiations for the KW—the Weapons Secure Area Agreement, he played a role which I may refer to as an important role."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Colonel Marchal confirmed that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Colonel Marchal, to add to my last point, goes on to say that—explaining the negotiations, he said,</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I would say the Rwandan government forces"—now,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Colonel Marchal is the head of the Belgian UN contingent to Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I would say that Rwandan Government Forces and the Gendarmerie did not give me major problems.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There were problems. but quite understandable, and that can be explained in the context at the time. “<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"However, on the RPF side, it was a permanent struggle to have them comply with the requirements of the Agreement, the Protocol.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And when I say constant struggle, I say it because—with a great deal of conviction, because at the time I kept a private journal and would often send reports on my activities to my general staff in Brussels.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it is true, when I reread through that period, I see that sometimes I had serious problems with the military component of the RPF at the CND."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">With respect, specifically to the credibility of, and the sincerity of General Ndindiliyimana at page 20, paragraph ¶36, I asked him—he said this—however, he said this, and I quote him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"In regard to the Gendarmerie, Colonel Marchal testified he did not have problems with them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he had noted at the time very clear orders from General Ndindiliyimana to all gendarme units to comply with the agreement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Further, Colonel Marchal assigned observers to see if the general had kept his word or was</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">playing a double game."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That is, he put—he tailed him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He had him followed to see if he was playing straight.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is what he says:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"So I assigned observers, so I can tell you"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>this is a quote.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Quote, "So I can tell you that if there was any need for General Ndindiliyimana to play a double game, so to speak.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We would have been able to see through it, given the circumstances, particularly in view of what we experienced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is through these observations that I became more trusting, and I found the chief of staff of the Gendarmerie to be a credible person."</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So where does Mr. Strickland get off to saying he is lying?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Where?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Based on what?</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">[FREEZE]<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] MR. STRICKLAND:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>I'm about to read from Mr. Van's cross-examination of your client in this case where this very state—this testimony is put to him. <o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>June 23rd, 2008.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Question:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General, with regard to the information provided to you by your collaborators—you made mention of this in the </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>Bagambiki</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b> case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>During the hearing of 17th of February 2003, when you were testifying on behalf of </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>Préfet</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b> Bagambiki,—“<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>This is Mr. Van.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"I have before me an excerpt of the transcript of Monday, the 17th of February 2003.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Counsel Lurquin put to you the following question:<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>'Before the 6th of April 1994, when you were chief of staff of the Gendarmerie, were you regularly informed of the security situation in the Cyangugu </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>préfecture</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>?'<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>To which you answered, 'Yes, Counsel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In my capacity as chief of staff with a full department of employees, we would regularly receive from all the Gendarmerie units, including Cyangugu, information on the situation that prevailed in the </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>préfecture</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b> where we had our units.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Question: After the 6th of April, would you still receive such reports?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Answer: Yes, Counsel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Question: Witness, were the reports made on a regular basis?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Answer: The reports were indeed made on a regular basis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is what we call information reports that are given every day, and we receive them at the general staff.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Question:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who would send reports to you from the Cyangugu </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>préfecture</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Answer: From Cyangugu, as from other </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>préfectures</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>, we had the Gendarmerie.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is the commander of the Gendarmerie unit that would send the report to us.'<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Now, I invite the Chambers to read General Ndindiliyimana's response.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I don't want to go on too long.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But what's interesting here is that, before that Trial Chamber in the </b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-BoldItalic;"><b><i>Bagambiki</i></b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b> case, Ndindiliyimana wanted to stress the extent of his knowledge of events in Cyangugu and never did he suggest—never—I've read the transcript—never did he suggest that his intelligence was incomplete or ever incorrect.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Never.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, in this case, it is the—almost the first point he brings to the floor, that the information we received is incomplete or sometimes false, because here he wants to make it appear that he was largely in the dark with respect to the killings throughout Rwanda and largely in the dark about the actions of his own officers.<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Mr. President, on April 6th and 7th, 1994, the political survival skills, techniques, of General Ndindiliyimana came to the fore.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He occupied a central position in the military-led Crisis Committee, which initially took the reins of power in the aftermath of the president's death.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>General Dallaire testified that at times he was under the impression that General Ndindiliyimana was acquiescing to General Bagosora's agenda, and, at other times, Ndindiliyimana expressed concern and a desire to stop the massacres and the killings.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Well, Mr. President, after hearing all the evidence, Prosecutor wants to make our position crystal clear.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We are not confused, like Dallaire was.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is our position that Ndindiliyimana was wholly insincere in his dealings with Dallaire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He simply told General Dallaire whatever he thought the UN wanted to hear.<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>[MR. BLACK BACK LIVE]<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>MR. BLACK</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">General Dallaire said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"In the case of the Gendarmerie, I have absolutely no reports of any maneuvering outside the KWSA rules.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was cooperative in trying to maintain order within the limited resources he had."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Ambassador Swinnen said, page 25, . . . the Belgium ambassador said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I knew him when he assumed his responsibilities and when he went to the National Gendarmerie.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He showed a determination to work and cooperate with Belgium and with the Belgians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I had a very favorable view of Ndindiliyimana."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And this despite the fact there was some tension between Belgium and Rwandan at the time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But he was able to transcend this tension.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I saw someone who really wanted to work, who really demonstrated his will to make process—processes work."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And he remembers that General Ndindiliyimana had a conversation with the Chief of Staff of the Belgian Army, the armed forces, Admiral Ver Hurst.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's V-E-R, H-U-R-S-T.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Admiral Ver Hurst, he said—he told Admiral Ver Hurst that he was in favor of a stronger exercise of the mandate of the United Nations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said that to Admiral Ver Hurst.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I was given that as one of the examples of what we believed to be a sincere commitment to peace.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Belgium, in line with the General's wish, thought that that should work.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And General Dallaire, paragraph ¶53, I asked him, "Oh"—he's talking here about the cooperation with Ndindiliyimana and UNAMIR.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He said—I asked him, "Oh, so you regarded him as the most cooperative officer on either side, RGF or RPF?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His answer was, what?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>"Absolutely."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Absolutely.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They attack him by saying that–-Van attacked him by saying that the Crisis Committee was some sort of Machiavellian plot to take over the government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Des Forges says this about that meeting: “With Gatsinzi at least nominally in command of the armed forces, he, Rusatira, and Ndindiliyimana sought to </span><span style="font-family: "Arial Narrow";">w</span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">rest control from Bagosora.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the Crisis Committee met on the evening of April 7th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They refused to allow Bagosora to run the meeting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He insulted others, particularly Rusatira, and boycotted the rest of the meeting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The others made some plans for bringing the Presidential Guard under control and setting up the government based on the Arusha Accords.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">You wrote those words?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“That sounds familiar.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's fine.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">This is their witness, not my witness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is their case, not my case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How can they come here and deny their own case and just put out lies when their witnesses said the Crisis Committee did not have that purpose and General Ndindiliyimana’s role was not as they say it was?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And that's why they suppressed all mention of Des Forges and Dallaire in their argument—because they're dishonest.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">A dishonest lawyer would say, "Dallaire and Des Forge said this, but we think . . ." They don't even try to argue their way out of it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Just drop it out of the picture entirely.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Des Forges goes on:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"In the early days of April, it appears that General Ndindiliyimana made efforts to organize some sort of opposition in—meetings with opposition to Bagosora and, in addition, made efforts to save lives”—despite what Mr. Van says.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He didn't save anybody?!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mr. Van has the temerity to say he didn't save anybody!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And yet he saved 37 Tutsi orphans and two priests at his house in April.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He had his armored car taken away from him because they thought maybe he was working for the RPF.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And then she wrote this:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"The senior officers opposed to Bagosora" because he—Mr. Van mentioned something about international support for the so-called moderates, which is a false dichotomy, but she said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"The senior officers opposed to Bagosora either could not bring themselves to join forces with the longstanding enemy or do not believe that they could lead a substantial number of soldiers into such an arrangement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They looked instead to the International Community for support.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Dallaire would have liked what he saw as a new army, but he was blocked by the narrow interpretation of the mandate, . . ." and so on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Ndindiliyimana explored the possibility of foreign support with the Belgian ambassador, Johan Swinnen, the evening of April 7th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No one had resources to offer dissenters who hoped to oust Bagosora and stop the slaughter of Rwandans.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“You wrote that, did you not?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">She says, "Yes, I believe I wrote that."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Dallaire, who was at the meeting of the Crisis Committee, says—I say to him:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Question:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I believe you classified someone like Ndindiliyimana and somebody like Rusatira as so-called moderates."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He said, "Yes."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, I don't like that false dichotomy, and other officers here don't like that dichotomy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's a false dichotomy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But those are the terms they used.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Colonel Marchal, who was at the meeting of the military officers on April 6th, 7th, at the ESM, invited by General Ndindiliyimana, and General Dallaire was present, invited by General Ndindiliyimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Colonel Marchal says this:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Another aspect of this part of the meeting which seems essential to me, is that everyone, everyone in the FAR was of the decision to put in place, as soon as possible, the transitional institutions and help manage the crisis and to hand over authority as rapidly as possible to the politicians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the soldiers present did not raise any objection to this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The soldiers said, 'It's not our role to manage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We help.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's the politicians who need to manager the crisis.'"</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">This was a great concern.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he confirms that General Ndindiliyimana supported that initiative.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, he was the one that broached it first.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then we have—to support his credibility—the telephone call of Johan Swinnen, the night of the 7th and 8th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I won't read the entire transcript here, but the second paragraph on page 44 is important.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The general phones Ambassador Swinnen and says,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Don't leave us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Belgians will be killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Soldiers will be killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Don't leave Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need you here or else it's just going to deteriorate and get worse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Please stay."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It's a long conversation, 3 o'clock in the morning. Mr. Strickland says he is a liar.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, Ambassador Swinnen said, "That was a very emotional conversation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I think that at that time I could not have thought that he was just pretending or acting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think that he was acting lucidly and seriously.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unfortunately, I had to tell him, 'We have not yet taken a decision.'<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I had the feeling that I was talking to someone who was very disappointed and still wanted to make an effort to see to it that the Belgians do not—are not compelled to take a decision to leave."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Dr. Des Forges, their witness, confirmed in her remarks on this conversation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"So I think it does reveal, probably—no, I think it does reveal, certainly—on the part of Ndindiliyimana—a sincere desire for the international forces to remain there."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">This is their witness.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I can go on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Marchal confirms that the gendarmes could do no more than the blue berets, that the blue berets who were guarding the so-called moderate politicians were overwhelmed by the Presidential Guard attacking their unit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Four or five men were attacked by twenty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Our men couldn't resist the Presidential Guard and the Gendarmerie couldn't do anything better."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So that also corroborates the General's testimony.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They laughed at the fact that he says,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Oh, I didn't have resources and I couldn't control the events."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“You could have done SOMETHING!”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They forget the argument in my brief about the consequences of the RPF attack on the refugee camp at Nyacyonga.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Remember there is, north of the city, one million people, one million living in tents, forced there by the RPF.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">April 10th and 11th, they begin bombarding that camp with heavy, heavy—high explosive shells.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How many thousands of people were killed in Nyacyonga?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">How many?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's a war crime, to attack a refugee camp with heavy artillery, hour upon hour, over two days.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Why did they do that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because they wanted to force that mass of people into the city to create chaos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They just flooded the city.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The army couldn't even function.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You got a million people blocking roads, swarming everywhere, running away from that shelling.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And many of them were killed by civilians in Kigali who thought they might be RPF infiltrators.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Many innocent people died because of that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And whose fault is that?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Not General Bizimungu’s, General Ndindiliyimana’s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It's General Kagame’s fault!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He shelled that camp.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And you people don't even charge him.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And you know he did that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I mean, can you imagine attacking one million people—living in tents—with heavy artillery.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And not a word is said about it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Again, on page 72, Colonel Marchal repeats,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I would say that what was true as far as the UNAMIR was concerned was true as far as the Gendarmerie was concerned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The gendarmerie was not numerous enough to face a normal situation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You must realize that after the crash, the plane, very quickly, the gendarmes' means were frozen—well, frozen.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I say they were nailed to their camps because of the RPF action."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because all the camps were attacked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All the gendarme camps were attacked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Remera camp was overrun and eliminated.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Attacked his headquarters.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Just bombed it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What was he supposed to do?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Run a police operation?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And police stations are being bombed and overrun.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And they, even in their brief, question the validity or the veracity of his statement that he lost most of his command.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Colonel Vincent stated, page 72,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"So any Gendarmerie unit within that sector, operational sector, falls under the operational command of the commander of that sector."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And General Dallaire said, when I asked him did General Ndindiliyimana have a command left, he said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Well, I recall him explaining it to me, and we had a couple of meetings during that time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he explained that the Gendarmerie was reverting to the command of the Army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And so, essentially, he didn't have a command left."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's their evidence.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"He didn't have a command left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the way I saw it at the time, and certainly the Minister of Defense never negated that."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So, in fact, he was sort of like a floater.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He had no job.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, witnesses said, in the entire country, 200 men were left to his command: 100 in Kigali, which he placed to try and protect Tutsis as best he could with that small amount of men.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And they confuse, misconstrue our argument.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Our argument is not that gendarmes specifically—where he gave orders to gendarmes to do certain things, he didn't have command over them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Of course he did—that's obvious.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Our argument about command responsibility is about capacity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He lost most of his command.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Therefore, he could not do more than he did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, they say he did not support the communiqué of April 12th to the RPF offering a surrender.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, General Dallaire confirms that Ndindiliyimana supported the communiqué.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Dr. Des Forges also confirmed that he was part of that group of officers.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">[FREEZE]</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>[VO] Mr Strickland:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>In this context we see the best example of Ndindiliyimana's talent for duplicity and self-serving overtures.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Chambers will recall that there was discussion of a surrender communiqué that was released by several high-ranking Rwandan officers on April 12th, 1994.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General Dallaire heard of this surrender communiqué, this overture of peace, and he wondered why Ndindiliyimana—whom he considered a moderate Hutu—why he had failed to sign that document.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He asked the General for an explanation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In response Ndindiliyimana told General Dallaire that he had failed to sign a surrender communiqué of April 12th, 1994, because he was busy saving Tutsis in Butare.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>That—that was an utter lie!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was an utter lie!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>Because, as General Ndindiliyimana made clear, himself, when he testified, himself, he told us this:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He didn't visit Butare until April 15th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So here it is.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here we see the real General Ndindiliyimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is a concise example of the tenor and tone of his testimony before this Tribunal.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was disingenuous, dishonest, self-serving, insincere.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He claims to have supported a surrender communiqué.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For some reason he didn't sign it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He held himself up as a savior of Tutsi refugees.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He wasn't even in Butare before the 15th.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How could he be busy there saving refugees?</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>[MR. BLACK BACK LIVE]</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Dr. Des Forges says that Gatsinzi—I asked her in cross-examination about Gatsinzi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mr. Strickland said that he never—he told General Dallaire—General Ndindiliyimana told General Dallaire he was off in Butare saving Tutsis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, he was down south saving Tutsis. Because Antoine, the hotelier—remember him?—he was a very interesting character, the Tutsi hotel owner.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He came here to testify for us.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A very interesting character.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You can't forget him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And he testified that General Ndindiliyimana, with his gendarmes, the few he had left, on a mission down there, went to the hotel, found out they were being threatened by so-called </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Interahamwe</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> and left his unit—his close-protection unit—some of it, right there to protect the Tutsis in that hotel--who included several Tutsi businessmen and their families.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And they survived the war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And those gendarmes stayed with those Tutsi families throughout the war until they left in late or early June.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And Dr. Des Forges confirmed, when I put to her General Gatsinzi's letter—we referred to a letter by General Gatsinzi in which he confirms that General Ndindiliyimana supported the April 12th communiqué, but he couldn't sign it because he said he was in the south saving Tutsis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And she said,</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"That's correct."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's their witness, not mine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's the Minister of Defence from Rwanda.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I don't know why they charged General Ndindiliyimana, and I would really like to know why.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maybe in their rebuttal they can tell me why he has spent the last nine years in prison for no reason.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I put several questions to Dr. Des Forges about Gatsinzi, Rusatira, Ndindiliyimana, trying wrest control from Bagosora, trying to stop the killings, trying to keep the Peace Accords going.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are many references to that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And in each one of them, I put to her this question—at page 75:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Well, I'm going to press. Aren't those actions consistent with someone who opposes any killing of Tutsi civilians and any plan to do so?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Aren't they consistent with a man who opposed that, those actions in themselves?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And she replied, "Those actions in and of themselves do appear to be consistent with that, yes."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">That's their case.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He is not guilty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They raise reasonable doubt—and more of it in their own case!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And they did that with their very first indictment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">My Honourable Judges, here, were not here at that time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But when the first indictment came down against him, in the indictment itself, in the sections they wrote, they actually put in evidence which clears him of the very charges they charged him with in the preceding paragraph.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was bizarre.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was quite clear they just concocted—rapidly—an indictment in order to keep him in prison for some reason.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">To testify against Bagosora, that was their main objective, I think.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And at page 76, regarding, again, Gatsinzi's letter stating that Ndindiliyimana was in favor of the April 12th telegram,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Des Forges says, "If you recall yesterday I said that the actions which I knew about concerning Ndindiliyimana seem to me a period when he was not in favor of genocide."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">She never negates the contents of the letter.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And we have General Mahundi, the Tanzanian Inspector General of police who testified for General Ndindiliyimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And General Mahundi was not only the Inspector General of police at the time, in 1993, he was also the vice president of Interpol.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he states that General Ndindiliyimana spoke to him and talked about the fact that the political leaders in Rwanda are likely to come to an agreement, and they would like to integrate our forces.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So we would like to get training in your country so we can more easily integrate the forces together.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he was more concerned with the crime and tranquility, generally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And, page 78, his point of view was, he was expecting the two sides, politically, the two sides to--</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">[</span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>VO] THE ENGLISH INTERPRETER:</b></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Mr. President, could counsel give the interpreters time to find the reference that he has given.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Bold;"><b>MR. BLACK:</b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It's page 78 in our brief.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I'm sorry.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So he was expecting the two sides to negotiate their conflict and find a solution to their conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was very much hopeful that that negotiation there would be likely to end up successfully.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I think that puts ‘paid’ to Mr. Strickland's arguments that—I can make some other references here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I haven't got much time left.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Mr. Strickland attacked me about his witness, GCB, about the so-called massacre at Saint André.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We state, based on the evidence, there was nobody killed there at all.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Period.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he mocks my argument by saying, "Mr. Black, this man said he was wounded in the hand, shot in hand, and Mr. Black mocked him because he had no wounds—no bullet wounds."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, it's true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Read the transcripts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That witness, remember, came and said he was forced on the ground and laid down, his hands covering his head like that, and a gendarme, he said—he alleged, fired a high-powered automatic rifle five times at his head, and not only did his head not explode from the first round or second, third, fourth or fifth, but he only lost one finger.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I put it to him that that finger was probably lost some other way.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">There was no bullet wound from a high-powered automatic—high-velocity round.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That would have blown his head apart the first time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And with respect to "you can't use DH91 and DH90," well, I used it in cross-examination.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's the evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Read the brief.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was no killing at Saint André College.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">They go on and say, this is not an international armed conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Well, I said that the Ugandan Army was heavily involved, as was Museveni.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is some evidence that Burundi also invaded from the South.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And it's quite clear, General Ndindiliyimana testified that he received intelligence reports from the field, Kibungo especially, that an <b>American C130 Hercules</b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> was seen dropping men by parachute behind RPF lines.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's <b>an act of war by the United States</b></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So—and everything confirms that—because now, Rwanda is nothing but an American military base.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, I just want to end with—I haven't much time left, so a few minor things—like communications.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">General Ndindiliyimana’s ability to know and react.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think our chronology is very well done.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I thank Ms. Tipton for doing a large part of it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that quite clearly shows what he knew when and what he did in reaction to that.</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And he testified that the Alcatel system was bombarded, was destroyed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His jeep, which had communication equipment in it, was destroyed by a bomb.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He did have information coming in.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He explained quite clearly, and in a detailed manner, what type of information and how he reacted to it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he went further than that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said that he sent teams out into the field to try to find out what was going on.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So it's not—we are not saying we didn't have information.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He searched for information.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But he never received any information that the gendarmes were hurting anybody.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Only that they were trying to protect people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And this ridiculous remark that they made about—oh, I can't find it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But, anyway, Mr. Strickland said something about the gendarmes in his house, the General said, walked 12 miles and made a report from Butare. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's not what he said.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said, in a general answer about the context of his communications—he gave an example.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"It was so bad.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For instance, the men guarding my house, if they had wanted to make a report to me, had to walk 12 kilometres to make such a report."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">He didn't say they made a report.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So—yeah, I've got the quote here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's page—June 18th, 2008, page 49.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So, he said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"So we had these small operational detachments.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's how the gendarmes worked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We send out small teams.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For instance, the team that was in my place in Nyaruhengeri, if I had a minor problem, the gentlemen would need to walk or trek some 12 kilometres to Butare to report.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So there weren't really any means of communication between those small units operating on the ground and the command post."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">It's the opposite of what Mr. Strickland said.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Mr. Strickland knew that when he said it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I found the quotes—just very quick—where—this is Des Forges, said that she—the claim by Kagame that he started—he loosed "the dogs of war" on the 7th or 8th—his claim to save Tutsis is wrong.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">She said this, page 18, October 11th, 2006, she says,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I had concluded previously, and I believe the evidence is solid, that the RPF gave priority to winning a military victory and not to saving the lives of civilians, including, particularly, Tutsi civilians in the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have said that on a number of occasions, and I believe that the evidence supports that conclusion."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">—Give me five more minutes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I'm going to close with—I refer you to—because I have only got three or four minutes on this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But I want to refer you to the assessment of—remarks by Colonel Marchal at the end of my brief, remarks by Ambassador Swinnen about the character of General Ndindiliyimana and how they saw him, and that he was viewed in a very positive way, and then I will sit down.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">So I think—I don't like to hit them over the head with these things, but it's true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If I can find it—excuse me.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Oh, here we go.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">First of all, at page 243, Alain De Brouwer said,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I briefly remind you of the very well-known role occupied by General Ndindiliyimana in Kinihira in 1993, where he saved the Arusha Accords by giving a solution to the military aspect."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And talking about the telex sent by Willy Claes, the Belgian Foreign Minister, in regard—with respect to General Ndindiliyimana, he says,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"We knew that the person of General Ndindiliyimana, we had somebody who would bring a great deal of collaboration in the search for the truth as to the events which occurred in Rwanda."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The truth.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he praises him.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The Belgian ambassador, Mr. Swinnen, read the telex sent by Willy Claes, and Willy Claes was then the Belgian Foreign Minister, and became later the Secretary General of NATO.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And his telex says, in instructing the Belgian ambassador to Kinshasa to give him a visa,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"The person concerned has always proven to be of service to proper conduct towards Belgium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Similarly, during a recent period of violence in Rwanda, the person concerned showed that he was a friend of Belgium.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Furthermore, he helped many Rwandans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He helped many Rwandans to find a safe shelter or to find safety, and helped many Rwandans to escape a certain death and obvious death."<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Then the ambassador continued:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"I want to say a lot of things because we are dealing with a case which, to my book, deserves very special attention.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I consider General Ndindiliyimana as a positive person.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I do not have all the details about his movement during the genocide, not even about the period preceding the genocide, but I have given you the basis upon which I have always and I still take General Ndindiliyimana seriously.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have not had any signals or got any statements from him which make it possible for me to create any doubt about his commitment to reconciliation."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he goes on.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">One minor thing—and I am going to conclude—about Nyaruhengeri and Kansi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I think our brief is very complete on that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is one thing you should also consider.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They say,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"Well, the gendarmes could have heard shots," and then,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">"You should have gone and helped people."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Well, no test was done to see if shots could have been heard several kilometers away.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That's just speculation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And sometimes a shot could be heard that far.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It depends on atmospherics, wind direction, all sorts of things.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It's equally possible he didn't hear a damn thing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Excuse my language.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I retract that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He didn't hear a thing.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But, in any case, on the 21st of April, you remember, the same day Radio Muhabura—I believe it was Muhabura, RPF propaganda hate radio—put out a message that General Ndindiliyimana had been killed by northern officers trying to create chaos in the ranks, I suppose.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Why would the gendarmes—Marie, his wife, allow gendarmes—there are several gendarmes there, three or four gendarmes there—to leave her when she heard on the radio that her husband had been assassinated?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Do you think those gendarmes assigned to protect her by Charles Kabeza, the burgomaster, would have left the family they were loyal to to run down the road, some possible shots being fired 3 kilometers away, knowing their</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">chief had been murdered?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It doesn't fly.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I'm going to conclude with—I think of my friend and comrade </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Maître</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> Lurquin, who can't be with us today because he has been elected, happily, to the European Parliament.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I would like to read those remarks, because </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>Maître</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;"> Lurquin wrote the last two pages of this brief.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I translated from French into English.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He approved of my translation, so I think it's ok.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">At page 247, paragraph ¶615—and I read this because I submit that it's true based on the evidence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“General Ndindiliyimana is a man who is more than just his function.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Prosecutor's strategy appears to be to charge those who occupied the highest functions of the state in Rwanda, Ministers, </span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow-Italic;"><i>préfet</i></span><span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">s, Chiefs of Staff and intellectuals, who appear to have been arrested, not because of what they did but because of their position.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“The trial is a nightmare for the Prosecutor because behind the veil of his function was the reality of the man, with his weaknesses, perhaps, but also a man with strengths and commitment, a man that no witness, either for the Defense or the Prosecution, ever accused of being an extremist in his politics or with respect to ethnicity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">“On the contrary, he was portrayed as a man who is tolerant, good, respectful of and respected by all, no matter what their social rank, a man who could have remained”—like Nsanzuwera, who works for you—”who could have remained, like so many others, a spectator fleeing the violence, rather than a man who tried to fulfill his responsibilities, a man who could have been among those who pretend to judge instead of a man being judged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But to have been among those who fled their responsibilities, he would have had to surrender his humanity and the lives of all those he saved, a man whose heart made him steadfast in his commitment to the people of Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And perhaps that's why he is really accused, because he did not abandon the people he is proud to be proud of.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that is not a crime.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Now, I have been on this case for ten—almost ten years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When I came here, I believed everything I read in the press about the so-called genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the entire case to me has been frustrating, depressing, distressing and shocking.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I once believed in International Justice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I no longer do.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">I believe in you Judges, and I am sure you believe in International Justice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I would like to.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But the maneuvers of the Prosecution in imprisoning this man without an indictment for four years, and then, one month before the trial starts, handing down a totally different indictment with a totally different theory of what the facts said, and forcing us on to trial, and then not backing up most of their charges at all, making accusations, hiding disclosures, manipulating the Judges, lying, cheating, I've never seen anything like it in my life.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I've never even heard of anything like this in history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And many other people are distressed by what they see going on here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I am lucky, I think, because, Mr. President, we had some struggles early on in the case, and that may be a reflection of what you and I both read when we first came here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But I am confident now that after you've heard the evidence and you've had all the hot debates about procedure and evidence that you have, I believe, sincerely you have been listening.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, therefore, I really hope and urge you, on the evidence, to acquit General Ndindiliyimana of all the charges.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Because the Prosecution has not proven its case beyond a reasonable doubt—on any charge whatsoever!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And if this man is convicted—if General Ndindiliyimana is convicted, there is no hope for national reconciliation in Rwanda—ever.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ever.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">The Hutus are going to feel condemned and hated just because of the fact they are Hutus—forever.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And it is going to create more ethnic tension in Rwanda and lead to more violence in the future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">And we don't want that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">But I want this man to go home to see his wife and children.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: ArialNarrow;">Thank you.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unless you have any questions for me, those are my submissions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-72533066656811596632015-08-26T14:50:00.000-07:002015-08-28T09:25:06.430-07:00The Rehabilitation of Molotov/Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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REHABILITATION?</div>
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From NAZI-SOVIET ALLIANCE to NON-AGGRESSION PACT</div>
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Yale's Timothy Snyder MSU's Grover Furr</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">"Bloodlands" v "Blood Lies": </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">Both CANNOT have gotten the History right.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">Right?</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">The events of the last several months in Europe have created a veritable 'Return of the Frozen Nazi Zombie Apocalypse' scenario. These two diametrically opposed works considered here: the former, as mendacious as it is improbable, even impossible, is a desperate attempt to save modern neo-feudalism (Fascism) from its well-deserved condemnation to Oblivion; the second, a staggeringly rigorous, comprehensively researched categorical refutation--really, a complete debunking--of the former.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">Recent developments in Ukraine, Western Ukraine, Poland and the Baltics, are especially revealing of how the current militarized chaos there: from bi-lateral, NATO-Russian war games, to uni-lateral (Western, neo-Fascist-instigated) regime-changes, through armed putsches; civil aircraft shoot-downs; mass terror like the incineration of dozens of unarmed anti-putschist demonstrators in Odessa; the shellings of revanchist (anti-Fascist) 'Peoples Republics' of the Donbas, in the East on the Russian border; the popularly-chosen, bi-lateral return of Crimea to its original Russian (Soviet) tutelage;--all this has forced Ukrainian and Polish nationalists, relatively dormant since the Reagan/Bush/Clinton years and the busting and privatization of the USSR, to renew their "Victims' Tickets" by disenterring moldy cadavers from the early 1930s' Ukrainian 'Famine/Genocide' (Holodomor), from the fanciful 'Katyn massacre', even from The (Nazi-European Jewish) Holocaust generally, and then explain how the well-established culpability of Nazi Germany in the grand atrocity of WWII is somehow mitigated by its association (in bloody combat?) with its abject antagonist, the USSR. </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">The more History one knows, the more difficult unto impossible it is to carry on this argument that the Soviets were as much Fascists as the Nazis without catching a fat brain embolism. Because, by having to refute the near-simple-minded axiom that Fascism=Anti-Communism, Communism=Anti-Fascism, while trying to remain uninvolved, floating in mid-air outside it, like Archimedes' lever trying to move the earth without having anywhere to stand, those who would rehabilitate Feudal-Nationalist and unrepentant Fascist mass-murders, like the dishonored dipso ex-Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko's posthumously honoring war criminal Stepan Bandera, must even further obfuscate unto obliterate those expressions of this essential antipathy between German Fascism and Soviet Communism, of which the 1939 Molotov/Ribbentrop Non-Aggression Pact (MRP) is a principal example, by depicting them as 'Alliances' or 'Mutual Defense Treaties.' As with all attempts to demonstate that 'the spiritual' overrides 'the material', the religious idealist is going to wind up gravely injured, even seriously dead, at the hands of the secular materialist.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">All this to say, if you watch Snyder's stuff on YouTube--which I would not be so cruel as to recommend, but should never be feared--to get through it, you'll have to forgive his unbearable, twitchy lugubriousness as resulting from a surfiet of however corrupted information and a dearth of decency and good sense.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">Remember, the border that divided Eastern from Western Germany, that imaginary line Churchill would later call an 'Iron Curtain', that demarcation that runs between the Baltic and the Black Seas, is the oldest geopolitical definition in Human History, dividing the Frankish tribes in the West from the Slavic tribes in the East. After certain Empires suffered fatal blows in WWI, notably the Austrio-Hungarian and Russian Czarist (Orthodox) holdings, and were replaced by popular however incipient, unformed democracies, this tribal frontier came to divide two very distinct cosmologies, two radically different value systems: the Feudal Private Capital of the Franks against the Communitarian Social and Public (Humanitarian) Value of the Slavs.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">But since the anti-communist West has gone all-in to revise World History, especially that pertaining to the post-WWI and the Bolshevik Revolution-era, so as to deny any good agency to the Slavic peoples, it is essential--or maybe just amusing, which is even more important--to revisit events like the MRP, and see just how openly, even brazenly mendacious the forces of Frankish Private Capital have always been.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">First, the idea to rehabilitate the MRP seems to have most recently come from Vladimir Putin:</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"> <a href="http://nucleardiner.com/2015/05/11/putin-endorses-molotov-ribbentrop/">http://nucleardiner.com/2015/05/11/putin-endorses-molotov-ribbentrop/</a></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18px; line-height: 25px;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold;">Question:</strong> Mr President, at a meeting with historians at the end of last year, you asked a rhetorical question: “What was wrong with the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact?” Recently, Minister of Culture Mr Medinsky, called this pact a triumph for Stalin’s diplomacy from the point of view of the Soviet Union’s state interests.</span></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrkRqotAV1ASplUZhn6HdSJ3bpQjVexsZctk4z5s7rx8Ujq6qiYM8snS66FbFWBd3rVb6wT_zd0phEJU2_gxAIEySx2t6QRy8QqRdUlaeKE-nIgKuuUVa7UaBa87wNz3WZwrRQmN9ZSio/s1600/Putin.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="150" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjrkRqotAV1ASplUZhn6HdSJ3bpQjVexsZctk4z5s7rx8Ujq6qiYM8snS66FbFWBd3rVb6wT_zd0phEJU2_gxAIEySx2t6QRy8QqRdUlaeKE-nIgKuuUVa7UaBa87wNz3WZwrRQmN9ZSio/s200/Putin.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
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<blockquote style="border-left-color: rgb(238, 238, 238); border-left-style: solid; border-left-width: 5px; box-sizing: border-box; font-size: 17.5px; margin-bottom: 20px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 20px; padding-right: 20px; padding-top: 10px;">
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: bold;">Vladimir Putin:</strong> This is the sort of question that we could discuss all night long. But when it comes to assuaging fears, this also has to do with the internal state of those who have these fears. They need to step over their fears, move forward, stop living with the phobias of the past and look instead towards the future.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">Concerning the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, let me draw your attention to the historical events, when the Soviet Union… It is not even so important who was in charge of diplomacy at the time. Stalin was in charge, of course, but he was not the only person thinking about how to guarantee the Soviet Union’s security. The Soviet Union made tremendous efforts to put in place conditions for collective resistance to Nazism in Germany and made repeated attempts to create an anti-Nazi bloc in Europe.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">All of these attempts failed. What’s more, after 1938, when the well-known agreement was concluded in Munich, conceding some regions of Czechoslovakia, some politicians thought that war was inevitable. Churchill, for example, when his colleague came back to London with this bit of paper and said that he had brought peace, said in reply, “Now war is inevitable.”</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">When the Soviet Union realised that it was left to face Hitler’s Germany on its own, it acted to try to avoid a direct confrontation, and this resulted in signing the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. In this sense, I agree with our Culture Minister’s view that this pact did make sense in terms of guaranteeing the Soviet Union’s security. This is my first point.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">Second, I remind you that after the Munich Agreement was signed, Poland itself took steps to annex part of Czech territory. In the end, following the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the division of Poland, they fell victim to the same policy that they tried to pursue in Europe.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 20px;">We need to remember all of this, not forget any of it. If you paid attention to what I said yesterday, I said that a truly effective security system must be built not on a bloc basis, but on the basis of an equal approach to security for all actors in the international community. If we could build our work on these principles, using the United Nations as a base, I think we would achieve success.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;">Timothy Snyder, who has become the academic archbishop of the renaissant Nationalists, tries to give Putin's words some sort of sinister, occulting intention. But the the real obfuscation is all Snyder's:</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18px; line-height: 25px;">--The rehabilitation of the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact is not the reflection of a clear ideology, but it may be something worse: an embrace of nihilism as a defence of incompetence. </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: 'Guardian Text Egyptian Web', Georgia, serif; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 18px; line-height: 25px;"><b><i>To embrace the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact is to discard the basis for common understanding in the western world for the sake of a momentary tactic that can destroy but cannot create.--</i></b></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium; line-height: 25px;">This last sentence is a shameless, near-total abandonment of even the most flaccid Human reasoning</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium; line-height: 25px;">.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium; line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium; line-height: 25px;">Yet the Law has always been thought of as the repository, even a conservatory of Reason. Though what passes for International Law in the anti-communist West has degenerated into cynical word games--Words With Fiends?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium; line-height: 25px;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;">An example of how the New Wordsmithies are pounding out fast and loose descriptions of Reality, then stretching them to fit, is here. Whose fault are the New Cold War tensions?</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #494949; font-family: 'Century Gothic', 'Avant Garde', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 25px;"><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/10/nato-kicks-out-russian-spies-but-revives-kremlin-hotline-amid-ukraine-tensions?CMP=share_btn_tw">http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/10/nato-kicks-out-russian-spies-but-revives-kremlin-hotline-amid-ukraine-tensions?CMP=share_btn_t</a> </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Russia's 'abuse' of NATO? That's rich. Here you go:</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;">While seeking to boost military contacts with the Russians, </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><a class=" u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/nato" style="-webkit-transition-delay: initial; -webkit-transition-duration: 0.15s; -webkit-transition-property: border-color; -webkit-transition-timing-function: ease-out; background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: transparent; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(220, 220, 220); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 0.0625rem; color: #005689; cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none !important;">Nato</a></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"> has also moved to rid its Brussels headquarters of what are believed to be dozens of Russian <b>spies</b>. . . .</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">But then, to cut the laughter and qualify matters a bit, we're given this: </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 24px;">. . . </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;">Despite the decision to revive the emergency hotlines, Nato has cut most contacts with the Russians at its headquarters in Brussels and is in the process of emptying the offices of <b>dozens of Russian diplomats and officers.</b></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">As it turns out, the chief adversary of the Human Rights of Russian and other Slavic peoples is that bullhorn for the Kingdom of Private Capital, International Law, itself. Blowing out from Gestapo shithouses like Yale, the Insitute of Modern Russia in NYC or the Institute of Human Sciences in Vienna, they never met a beef they couldn't hang on the Soviets/Russians.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">My recent experience with this latest S/M fetish favored by the historically demented and morally withered, associations based in large private Universities and gathering up those who KNOW Putin and Russia overthrew Yanukovich/Kiev, invaded Ukraine and shot down MH17; those who KNOW Bashar al-Assad, the duly elected (as recently as June 2014) president of Syria gases, barrel-bombs, then rapes and eats his own electorate; and those who can go on senselessly and endlessly about how Stalin and the USSR were, with the signing of the MRP, the allies AND the invaders of Nazi Germany, actually THE INSTIGATORS of WWII, intending not to Liberate but to Occupy and enslave Europe: these submental tossers recently knocked out of me a meandering essay on the Illegitimacy of International Law, but I have spared you by excerpting just the part where Professor Furr's work rides in and saves my ample seat in the course. </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="http://cirqueminimeparis.blogspot.com/2015/07/the-illegitimacy-of-international-law.html">http://cirqueminimeparis.blogspot.com/2015/07/the-illegitimacy-of-international-law.html</a></span></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><br /></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVZclG0YpO9wpahw3BmcQdjsZ9AAFeTCdWz8mKJYc997JzUOwndOla8couFwrdnwCka9AX7VWzHBatkBuZAfPXyfVfaJMgrzbEizVjWDH2Zg0-y7C_b1L1Wb28z-g8CI_7RdcceShCOaE/s1600/Me+Money.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><img border="0" height="150" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhVZclG0YpO9wpahw3BmcQdjsZ9AAFeTCdWz8mKJYc997JzUOwndOla8couFwrdnwCka9AX7VWzHBatkBuZAfPXyfVfaJMgrzbEizVjWDH2Zg0-y7C_b1L1Wb28z-g8CI_7RdcceShCOaE/s200/Me+Money.jpg" width="200" /></span></a></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Me Pierre d'Argent, UCL</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 24px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">[I am in the following addressing Professor Pierre d'Argent (great handle for a shyster, right?) of the Catholic University at Louvain. 'Me Money' showed real sack in presenting his course in a frail and halting English translation from the original French, but just insufficient skills to sell this bridge.]</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Professor d’Argent,</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">I find your description of Law as
both limiting and liberating a sort of boilerplate, the kind of definition,
free of political differentiation, well suited to the demands of a course which
must tread carefully through the mine field of conflicting geohistorical
interests. No need to considered who are the ‘liberated’ and who the ‘limited’.
As with all relevant historical distinctions over the last century, between
Fascism and Communism, between Nazi Germany and the USSR, between Western
Privatization and Eastern National Democracy, all are fuzzed out with the sweep
of a Post Modern false equivalency.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">But your idea of ‘International
Law’, a Law for the 'International Community', has very glaring biases, based
both on historical and practical misreadings.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Let's first take our concern,
yours and mine, over the so-call invasion of Eastern Poland by the USSR in Sept
1939:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>My dear friend and luncheon
companion, Prof Grover Furr of Montclair State University here in New Jersey,
states in his magnificent book “Blood Lies”, a debunking of the mendacious
apologist for Ukrainian, Polish and German nationalist crimes, Timothy Snyder's
“Bloodlands”, brings out an interesting legal nicety concerning Polish and
Soviet actions in that fall of 1939: </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">I direct you to Chapter 7 of
“Blood Lies”, The Molotov/Ribbentrop Pact: What Really Happened.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">The INTRODUCTION states:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Did the Soviet Union Invade Poland on
September 17, 1939?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why ask? “We
all know” this invasion occurred.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“You can look it up!”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All most
all authoritative accounts agree that this historical event happened. . . .</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">(But then . . .) THE SOVIET UNION
DID NOT INVADE POLAND IN SEPTEMBER, 1939.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">The truth is that the USSR did
not invade Poland in September 1939.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>However, so completely has this non-event passed into historiography as
“true” that I have yet to find a recent history book from the West that
actually gets it correct.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, off
course, the USSR had never been an “ally” of Nazi Germany.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Molotov/Ribbentrop Pact (henceforth
“M-R Pact”) was a non-aggression pact, not an alliance of any kind.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The claim that the USSR and Hitler’s
Germany were “allies” is simply stated over and over again, but is never backed
up with any evidence. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">. . . Furthermore, at the time, it was widely acknowledged
that no such invasion occurred.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">(But, as is often the case with
this course, it is impossible to prove a negative, that a genocide did NOT take
place or that Germany and the USSR were NOT allies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So the burden of proof should be on those whose arguments
are founded on these non-events.)</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Finally, the “nicety” arrives:
Under the heading THE USSR DID NOT INVADE POLAND—AND EVERYBODY KNEW IT AT THE
TIME, we come to my favorite little known<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>fact:</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">. . . (Because the Polish
Government and General Staff had fled into neutral Rumania) No State of Poland
existed any longer. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Unless the Red Army came in to
prevent it, there was nothing to prevent the Nazis from coming right up to the
Soviet border.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or—as we now know
they were in fact preparing to do—Hitler could have formed one or more pro-Nazi
states in what had until recently been Eastern Poland.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">(Then Prof Furr writes) HOW DO WE
KNOW THIS INTERPRETATION OF EVENTS IS TRUE?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">How do we know the USSR did not
commit aggression against, or “invade”, Poland when it occupied Eastern Poland
beginning on September 17, 1939, after the Polish government had interned
itself in Rumania? (Then he lists 9 pieces of evidence to support his claim.)</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Now we have finally arrived at
the question of ‘International Law’ regarding this would-be Soviet invasion.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">QUESTION OF THE STATE IN INTERNATIONAL LAW</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Every definition of the state
recognizes the necessity of a government or “an organized political
authority.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once the Polish
government [had] crossed the border into Rumania, it was no longer a
“government.”</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">(Then . . .<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and we’ll leave it here.) THE SOVIET
POSITION WAS VALID UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">In a 1958 article in The American
Journal of International Law, UCLA professor Ginsburgs determined that the
Soviet claim that the State of Poland no longer existed was basically a sound
one:</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>For
all these various reasons, it may safely be concluded that on this particular
point the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Soviet argument was successful,
and that the “above considerations do allow for any <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>doubt that there did not exist a state of war between Poland and the
USSR in September <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>1939.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In
spite of scattered protests to the contrary, the consensus heavily sides with
the Soviet <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>view that by September 17,
1939, the Polish government was in panic and full flight, that <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>it did not exercise any appreciable control
over its armed forces or its remaining territory, <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>and that the days of Poland were indeed numbered.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>De
facto, then, one may well accept the view that the Polish Government no longer <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>functioned as an effective state power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><b>In such a case the Soviet claim that
Eastern <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Galicia was in fact a <i>terra
nullius</i></b><span style="font-style: normal;"><b> may not be unjustified and
could be sustained. <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>{Terra nullius </b></span>is
a term from Roman law describing a territory from which any prior <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>sovereign has expressly or implicitly
relinquished all sovereignty.}<b> <o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">So in the case of Poland and the
Soviet “invasion”, one sees how international law was applied to bring
historical accuracy to an event which had before been used to criminal the
victim of aggression and exculpate the aggressor.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When this legal relationship was inverted is an inquiry
demanding more time and space than is here available.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, surely, your assumption that the Soviets did, in fact,
‘invade’ Poland—just as, I’m sure, you freely use the expression “The Soviet
invasion of Afghanistan”—is an indication that ‘International Law’ and the
‘International Community’ have been fully appropriated by the NATO Powers to
use against the East.<i><o:p></o:p></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If further example is necessary, let’s consider how the
79-day terror-bombing of Serbia (Newsweek magazine's term) by NATO could be, at
the same time, illegal by UN <b>and</b><span style="font-weight: normal;"> NATO
standards, while being called 'legitimate', and, therefore, not deserving even
of a cursory investigation, by the very legal institutions you cite as having
co-signed the allegation that genocide was committed by Bosno-Serbian forces
(thugs, as you call them, a term dripping irony, in this context):<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the ICTY and ICJ.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">From the beginning, the charge of
genocide in Bosnia was an expediency used to disqualify the Rep. Srpska
leadership, President Karadzic and General Mladic, from taking part in the
Dayton Peace talks as indicted war criminals.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As with the charge of genocide in Rwanda, level against just
one party to the conflict, a charge the ICTR was never able to make stick, the
Tribunal was ordered by its Appeals Chamber in The Hague to 'take judicial
notice' of the genocide—i.e., to accept the mass killing that unquestionably
took place in that martyred country, from 1990 until well-past 1994, as an act
of genocide without ever having to prove it legally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After all, the so-called 'brains of the genocide' were all
acquitted.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">But what these two expedient
‘false charges’ of genocide did was effectively to absolve the villains, the
foreign aggressors, NATO and its proxy African mercenary army, the Rwandan
Patriotic Front, while indicting the victims of these military onslaughts, the
Yugoslavs and the Rwandan revolutionary government of the single MRND party,
for their own annihilations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">And as to your friendship with
Lt. Lotin’s family, well, that is somewhat serendipitous for my argument and,
as with the invasion of Poland, or with Belgian apologies, not so for
yours.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And let me say here that it
is not Belgian colonialism that I’m indicting; it’s Belgium’s support for, it’s
aiding and abetting the real aggressors in Rwanda, the RPF.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">First off, you really need to be
informed that there were 13 bodies—not 10—identified as being Belgian
paracommandos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>General
Ndindiliyimana counted the bodies when he went with the unspeakable, craven
Dallaire to view the scene of the standoff at Camp Kigali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That day, 6 April 1994, Lt. Lotin and
his peripatetic platoon found themselves in more dubious locations than they
could really explain and fell into the suspicion of the Rwandan Army and
Presidential Guard.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many suspected
them of being in on the missile strike against President Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some thought Lotin et alia had been
sent not to protect PM Agate but to eliminate her.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The question of whether the RPF or the Crisis government
actually murdered her has been thoroughly answered by my friend and renown
international defense attorney Christopher Black.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You can find is solution to Agate’s murder here:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="color: blue;"><u><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><a href="http://newcirqueminime.blogspot.com/2012/06/this-post-was-retrieved-from-our-old.html">http://newcirqueminime.blogspot.com/2012/06/this-post-was-retrieved-from-our-old.html</a><o:p></o:p></span></u></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">And I’m not sure how to link
files to these comments pages, but I also can send you the KIBAT report
mentioned in Chris’s article.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
here is the salient paragraph regarding Lt. Lotin.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;"><span style="color: #333333;">The
Ghanaian commander approached the Belgian officer in charge and asked him what
their mission was. The Ghanaians, also inexplicably, had no prior notice that
the Belgians were coming there even though they were in radio contact with the
UN command. The Belgian officer, Lt. Lotin, refused to answer, stating simply,
"We are coming to see the Prime Minister." The Sgt, then accompanied
the Belgians to the door of Agathe's residence. They knocked on the door but
Agathe refused to answer the knock or open the door. Did she know these men had
been involved in the murder of the president? Why had they been sent to her
house secretly? Were they there, or did she think they were there, to kill her
also? A clue may be found in a cryptic entry in the official Belgian Army
history of the events known as the KIBAT (for Kigali Battalion) Report. On page
13, at paragraph 'k', the report states that the Belgian officer radios to his
superior that the "Rwandans believe that the Belgians want the skin of
Agathe."(</span><span style="color: #333333;"><a href="http://whale.to/c/who_killed_agathe.html#26"><span style="color: #c33738; text-decoration: none;">26</span></a></span><span style="color: #333333;">)</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">So to wrap up:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>what you in the Humanitarian Law, Human
Rights wing of the International Community have done is effectively to have
covered up the real crimes of your clients (as all good lawyers should) while shifting
culpability onto the victims of this neo-colonial campaign of population
management.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As they say in Africa,
“As long as the lions don’t have their own historians, History will be written
by the hunters.’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The same adage
applies to the Law.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And I fear you
are teaching the Law of the Hunters.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: inherit;">Respectfully, M. Collins</span></div>
<!--EndFragment-->CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-87279675220223420592015-07-18T15:33:00.001-07:002015-07-18T15:33:40.767-07:00The Illegitimacy of International Law--CM/P's commentary on the latest online craze from CULouvain<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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CUL, Belgium</div>
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<span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">International Law Course<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Catholic University of Louvain<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Professor Pierre
d’Argent<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">I
just completed a very strange course through the entrails of what is
pretentiously called ‘International Law’—as practiced in the anti-communist
West.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The course, given online by
a Belgian Catholic University, was presented in English, but in no English I
had ever experienced before.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">—Well,
that’s not exactly so:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I taught
English conversation, composition and presentation to Francophones for 15 years
in Paris.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many of my charges were
writers, lawyers, actors (who would play lawyers), high-ranking officials at
various government ministries (incl. Justice), corporate executives and
ordinary business people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I had
the rudimentary advantage in taking this law course of being familiar with the
common misconceptions French speakers have about how English, especially the
idiomatic unto <i>argotique</i></span><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;"> American
version, is formed. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">But,
as I discover, the languages, both national and professional, are used by the
purveyors of this false Humanitarian Science more to obfuscate their own crimes
than to cast light on and thereby adjudicate the real crimes against the Human
Species.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So we quickly shifted
from discussing misplaced modifiers and dangling participles to fencing (or
perhaps mud-wrestling is more apt) over analyses of History. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Here
are some of the Comments I contributed to this eight-week online and singularly post-lapsarian Western-reactionary course:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 16.0pt;"><b>The Last Shall Be First</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 16.0pt;"><b><br /></b></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 21px;">As a Post Script to the course, I laid in this comment, taken from Ramsey Clark's Forward to John Laughland's <i><b>Travesty: </b>The Trial of Slobodan Milosevic and the Corruption of International Justice </i>(Pluto Press, 2007)</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 21px;"><i>. </i> </span></div>
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John Laughland</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 21px;">I will lay it here as a Preface to this Commentary because it well describes the biases I held going into what is being fobbed off in the West as Internation Law and Justice:</span></div>
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Ramsey Clark Slobodan Milosevic</div>
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The Illegitimacy of International Law</h1>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;">From the Foreward to John Laughland's <strong style="font-weight: bold;"><em>Travesty</em></strong>, by former US Attorney General Ramsey Clark:</span></span></h1>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">". . . A review of the United Nations Charter reveals that it grants no power to the Security Council, or elsewhere, to create a criminal court. The Charter itself included the Statute of the International Court of Justice. It was deliberately denied any criminal jurisdiction.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">Examinations of the history, background, drafting and approval of the UN Charter will convince everyone that there would never have been a United Nations if the five permanent members established in the Charter: the United Kingdom, the United States, France, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and China, thought there was any possibility that it could create a criminal court.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">The only way a criminal court can be created by the UN is after an amendment to its Charter empowering it to do so. This is a cumbersome procedure never yet accomplished.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">A study of international law reveals the only other way to create an international criminal court is by a multinational treaty. This is how the International Criminal Court, long overdue, finally came into being on 1 July 2002. Its tragically deficient statute has now been ratified by 120 nations, but not the United States, which undermined the statute before approval and has refused to ratify the treaty. The United States has obstructed justice by coercing 80 nations, at the latest count, to enter into bilateral treaties that prohibit the surrender of any US citizen, or soldier for trial by the International Criminal Court.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">If the Security Council can usurp power to create a criminal court, what limitation is there on its power to do whatever it chooses?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">But the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia was not only conceived in sin, it violated the first purpose of the United Nations, and principal hope for the human species, 'to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war'. It also violated the first principle of the Charter, the 'sovereign equality' of all nations.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">Yugoslavia was created after the First World War to bring peace to the Balkans. . . .</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">After the collapse of the Soviet Union and its bloc, the US, Germany and other powerful states, acted to break up Yugoslavia, to balkanize the Balkans, to ignore its sovereign equality, to dominate and exploit the small pieces and demonize its former federal leadership by selective, discriminatory, illegal and often false charges of international crimes.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">Unbelievably, the US, which heavily bombed Belgrade in 1945, again sent aircraft, which bombed Yugoslavia from Novi Sad to Nis to Belgrade in 1999. The US was joined by Germany and NATO, if only in minor roles, to bomb all of Kosovo until Yugoslavia was no more.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">The ICTY was empowered only to indict the victims of US and NATO assaults, not the aggressors. The Court was '<strong style="font-weight: bold;">war by other means</strong>', the corruption of international law and justice to pursue enemies. . . ."</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">It is this deformed, corrupted and militarily instrumentalized version of International Law and Justice that our Course has been trying to pass off as the gold standard. [cm/p]</span></div>
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</b></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>War
or Peace?</b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
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</b></span>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">(30 May 2015)</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">In the 1920s and 1930s, the USSR worked diligently within the
system of International Justice that existed then—an outgrowth of the League of
Nations after WWI—to ban aggressive war by creating legal instruments that
would make all such violations of territorial sovereignty punishable as 'Crimes
against Peace'.</span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">WWII quickly called all this international litigation against
war into serious doubt. The stark tensions between Fascism and Communism that
define the History of the 20<sup>th</sup> Century (and continue to the present
day) shattered what consensus there had been for abolishing aggressive war. And
their defeat in 1945 at the hands of the Soviet and Popular Chinese armies was
a mere bump in the road to global domination for the forces of Private Capital
and neo-feudal privilege (Fascism).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">So, today we find institutions purporting to be expressions of
International Justice, courts like the UN ad hocs (for Rwanda and Yugoslavia),
along with the Rome Court (ICC), in The Hague, and the International Court of
Human Rights in Strasbourg, all serving as extensions of or apologists for
aggressive war, and proud practitioners of 'Victors' Justice'. Even the UN,
which was born of the unspeakable horror of WWII, has become a paramilitary
unit for Western (i.e., US, UK, EU and Israel) recolonization, aiding and
abetting the bloodthirsty expansionism of Private Capital.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">The German Fascists always fancied the way the US handled the
conquest of its own Western frontiers—i.e., the systematic liquidation of all
superfluous (Native) peoples in their path. Germany's operations to conquer and
occupy the territories to the East, begun (in earnest) with their invasion of
the USSR (Russia) in June 1941, was a truly faithful knock-off of the American
pioneers' own way of creating essential 'living space' (<i>lebensraum</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">)—though the
Nazis' claim to extinguishing 40 or 50 million Slavic, Jewish and Gypsy souls
really makes the Wild West look tame.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Is International Law Freedom from
National Law?</b></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">(31
May 2015)</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: x-large; line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">In as much as International Law has come to supercede the laws
of individual nations, to suppress the protection by sovereign states of their
National Capital (resources of all kinds, including human energy) and thereby
allowed Private Capital unrestricted access to, and the unfettered exploitation
of, the entire globe, by giving legal title to all Public or Social property
over to this vast, but highly concentrated, slush-fund that, itself, knows no
nation: International Law has been a primal contributor to the exsanguination,
the commercialization and general wasting of all life on the planet.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">And no one, no matter how rich or materially privileged, can
escape this dehumanized and devalorized existence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">But as a Public Defender (aka, Asst. DA) once told me: “You get
the Justice you pay for.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>To
Live Outside the Law Takes Power<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">(31
May 2015)</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Georgia; font-size: 14pt; font-weight: bold;"> </span><span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;"> What do you think of the
following sentences? Do you agree?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;">*International law
is a naive endeavor better left to scholars to fiddle with. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;">*International law
has a very limited impact in international relations. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia; font-size: large;">*International law always reflects
power and is the pursuit of power through more civilized means. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Georgia;">*Always and at the same time,
International law—like any law—limits power and gives reasons for the exercise
of power.</span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<br /></div>
</div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">All these
statements—as if made by four blind gropers—give a partial description of the
elephant that is ‘International Law’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But History has shown that Real Power is not expressed in the
establishment of legal frameworks or the application of universally agreed upon
statutes; Real Power is demonstrated by those states or blocs or interest
groups who live comfortably OUTSIDE all international laws and norms—those who
feel they have no need even to subscribe to certain global legal institutions.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">For instance: Israel, which constantly attacks Iran for its
supposed pursuit of nuclear weapons, is not signatory to the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, while Iran is. And, more generally, since its
inception in the late 1940s, the Hebrew State has acted in contravention of
dozens of international covenants barring aggressive military action against
and occupation of other sovereign states and peoples. Its continued <i>Outlaw</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> status is
underwritten by the financial, commercial and military support of the US, the
EU, and the global cabal of Private Capital.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">There isn't time to list all the international judicial bodies
that the US has supported, like the ICC or Rome Court, while remaining a
non-signatory to the treaties and conventions that found them. Even the 'UN
(really, NATO) courts', the ICTY and ICTR, for Yugoslavia and Rwanda,
respectively, euphemistically known as the 'ad hocs' because they were
established ILLEGITIMATELY by Resolutions of the UN Security Council, which,
unlike the General Assembly, hasn’t the competence to create judicial institutions,
have served to promote, protect and defend Western militarism in pursuit of
neo-colonial expansion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Suffice to say, to live OUTSIDE the law one must not only be
honest (vis Bob Dylan), but one must be the biggest bully on the block.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-large;">Welcome to The Hague</span><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjxDs24Rm9MWjQcHIUu-nWcJeXhWTbF-VeCdzkiHj_SGVR4ZRhhhZacgRcd-axXZVypogbEm2Flyv3UPL0ZMyaayPJ9NfMYWRRm3bDcnyZ33LOZ-7Xq7iTcsU4guLavLEKoCBNavDG5QF8/s1600/thehague11.sized-2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjxDs24Rm9MWjQcHIUu-nWcJeXhWTbF-VeCdzkiHj_SGVR4ZRhhhZacgRcd-axXZVypogbEm2Flyv3UPL0ZMyaayPJ9NfMYWRRm3bDcnyZ33LOZ-7Xq7iTcsU4guLavLEKoCBNavDG5QF8/s1600/thehague11.sized-2.jpg" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
by Duci Simonovic</div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">The Hague, a Dutch seaside resort just down the E19, southwest
of Amsterdam, has become the favored site for International Judicial bodies. It
might be the rents—or maybe its part of the tradition of the Treaty of
Westphalia's formally recognizing the Dutch Republic—but whatever the reasons,
there has been a great gathering of International Courts in Den Haag.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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</div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">For example, both UN ad hocs, the ICTY and ICTR, are
headquartered in an old insurance company office building there (Though the
Rwandan Tribunal's trial chamber is in Arusha, Tanzania, Africa, its appeals
chamber is in Holland alongside the Yugoslav tribunal). And the principal UN
judicial organ, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) shares space in the hundred
year old, Andy Carnegie endowed, Peace Palace with the Permanent Court of
Arbitration (PCA).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Just down the
way is the International Criminal Court (ICC) or Rome Court.</span></div>
</div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
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The Peace Palace in The Hague</div>
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The Yugoslav Tribunal--The Hague The Rwandan Tribunal--Arusha, Tanzania</div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">However, just a cursory glance at the dockets of these
'international judicial bodies' will show you that all their fancy
accoutrements are merely perfume to cloud a singular want of impartiality. The
Yugoslav tribunal has tried, almost entirely, Serbs; the Rwanda court in Africa
has judged exclusively members of the deposed (MRND) government and defeated
(FAR) military of the martyred Rwandan president, Juvénal Habyarimana, while
overlooking the crimes (well within their statutory purview) of his murderers
in the current (RPF) government in Kigali: the latter, in a sort of misguided shorthand,
are referred to as 'Tutsi', the former as 'Hutu'. And those called to answer
before the bar of the ICC have almost exclusively been Africans and Arabs
targeted by the West for regime change (with extreme prejudice in the cases of
Rwanda and Libya): for example, Omar al Bashir of Sudan, Bashar al-Assad of
Syria, and Laurent Gbagbo of Côte d'Ivoire.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">If Lady Justice be blind, it seems 20/20-clear that her
International version keeps a pretty keen look-out for the geopolitical
interests of her sponsors.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Separate
But Equal?</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(2 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">International Law is said to be the Law of Nations because the
world has come to be seen as a 'polis' where the citizenry is gathered up into
individual nation-states considered to be equal to one another in their national
sovereignty. However, in practice, this concept of <i>separate but equal</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> is called into
question. The very structure of the UN, with its Security Council holding a
privileged authority over the General membership, and the five ‘<i>permanent
members’</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> with their power of the veto making majority-rule improbable in
the UNSC, is testament to the practical impossibility of <i>Separate But Equal</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">And the basic antagonisms that arise from this inherent
inequality make legal restrictions all that much more necessary. As with all
law, the Law of Nations or International Law is 'class-based', and Power will
out.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;">2
responses<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #2877ab; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/969835"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">mmxashi02</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: navy; font-family: Times-Roman;">(2 June 2015)</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: navy; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">International
law is a law of nation[s] because it comprises all customs of </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">the world and
treaties, practice of state's, international imposes an </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">obligation, and
responsibility in all nations and its uniform law which </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">internationally
accepted by the state's </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> [uh]</span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: navy; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><b><i>cirqueminime</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">: I'm sure someone out there will understand your comment, </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">but, sadly, I don't.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #2877ab; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/6326638"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">AlyssaRy</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;">(2 June 2015)</span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">I completely agree. Reading about international relations on the
news sometimes feels like watching a playground bully using his size and
strength to boss the other kids around.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Standing
on Shaky Ground</b></span></h2>
<h2>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small; font-weight: normal;"><b>(3 June 2015)</b></span></h2>
</div>
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<br /></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">So far this first week I have encounter statements made seeming
to express '<b><i>données</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">', facts that are so widely considered
true they require no qualification or evidentiary justification. In legal
terms, the course expects us to <b><i>'take judicial notice'</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> of certain
events, like the 1939 <i>invasion</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> of Eastern Poland by the USSR or the '<b><i>genocides</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">' at Srebrenica
and in Rwanda, all without Historical or legal (evidentiary) foundation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">As someone who has dedicated a good deal of time to the study of
these and other similar expedient histories, I find it disturbing that this
course would foist such material, such biased and unfounded history, the
produce of the vilest anti-communist (read: Fascist) propaganda, onto a class
full of innocent, linguistically-challenged novices.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>The
Flouting of International Law</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(4 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">The current troubles in Syria, Palestine, and Ukraine, present
fine examples of the flouting of International Law in the name of a '<i>Greater
Good'</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">While the international consensus in favor of Palestinian
Statehood (a controversy that bubbles beneath the military turmoil throughout
the Middle East and Northern and Central Africa, the vast area known as
Israel’s ‘deep security zone.’) grows and grows, the real outlaw powers, namely
the US, UK and Israel, continue to use Terrorism (read: Arab Terrorism), and
The War thereon, as means for diverting world attention from their criminal
occupation and military decimation of the Palestinian territories and people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">No sooner does the French </span><span lang="FR" style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;">Assemblée
Nationale</span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> vote to support Palestinian statehood—and then receive support
from various EU organizations—than a couple of wily Islamic terrorists attack
the offices of a 'satirical' French weekly and murder a dozen cartoonists—a
magazine that in all its vulgarity had never strayed from the French government
line on policy issues.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Israeli PM
Benjamin Netanyahu was cynical enough actually to analogize the Charlie Hebdo
massacre with ‘<i>French anti-Semitism’</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> (read: Support for a Palestinian State
within the pre-1967 borders).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Then came the corruption scandal with FIFA, which at the time
was considering granting Palestine a position in this global football
association—nothing says ‘nationhood’ like a national football team in the
World Cup. But Palestine was sweating FIFA to kick Israel out of the club for
bombing its sports infrastructure and assassinating its key players. So, what
better time to dredge up some 24-year old financial funny business. And,
moreover, FIFA had recently granted a World Cup to Russia—just saying.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">But Israel and the US have flouted international law for a very
long time. The famous ICJ ruling against the US's mining of Nicaraguan harbors
and Israel's building of the separation wall were handily swatted aside by the
outlaw-symp Western media. Justice is no match for savvy propaganda.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">A favorite anecdote is how, during the ICJ hearings on the
'Fence', Israel parked a blown-out city bus in front of the Peace Palace
courthouse. The court ruled the 'Fence' illegal, but the World knew it was a
'legitimate' response to Palestinian terrorism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">As far as legality, Ukraine and Crimea and their respective
separations from and reunions with the Soviet Union, then Russia: it is very
important to clock just from whence the violent aggressions originated. There
are those in Kiev today, with growing support from the feral Ukrainian and
Polish nationalist communities, who would have us believe the instigators of
WWII, the original invaders, were the Soviets, and the original ‘freedom
fighters’ and eventual Liberators were the Nazi collaborators and various other
feudal nostalgics. The unspeakable Ukrainian Defense Minister 'Yats' Yatsenuk
even described the Red Army's liberation of the death camps as an 'invasion of
Ukraine, Poland, and Germany'. Seeing the USSR as the aggressors in WWII is the
kind of toxic historical revision that will justify almost any illegal act and
evil outcome—as well as being the last refuge for morally bereft Fascism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">But don't try it without having John McCain, Victoria Nuland and
all the Soros-greased battalions of ‘color-revolutionary’ NGOs behind you.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>The
Politics of the Personality</b></span></h2>
</div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(6 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">The International 'Polis', that global city from which we are
constantly—and unsuccessfully—trying to escape, is inhabited by nations,
states, organizations and associations that interact in this abstract macrocosm
very much like ordinary people do in the small world. These international
'citizens', though not individual persons, are endowed with a legal
personality, a set of rights and responsibilities very much like those of
individuals. Their rights are a legal sanctioning of their interests; their
responsibilities are restrictions on their behavior when interacting with other
member-personalities in the Big Polis.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Given that all inter-personal relations are defined more by
animosity than accord, the legal personality of a single nation or organization
is meant to determine just relations between and among those other legal
persons—not the legal persons who make up the nation or organization—with whom
they are most likely to find conflict.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Just as domestic civil and criminal laws tend to circumscribe
personal behavior in order to limit socially destructive interactions, so
International law arbitrates antagonistic relationships among International
Legal Personalities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, since
1947, how many times has Israel been responsible for damaging UN property and
killing its personnel in pursuit of the elimination of the secular Arab world?
Again, the outlaws seem more to define the laws by breaking them.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Parenthetically: My question is does the US Supreme Court’s <i>Citizens
United </i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">decision giving legal personality to corporations, and thereby
equating corporate money with personal expression, constitute a mutilation of
the principle of Legal Personality?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
</div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>International
Law Reflects Privilege Not Justice</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(7 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">The problem with the idea of International Justice today is that
the nations of the world have been split along socio-economic lines. There is
one bloc—seemingly the most powerful bloc headed up by the West’s capitalist
democracies (oxymoron?)—which is held together by its shared promotion of the
interests of Private Capital <i>uber alles</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">. The other bloc is made up of
countries that still cling to notions of Public and/or Social Capital and have,
therefore, nationalized their natural—including human—resources and are
resisting the demands of Privateers to sell their nations out on terms set down
by the International Laws of Commerce and Finance dictating the unfettered flow
of Private Capital. This very real class conflict will not be resolved soon—not
to the benefit of the Privatizers, at any rate.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;">2
responses</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/6530976"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">jfernandopenagos</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;">(7 June 2015)<span style="color: #919191;"> </span><span style="color: #222222;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">good point, but
you must be more objective </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/7226685"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">rosiewalk</span></a></b></span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>(7
June 2015)<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">I think you are correct in pointing out that there has been a
'shift' (in<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>mentality as well as reality) toward the interests of ephemeral capital
as opposed to national interests in certain blocs (those rabidly promoting the
free-markets).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not that there
wasn't before, but the scope has shifted from a national to global one. I think
the biggest indicator of this is the growing power and size of multinational
corporate entities who are throwing their weight around the world stage with
increasing impunity. International Law has to step up to this task, and rather
than being a 'Law of Nations', become a 'Law of Entities', recognizing the
power and influence of non-state bodies and adjusting legislation accordingly.
Otherwise, the concept of Justice on the international stage is as doomed as
you infer.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>The
International Laws of Grammar</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(8-15 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">{Over these seven days a
pointless discussion eventuating in an incomprehensible meta-discussion of the
of English in the course.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Appeals
for sympathy, empathy and just understanding were made of the non-native or ISL
English speaker—which included most of the staff.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have spared you this grueling back and forth—as much fun
as pounding one’s head back and forth between two broken bottles—so as not to
exacerbate the obfuscation that this whole argument over the language of the
language of International Law has been purposefully intended to create.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fortune cookie mantra:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Imagine how many times in any law court
or classroom you might have heard the admonition:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Never
mind what he said—how he used his words—<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">YOU KNOW WHAT HE
MEANT.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">In my case:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I could count them on the toes of Peg
Leg Bates’ left foot.</span> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Suffice that Law is Language;
Language is Law, that is all ye know etc.}</span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Self-Conscious
of its Fecklessness</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(10 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">The ICJ seems to shy away from making
powerful, assertive judgments. The idea that there is no hierarchy of sources
for International Law, that precedent is merely suggested, but never pushed
forward as justification for a finding, seems to reflect a passivity, a
self-conscious fecklessness that comes to the ICJ from a long experience of
having its judgments flouted by the Big Outlaw nations that are its chief
sponsors.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>The
subject/object tension</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(10 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">I like the description I read somewhere in this discussion that
State <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Practice is the
'Objective' element of Custom, while Opinio Juris is the</span> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Subjective
element that expresses the intention to arrive at a Custom. As </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">usual, the tension between subject and object, as Hegel might
have put it, </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">is what contains the Customary Truth of International Law.</span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Laws are for
XXXXXXX</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(11 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>{Course censored my word
choice:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><i>SUCKERS</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>}<o:p></o:p></b></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">There has developed a class of nation-states whose existence is
predicated on the constantly recurring and growing demand for the produce of
their principal economic engines: their Military/Industrial complexes.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Production for Destruction, the driving principle of Modern
Waste Capitalism, has had its ticket-prices driven up by <i>fey</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> legislation
against War. Like dope-peddling or human-trafficking, laws banning these
business practices, so horribly wasteful to Humanity, have just driven the
revenues of Organized Crime into the stratosphere.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">So, while the Military Humanists create conventions to eliminate
mass slaughter and International Jurists scramble around looking to prosecute
the street-level merchants of death, the corner boys and bar girls: the Great
Private Waste Combine continues to profit obscenely from breaking the very laws
it so mawkishly and cynically promoted to hook all its 'sovereign' clients in
the first place.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;">2
responses</span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: navy; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 10.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="color: #2877ab; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/5634234"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">jobitre</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;">- </span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">endorsed by</span> <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/5459748"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><b>fannydeclercq</b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #222222; font-size: large;"> </span></span></a></span><span style="color: white; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 9.0pt;"><b>STAFF</b></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">On the contrary, I believe without any
semblance of governance or law </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">the world would
have been chaotic and dramatically insane. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/7226685"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><b>rosiewalk</b></span></a>
</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Profiteers have
always profiteered; it is just that the scale of everything is huge now. Profit
margins; huge. Corruption; huge. Businesses; huge. Injustice; global. What does
that mean? That the scope of law has to be huge too. It has to be
international. Even if it is ineffectual now, and growing slowly (perhaps too
slowly to meet these injustices head-on), it is necessary for something, some
form of large-scale law, to exist. As<i> jobitre</i></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> implies [above]
- imagine if we had none at all?</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt; text-shadow: auto;">Add a comment </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;">{here’s where the language-as-g-string-part of the course got <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: medium;">interesting, pants started coming down.}<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt; text-shadow: auto;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #2877ab; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 14.0pt;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/5459748"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">fannydeclercq</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: navy; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>STAFF </b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Hi cirqueminime!
We <b><i>edited</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> your title. <b>Can you please be careful the </b></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><b>words you are
using</b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">. We kindly ask you to stay polite. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><b><i>cirqueminime</i></b></span><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">:</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Do you know the meaning of the word you
excised, ‘<b><i>suckers</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">’? This is </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">another example of how the course's
unfamiliarity with English—or, </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">more precisely, with</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">popular American
idiom, is impairing THE </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Communication of a very important
subject.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">PT Barnum, American impresario:
"There's a SUCKER born every </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">minute." </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">A classic WC Fields film: "Never
Give a SUCKER an Even Break". </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Synonyms: SQUARE, CHUMP, FOOL, GULL,
MARK, PATSY, </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">FALL GUY, SOFT TOUCH, MUG. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">The term is used here without sexual or
scatological implications. It </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">describes one party to an ordinary
business transaction. Why is this </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">course so REPRESSED?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;">Is it Belgium?</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Secrets Best
Kept in Private</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(16 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Besides the recent tempest over the secret negotiation over the
TPP and with Iran over nuclear arms, there is nothing I know of in the way of
secret treaties between the US and other national parties.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">But the growing Privatization of government functions, like the
maintenance of Security and protection of Diplomatic relations being carried
out by private contractors, has, to a large extent, obviated the government's
responsibilities for outcomes in these areas.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Where in the past the conduct of trade and commerce was
controlled by intergovernmental agreements, secret or open, today large Private
Interests have hired their own private militias to carry on the brutish, mean
and short work of removing impediments, human or material, from the efficient
execution of privately negotiated Business deals.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">This 'Privatization' of government
functions has effectively placed the new Privateers outside the authority of
International Law.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<h2>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Peremptory
Norms—Yours and Mine</b></span></h2>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>(17 June 2015)<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><!--[if !supportEmptyParas]--> <!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Peremptory norms can be seen in the consistency of national
domestic laws proscribing murder, mayhem, rape and robbery. No society worthy
of the name would promote or protect such activity among its citizens. However,
when affairs between or among societies devolve into violence and aggression,
the application of these peremptory laws becomes a little squishier.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">For example, the Western media, guided by Madison Ave. marketing
firms like Hill and Knowlton or Ruder Finn, convinced the world that the
Bosnian Serbs had Rape and Death camps throughout their territory. When
evidence piled up against the existence of these violations of universally held
peremptory norms—including UK Foreign Secretary Robin Cook's recanting of his
'Serbian Rape Camp' charge and Bosnian president Izedbegovic's deathbed
admission that there were NO Serb Death Camps—rather than repair the damage
done to Serbia and the Bosnian Serbs by this mendacious propaganda, the topics
were merely dropped from the conversation—except where Angelina Jolie's movie
projects were concerned.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">The Universally accepted convention against genocide has been
abused since its inception in the late 1940s. While the Nazi Holocaust of 6-11
million European Jews is still the legally protected justification for a great
deal of International Humanitarian Law, the exponentially greater number of
Soviets, Slavs, Gypsies and Judeo-Bolsheviks, (27 to 50 million) killed as a
policy of Western Fascism is little more than a footnote to some attempt to
equate Communist and Fascist evils.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">This tawdry tendency can be seen in the relative prominence of
the Serbian ‘ethnic cleansing unto genocide’ in and around Srebrenica over the
concomitant murder and mayhem inflicted by Croatia's Privately contracted
(MPRI) and US-backed ‘Operation Storm’, in which more than 200,000 Serbs and
other unarmed civilians were killed or driven from their homes in the Serbian
Krajina. The noise made about the 'genocide' of 8000 Muslim men and boys
allegedly committed by Gen. Mladic and his Drina corps has drowned out the
pleas for justice of the near-quarter million victims of NATO's Bosnian
strategy, which, incidentally, was led by the noted Kosovo terrorist turned
Prime Minister, Hakim Thaçi.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">So, the real question is whose
Peremptory Norms are being respected and protected? Yours or Mine?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<!--EndFragment--></div>
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<u><br /></u></div>
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<br /></div>
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<h2 style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Not since Rwanda</b></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small; font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></span></h2>
<h2 style="text-align: center;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;">(18 June 2015) </span></span></h2>
</div>
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<h3 style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><i>{The question was something about do I follow UN Resolutions. Huh?}</i></span></h3>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">I stopped following UN Resolutions when that broken and bowed
body refused to investigate the assassination of two African heads-of-state
whose plane was shot down by the current ruler in Kigali—someone they brazenly
brought to power and continue to grant immunity from prosecution for the very
crimes that Humanitarians as always going on ab out:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>mass slaughter of innocents unto genocide. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">And this particular crime, a military assault under cover of a
Peace Treaty, was well within the statutory purview of its ad hoc court for
Rwanda, the ICTR in Arusha, Tanzania, as created by its Res. 955 in 1995.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<h2>
<br /><div style="text-align: center;">
<b>Curious Sequence </b></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b>(In the relationship of Domestic Courts to
International Law)</b></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">(19 June 2015)</span></b></div>
</h2>
</div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 17.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-pagination: none; mso-text-indent-alt: -36.0pt; tab-stops: 11.0pt 36.0pt; text-align: right; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -36.0pt;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">This relationship has elsewhere been very clearly discussed—and
with great detail and documentation. I am truly humbled by my fellow students
grasp of this subject—a rare occurrence, indeed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">But my curiosity was piqued when I considered your list and just
how often the US-initiated or proposed laws or regulations, on both domestic
and international levels, and often after having been concluded and even passed
into statute, were abandoned then abolished.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Time and space shame me into this cursory response, but these
instances of US expedience or hypocrisy come to mind:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">On a domestic level, the 1998 violation of the Depression-era
anti-trust banking law, The Glass-Steagle Act (1933), by the merger of
Travelers Insurance and Citicorps Investment bank to form the conglomerate
Citigroup, was still warm when its corpse was dumped into the potter's grave of
History with Bill Clinton's signing of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act, shamelessly
surnamed the Financial Services Modernization Act of 1999. This sequence of
certain laws being violated then rescinded struck me as odd—i.e., expedient,
unethical, even criminal. But then I've only played a lawyer on TV.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Certain international agreements seem to fit this dubious
paradigm. Since 1972 the US has vetoed dozens unto hundreds of UNSC Resolutions
(esp those critical of Israel), which, otherwise, had the support of an
overwhelming majority of the rest of the world.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In this area, it should be noted, Russia has used its veto only
twice. But this bears on the discrimination of 'International Law' against the
nations practicing non-Private-Capital-based democracy, and is the subject for
another discussion. I doubt Putin today would sign into law any proposed
financial deregulations like the FSMA.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">And even in areas outside the influence of the US/EU/Israeli
axis of chaos, certain seemingly Humanitarian measures are, often at the last
minute, denied US support. For instance, the UN Resolutions banning land mines,
restricting trade in small arms, and curtailing certain forms of trafficking,
esp. commerce in children, were victim's of American non-support. And the hand
of the MIC was clearly visible behind these betrayals.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">One is caused to wonder just what drives Western
Humanitarianism? Is it real compassion with the suffering of our less fortunate
fellows—those for whom considerations of gender-identity, for instance, are
beyond the energies necessary for them merely to survive? Or is it more the
effect any given measure might have on the bottom-line of the War Industries?
After all, fiscal growth in the Private Sector depends on a growing, vibrant,
and rapidly recurring demand for its principal products—that ordnance that,
like cocaine, recreates with its use an exponentially larger demand. Economic
circulation is stimulated far more strongly by the destruction of the social
and public infrastructures of, say, Serbia, Iraq or Libya, than by the
education of a few hundred little Pakistani girl-children.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">And laws that retard or inhibit economic
growth, especially for the most fortunate, will ALWAYS be IGNORED and then, if
necessary, REPEALED and REPLACED. This can't be healthy for HUMANITY</span>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<h2>
<br /><div style="text-align: center;">
<b>Effective Control and Effective Outcomes</b></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">(20 June 2015)</span></b></div>
</h2>
</div>
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<br /></div>
<div align="right" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 17.0pt; margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-pagination: none; mso-text-indent-alt: -36.0pt; tab-stops: 11.0pt 36.0pt; text-align: right; text-autospace: none; text-indent: -36.0pt;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In cases like today's Syria and Ukraine, as in the cases of
yesterday's Rwanda and Yugoslavia: those States who have effective control are
often able to hide their roles as aggressors behind the significant roles in
these conflicts played by non-State militaries: Private Military Contractors
(PMC), a euphemism for 'mercenaries'.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In Yugoslavia, while the Bosnian mujahadins (sponsored
ostensibly by Turkey and Iran, but, effectively, also by the US and Israel)
were shelling the JNA's Drina corps around Srebenica that summer of 1995, in a
brazen provocation meant to bring on the most violent response from the
so-called Serb forces, a response which would eventually be termed a
cold-blooded genocide; the Croatian military, manned and led by members of
various PMCs, primarily MPRI (Military Professional Resources, Inc.), was
mounting an operation into the Serbian Krajina to carry out the principal goal
of all these 'Operations', the clearing out of superfluous populations—known as
'clearing out the brush' or, euphemistically, 'ethnic cleansing'. Because
Private or non-State organizations were used to violate the laws and
conventions of war, those States who reaped the geopolitical advantages from
these crimes were able to hide their effective, as well as, in many instances,
their overall control.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In Rwanda, the military force that invaded that country from
neighboring Uganda in October 1990, an army of putative 'Rwandan refugees'
returning to reclaim the (feudal) state they had lost in a popular (democratic)
revolution in 1959-62, was really made up of 'deserting' members of the Ugandan
National Liberation Army (NLA) and led by former officials of the Ugandan State
and Military (the commander, Fred Rwigema, was Vice-Minister of Defense for
Museveni, while his replacement, Paul Kagame, was Asst. Chief of Military
Intelligence).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">According to treaties defining refugee status, such service in
the Administration or Military of another State invalidates previously held
status as a refugee from one's original country. And the Rwandan Patriotic Front
and Army were funded, supplied and trained by Uganda, but through state
subventions from the US, UK and Israel. Most importantly, their status as
non-State organs made the RPA immune from the conventions and laws of war and
permitted them to slaughter 30,000 Rwandan civilians on just their FIRST
WEEKEND in-country that October 1990 and, later, after a four-year occupation
of and reign of terror over Rwanda, to assassinate two sitting African
heads-of-State without triggering even a whisper of curiosity from the
institutions of International Law. And the US avoided the use of the term
'genocide' with regard to 1994 Rwanda just long enough for the world community
to be cajoled into believing that the 'clearing of the brush' from this most
densely populated country on earth was the work of the deposed Rwandan
government of the martyred president Habyarimana and that this
once-Revolutionary State had actually committed genocide against itself.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In Ukraine and Syria, the Western powers, fronting the interests
of globalized Private Capital, have even more brazenly flaunted their cynical,
anti-democratic—one must say fascistic—tactics behind a by-now threadbare
demonization of the Russian State. By openly ascribing expansionist aggression
to a popularly supported government like that of the United Russia Party and
its leader V. Putin (60-85% approval among the Russian people) harkens back to
pre-Cold War times, to the days when Nazi Germany was inciting the hatred of
the world against the Slavs, Gypsies and Judeo-Bolsheviks—a term which has
recently returned to popular use.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">That the death and destruction in Syria and Ukraine cannot be
assigned to the effective control of the stateless terrorists who have been
attempting to bring down (in the case of Syria) and keep down (Ukraine) the
duly elected governments of those states has been greatly facilitated by
hastily calling these conflicts 'civil wars' and, thereby, fuzzing out the
influence of the 'Great Powers'.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">But even more dire is the growing Privatization of these
géostrategic conflicts with their more and more gruesome campaigns of
population control. For only the West holds title to the terms 'Genocide' and
'Holocaust' and assigns them very discreetly. Among those victims who have
failed to qualify for ‘official mourning’ are the (27-50 million) Soviets in
WWII and the (5-9 million) civilians once living in Central Africa (esp
Burundi, Rwanda and Congo/Zaire).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">So, should not those to whom these
conflicts bring effective (géopolitical) advantage be considered the ones with
effective (as well as overall) control?</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
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<h2 style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 18.0pt;"><b>Humanitarian Genocides</b></span></h2>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: x-small;"><b>(21 June2015)</b></span></div>
</div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">It seems that since the end of WWII, the West has been in a constant
and intensifying state of aggressive war against all those countries that would
protect their national assets against invasion and occupation by international
Private Capital. And each of these murderous adventures, whether called a
defense of Democracy or a Police Action to contain Communism, has found
ultimate justification for its immeasurable carnage as a counter measure to
some prior, however ill-explained offense against Human Rights.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">Afghanistan nationalized its gas, oil and opium, then carried
out the Saur Revolution to bring real participatory democracy and universal
suffrage out of the feudalism that ruled this cosmopolitan country; then
Zbigniew Brzezinski and the Carter NSC and CIA armed and agitated the Northern
Alliance, turning them into the global problem known today as the Mujahadin or
Jihadists or al Qaeda or ISIS, all to, in ZB's own words, suck the USSR into
its own 'Vietnam' and speed the collapse of the Soviet Union. This de facto
invasion of Afghanistan by Western military intelligence was quickly shifted to
an invasion by the West's great nemesis, the Russian Bear, and the soon-to-be
Taliban became a counter measure to Soviet expansionism. The West is still
waging that same war along the same géostrategic vectors: bombing Afghan women
out of their burkas and into neo-feudal serfdom.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In Iraq, Western countermeasures ranged from punishing the
invasion of Kuwait (an action Saddam first cleared with the Bush I State Dept's
April Glaspie as the legitimate retaking of its southern provinces that were
slant-drilling into its primal oil fields); to Clinton's first foreign policy
gesture, the bombing of Baghdad (and the killing of a renowned woman artist) to
counter an insulting threat made by that already war-ravaged nation against his
predecessor; to the 'Shock-n-Awe' of Bush II's 2003 invasion in pursuit of
illusory weapons of mass destruction.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">In Syria and Ukraine today, sectarian opposition parties of the
most unsavory types, radical Islamic terrorists out to get Assad and resurrected
Nazi nostalgics in Kiev, are being financed, equipped, trained and led by
Western (mostly Private) Military Intelligence assets as counter measures to
the Russian-sponsored internecine wars in those two géostrategically key
regions. As the death toll in Syria approaches a quarter million (well into
Genocide territory) and the victims in the East of Ukraine, along the Russian
border, go uncounted: the loss of all these martyred souls is blamed on Russian
aggression, either active, as with the Crimean 'annexation', or passive, as
with its honoring of ancient military support agreements with the pan-Arab
Ba'athist govt. in Damascus.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;">The bottomless cynicism of the Private
and Privatizing West shows no shame in its mawkish plaints about ‘Stopping
Genocide’ in the name of ‘Humanity’. While all along, they double and redouble
their investments in the destruction of all that remains—even to the very
assets, the human and material resources, they pretend to treasure—on this
moribund planet—now bereft even of its own true History.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><b>FROM CUNNING LINGUINI-ISMS TO JIGGERY
POKERY</b></span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: x-small;"><b>(21 June 2015)</b></span></div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><i>{Where the Red Team and the Brown Team are chosen up}</i></span></div>
</div>
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<br />
<b>by The Prof</b>:<br />
<br /></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Cirqueminime<span style="color: #3c3c3c;">: I think you have an issue with what question 10
actually is about. I </span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">understand from
your remark that the question would not be correctly phrased </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">because the
conditions for the exercise of countermeasures are not specified.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">However, if you
read the question as it is (and I suggest that it is always better to read </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">all options
first in order to identify what the question is about), it seems pretty clear
to me that the question does not relate to the conditions for the exercise of
countermeasures, but to the entitlement, the right, to take countermeasures.
Once that right exists, then the issue of the conditions for the exercise of
countermeasures arises. The distinction between the two is clearly made in the
course. The verb used in each of the options in question 10 is whether a
certain State "may... take" countermeasures. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">More generally, I see
your many remarks on my proficiency in English and the way the course is
written. I candidly apologize to all native English speakers, including you,
for any offense felt as a result of what you describe as an appalling command
of the English language. I am not perfect and took the risk of setting up a
course in a language which is not mine by birth. If you accept my apologies,
fair play (which is not a French word, as we all know) should maybe entail
reciprocal apologies for your rather excessive statements, as I do not think to
appertain to the category of lousy Belgians incapable of putting two words of
English together. Enjoy the course, and if not, I recommend you drop out
because there is absolutely no need to continue to suffer the way you describe,
nor to contribute in such an angry and vociferous way. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"> Best regards, Prof.
Pierre d'Argent</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span lang="FR" style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span lang="FR" style="color: white; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;"><b>STAFF</b></span><span lang="FR" style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman; mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<h3>
<b><i><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">by cirqueminime:</span></i></b></h3>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">We are, after all, talking about The Law
here. The difference between </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">'responsible for' and 'responsible to'
or the disagreements in the numbers of </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">subjects and verbs can be as off-putting
as mistaking an 'or' for an 'and' or a </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">‘now’ for a ‘know’ or a ‘no’. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Nothing arcane or counter-intuitive about that.</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">And the plea that "Never mind what
he says, you know what he means" would </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">not go over in any courtroom or law school I
know.</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<b>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/1021859"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">TomRizzo:</span></a></b></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/1021859"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><br /></span></a></b></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">I originally took your point made way
above, <b><i>cirqueminime</i></b>, but come on now, </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">are we maybe being a bit pedantic? You
appear to be holding people to an </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">excruciatingly high standard. This is
not an English grammar course, after </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">all. This course presents many, many
concepts of exacting detail. That each and </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">every detail may not be expressed in
pure, absolutely correct English is not the </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">point at all. Might I suggest you relax
your quest that every idea be put forward </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">in your conception of proper English,
and focus more on the topics being </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">presented? This has been a <b>very,
very well-presented course</b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">. I have learned far </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">more than I had any expectation to have
learned! It is free of charge. What a </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">fabulous experience! And yes, I have
missed questions, I have cursed the </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">formation of exam questions, and I have
wondered why material was presented </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">in this fashion rather than that. On
balance, this course has <b>vastly exceeded</b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> my </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">expectations.</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<b><i>by cirqueminime:</i></b></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<b><i><br /></i></b></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Uncritical love, Mr. Rizzo, is doomed to
betrayal. In fact, your refusal to find </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">fault with the course (given you seem to
have found several--and why? </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Because it's free?), and your
patronizing of Me d'Argent, are really insults to the </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">course.</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt; text-shadow: auto;">Add a comment </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span></b><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><br /></span></b></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b><i>by </i></b></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b><i><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">cirqueminime:</span></a></i></b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">
</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Professor d'Argent, I can't imagine that even in my most
feverish desperation </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">over failing to grasp the sense of your course I would ever
refer to your </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">commannd of English as 'appalling'. I find your courage in
taking on material as </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">dense as <b>International Law</b> in a language other than your mother
tongue </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">comendable, to say the least. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><b><i>What I do find appalling is your
historical bias for </i></b></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><b><i>the interests of neo-feudal reaction and Private Capital</i></b>. Your
pronunciation was </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">impeccable when you spoke of the '<b>Soviet Invasion of Eastern
Poland in 1939</b>' </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">or the '<b>Serbian genocide of Muslims' at Srebrenica in 1995</b>. The
fact that these </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">events have gone unproven, even disproven, in the tribunals of
History, makes </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">your presumptions seem sinister. For if Real Evil is the perversion
of Truth, you </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">really should take a second or third look at some of your old
class notes from </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Modern European History. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And then there's the case of Belgium's role in </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Rwanda--but that's for another thread.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Respectfully,</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by The Prof:</b></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b><br /></b></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Hi Cirqueminime, </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">I am happy to note that the linguistic
issue seems to be a distraction and we </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">finally reach substance. I have said
from the start of this course that law is </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">always, and at the same time, an
instrument that limits power and that justifies </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">the exercise of power. I do not think I
have tried to mislead students in that </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">regard --law is an instrument of
liberation and, at the same time, an instrument of </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">domination. For that reason, <b><i>law is
deeply political</i></b>. I made that very clear. And </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">it is true of any law, be it driven by a
capitalist ideology or not. I understand </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">you have your own political views and
biases. I am not here to convince </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">anyone to change their political views.
I am just here to give a sense of what it </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">takes to be an articulate lawyer when it
comes to international law. Now, on </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">two specific historical events you
mention:</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: large;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>**Do you contest the historical fact that the Soviet Union signed a
secret </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">treaty with Nazi Germany, that Germany invaded Western Poland on 1 </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">September 1939 and that the Soviet Union followed suit 16 days later? </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">**D</span></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">o
you contest the fact that over 8000 Muslim men and boys were </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">slaughtered
in July 2005 [sic, 1995] by Bosnian Serbs thugs? That killing was </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">qualified as an
act of genocide by the ICTY and the ICJ. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Do you contest </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">those
facts or the qualification? If so, on what historical basis for the facts and </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">on what legal basis for the qualification? </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Furthermore, I do not think I
used </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">the sentence you refer to and never attributed the genocide to Serbia.
This is </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">a distortion.</span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">**What allows you to say that
"these events have gone unproven, even disproven, in the tribunals of
History"? What is wrong with mentioning those historical facts and what
are the grounds for considering that those events did not exist, or for
considering that mentioning them would be proof of the fact that I would have
an "historical bias for the interests of neo-feudal reaction and Private
Capital"? Your statement is baseless and, hence, indefensible. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>** Let me turn to Rwanda. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>First: Lt Lotin who was the platoon leader commanding the 10 Belgian
paratroopers of MINUAR who were killed while protecting the prime minister was
the brother of a friend. This has nothing to do with your comment, but just to
warn you that history is not always an abstract issue. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Second: I have always
critiziced the decision of the Belgian government to terminate the Belgian
participation to MINUAR. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> Third: in 2000, prime minister Verhofstadt apologized
in the name of Belgium and asked for forgiveness in very clear terms:</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x13aj6_la-belgique-demande-pardon-aux-rwan_news">http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x13aj6_la-belgique-demande-pardon-aux-rwan_news</a></span> </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> Of course, this does not change history, but I would be happy to be directed
at similar acts of apologies by other leaders in other countries, 6 years only
after the facts, in relation to Rwanda or any other genocide or grave and
widespread breaches of fundamental rights. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Four: there is of course Belgian's
colonial past and the role it played in building up to the 1994 events, 34
years after independence. I am not contesting that, but what makes you think
that because I am a Belgian (a fact which has been well beyond my control for
the last 47 years) I would in anyway be an apologist for past colonial times?
Or that Belgians would, in general, be colonial apologists? </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Five: week 8 has
not yet been released. I understand from some of your other comments that
you've been advising important players from Serbia and from Rwanda. From the
comments of your fellow MOOC students, I am not sure the interests of your
(past) clients or of your cause are well-served by your comments. So, from a
professional point of view, my humble advice would be to reconsider your
argumentative strategy. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Best regards, PdA</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b><i>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">cirqueminime:</span></a></i></b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> </span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Professor d’Argent, </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">I find your
description of Law as both limiting and liberating<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier;"> </span></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">a sort of boilerplate, the kind of
definition, free of political differentiation, well </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">suited to the demands of a course which
must tread carefully through the mine </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">field of conflicting géohistorical
interests. No need to consider who are the </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">‘liberated’ and who the ‘limited’. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">As
with all relevant historical distinctions over the last century, between
Fascism and Communism, between Nazi Germany and the USSR, between Western
Privatization and Eastern Social Democracy, all are fuzzed out with the sweep
of a Post Modern false equivalency. But your idea of ‘International Law’, a Law
for the 'International Community', has some very glaring biases, founded both
in historical and practical misreadings. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Let's first take our concern, yours
and mine, over the so-call invasion of Eastern Poland by the USSR in Sept 1939: </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> My dear friend and luncheon companion, Prof Grover Furr of Montclair State
University here in New Jersey, in his magnificent book “<i><b>Blood Lies</b></i>”, a comprehensive debunking of the mendacious apologist for Ukrainian, Polish and German nationalist
crimes, Timothy Snyder's “<i><b>Bloodlands</b></i>”, brings out an interesting legal nicety
concerning Polish and Soviet actions in that fall of 1939: </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRs-QYqgYTvSSUi8_QqUfCdBCMdHI_pi8Fk2CiNHKG04q7Wkkaadc6ptI6m0za2_R7dS2Q9ZqRvgBFsFCZFL8vcbkUgJOFy8Ailhs5jqgsL8u4gy2EorTq7ySH4_8OvpadkcNnblFsXWo/s1600/Grover.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiRs-QYqgYTvSSUi8_QqUfCdBCMdHI_pi8Fk2CiNHKG04q7Wkkaadc6ptI6m0za2_R7dS2Q9ZqRvgBFsFCZFL8vcbkUgJOFy8Ailhs5jqgsL8u4gy2EorTq7ySH4_8OvpadkcNnblFsXWo/s200/Grover.jpg" width="161" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLJL6JtH6cWIZAos_99nUimt4w-5DIpG6eCNIoBk9HRgfYBV8fq-TiLyzJHVStUp0gwA8u5PEgX-ZuHZf9mZKYqAwi7ktJV5rCe0rld03c0GaVKq5boBUiwVzphGqT9H3IsxTNFggrWlU/s1600/Blood+Lies.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLJL6JtH6cWIZAos_99nUimt4w-5DIpG6eCNIoBk9HRgfYBV8fq-TiLyzJHVStUp0gwA8u5PEgX-ZuHZf9mZKYqAwi7ktJV5rCe0rld03c0GaVKq5boBUiwVzphGqT9H3IsxTNFggrWlU/s200/Blood+Lies.jpg" width="137" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Prof. Grover Furr, MSU Blood Lies</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">I direct you to
Chapter 7 of “<b><i>Blood Lies</i></b>”, The Molotov/Ribbentrop Pact: What Really
Happened.(p299) </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">The INTRODUCTION asks: </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Did the Soviet Union Invade Poland on
September 17, 1939? Why ask? “We all know” this invasion occurred. “You can
look it up!” </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Almost all contemporary authoritative accounts agree that this historical event
happened. . . .</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> (But then . . .) <b>THE SOVIET UNION DID NOT INVADE POLAND IN
SEPTEMBER</b>, 1939.(p300) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">The truth is that the USSR did not invade Poland in
September, 1939. However, so completely has this non-event passed into
historiography as “true” that I [Furr] have yet to find a recent history book from the
West that actually gets it correct. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">And, of course, the USSR had never been an
“ally” of Nazi Germany. The Molotov/Ribbentrop Pact (henceforth “M-R Pact”) was
a <b>non-aggression pact</b>, <b>not an alliance</b> of any kind. The claim that the USSR and
Hitler’s Germany were “allies” is simply stated over and over again, but is
never backed up with any evidence. . . . </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Furthermore, at the time, it was
widely acknowledged that no such invasion occurred. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">(But, as is often the case
with this course, it is impossible to prove a negative, that a genocide did NOT
take place or that Germany and the USSR were NOT allies. So the burden of proof
should be on those whose arguments are founded on these non-events.) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Finally,
the “nicety” arrives: </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Under the heading THE USSR DID NOT INVADE POLAND—AND
EVERYBODY KNEW IT AT THE TIME (p309), we come to my favorite little-known legal
fact: </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">. . . (Because the Polish Government and General Staff had fled into
neutral Rumania {17 Sept. 1939}) No State of Poland existed any longer. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Unless the Red Army
came in to prevent it, there was nothing to keep the Nazis from coming right up
to the Soviet border. Or—as we now know they were in fact preparing to
do—Hitler could have formed one or more pro-Nazi states in what had until
recently been Eastern Poland.</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> (Then Prof Furr writes:) HOW DO WE KNOW THIS
INTERPRETATION OF EVENTS IS TRUE? (p310) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">How do we know the USSR did not
commit aggression against, or “invade”, Poland when it occupied Eastern Poland
beginning on September 17, 1939, after the Polish government had interned
itself in Rumania? </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">(Then he lists 9 pieces of evidence to support his claim.)
(pp310-11) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Now we have finally arrived at the question of ‘International Law’
regarding this would-be Soviet invasion. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">THE QUESTION OF THE STATE IN
INTERNATIONAL LAW (p317) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Every definition of the state recognizes the necessity
of a government or “an organized political authority.” Once the Polish
government [had] crossed the border into Rumania, it was no longer a
“government.” </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">(Then . . . and we’ll leave it here.) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">THE SOVIET POSITION WAS
VALID UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW (p319)</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> In a 1958 article in <i>The American
Journal of International Law</i></span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">, UCLA professor Ginsburgs determined
that the Soviet claim that the State of Poland no longer existed was basically
a sound one: </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier;"> </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier;">For all these various reasons, it may safely be concluded that
on this particular point the Soviet argument was successful, and that the
“above considerations do allow for any doubt that there did not exist a state
of war between Poland and the USSR in September<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>1939.”</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier; font-size: large;">In spite of scattered protests to the
contrary, the consensus heavily sides with the Soviet view that by September
17, 1939, the Polish government was in panic and full flight, that it did not
exercise any appreciable control over its armed forces or its remaining
territory, and that the days of Poland were indeed numbered.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier; font-size: large;">De facto, then, one may well accept the view
that the Polish Government no longer functioned as an effective state power. In
such a case the Soviet claim that Eastern Galicia was in fact a <b><i>terra
nullius</i></b> may not be unjustified and could be sustained.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Courier;"> </span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">{<b><i>Terra nullius</i></b></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> is a term from
Roman law describing a territory from which any prior sovereign has expressly
or implicitly relinquished all sovereignty.} </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> So in the case of Poland and the
Soviet “invasion”, one sees how international law was applied to bring
historical accuracy to an event which had before been used to criminalize the
victims of aggression and exculpate the aggressors. When this legal
relationship reverted to its instrumentalized past is an inquiry demanding more
time and space than is here available. But, surely, your assumption that the
Soviets did, in fact, ‘invade’ Poland—just as, I’m sure, you freely use the
expression “The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan”—is an indication that
‘International Law’ and the ‘International Community’ have been fully appropriated
by the NATO Powers to be pit against the East. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">If further example is needed, let’s
consider how the <b>79-day terror-bombing of Serbia</b> (Newsweek magazine's term) by
NATO could be, at the same time, illegal by UN and NATO standards, while being
called 'legitimate', and, therefore, not deserving even a cursory
investigation, by the very legal institutions you cite as having co-signed the
allegation that genocide was committed by Bosno-Serbian forces (thugs, as you
call them, a term dripping irony, in this context): the ICTY and ICJ. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"> From the
beginning, the charge of genocide in Srebrenica was an expediency used to
disqualify the Rep. Srpska leadership, President Karadzic and General Mladic, as indicted war criminals, from taking part in the Dayton Peace Talks. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">No
similiar charges have ever been leveled at the instigators and leaders of
Croatia's "<b>Operation Storm</b>", though it has been called the largest
campaign of 'ethnic cleansing' in the entirety of the Balkan Wars of the
1990s. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Similarly, in the case of genocide in Rwanda, charges were leveled
against just one party to the conflict, charges the ICTR was never able to make
stick, so the Tribunal in Arusha had to be ordered by its Appeals Chamber in The Hague to '<b><i>take
judicial notice</i></b>' of the genocide—i.e., to accept the mass killing that
unquestionably took place in that martyred country, from 1990 until well-past
1994, as an act of genocide without ever having to prove it legally as such. </span></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">After all, the so-called 'brains of the genocide' were all acquitted. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">But what
these two expedient ‘false charges’ of genocide did was effectively absolve
the villains, the foreign aggressors, NATO and its proxy African mercenary
army, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, while indicting the victims of these
military onslaughts, the Yugoslavs and the Rwandan revolutionary government of
the single MRND party, for their own annihilations. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">And as to your friendship
with Lt. Lotin’s family, well, that is a somewhat serendipitous coincidence for
my argument and, as with the invasion of Poland, or with Belgian apologies, not
so for yours. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">And let me just say here that it is not Belgian colonialism that
I’m getting worked up over; it’s Belgium’s support for, it’s aiding and
abetting the real aggressors in Rwanda, the RPF. It was on orders from the RPF
that Belgium pulled out of UNAMIR; it was to Kagame and minoritarian
dictatorship in Kigali the Belgium apologized for getting the genocide wrong. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">First off,
you really need to be informed that there were 13 bodies—not 10—identified as those of the Belgian paracommandos. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, former Chief of the National Gendarmerie (not my client, but my dear friend, whose acquittal on all charges I'd like to think I did something to bring about, and whose innocence after a dozen years was finally accepted by Belgium, allowing him to return to his family), counted the bodies when he
went to the military morgue with the unspeakable, craven General Dallaire to identify the fallen. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">That grim day, 6 April 1994, Lt. Lotin and his peripatetic platoon
found themselves in more dubious locations than they could really explain and
fell under the suspicions of the Rwandan Army and Presidential Guard. Many
suspected them of being in on the missile strike that killed President Habyarimana.
Some thought Lotin et alia had been sent not to protect PM Agate, but to
eliminate her. The question of whether the RPF or the Crisis Committee standing
in for the decapitated government actually murdered her has been thoroughly
answered by my friend, the renowned international defense attorney and the General's lead counsel Christopher
Black. You can find his solution to Agate’s murder here:</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"> <a href="http://newcirqueminime.blogspot.com/2012/06/this-post-was-retrieved-from-our-old.html"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">http://newcirqueminime.blogspot.com/2012/06/this-post-was-retrieved-from-our-old.html</span></a> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">And
I’m not sure how to link files to these comments pages, but I also can send you
the KIBAT report (in French) mentioned in Chris’s article. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">But here is the
salient paragraph regarding your friend Lt. Lotin. --</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">The Ghanaian commander
approached the Belgian officer in charge and asked him what their mission was.
The Ghanaians, also inexplicably, had no prior notice that the Belgians were
coming there even though they were in radio contact with the UN command. The
Belgian officer, Lt. Lotin, refused to answer, stating simply, "We are
coming to see the Prime Minister." The Sgt, then accompanied the Belgians
to the door of Agathe's residence. They knocked on the door but Agathe refused
to answer the knock or open the door. Did she know these men had been involved
in the murder of the president? Why had they been sent to her house secretly?
Were they there, or did she think they were there, to kill her also? A clue may
be found in a cryptic entry in the official Belgian Army history of the events
known as the KIBAT (for Kigali Battalion) Report. On page 13, at paragraph 'k',
the report states that the Belgian officer radios to his superior that the
"Rwandans believe that the Belgians want the skin of Agathe."(26)-- </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">So
to wrap up: what you in the Humanitarian Law, Human Rights wing of the
International Community have done is effectively to have covered up the real
crimes of your clients (as all good shysters should) while shifting culpability
onto the victims of this neo-colonial campaign of population management. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">As
they say in Africa, “As long as the lions don’t have their own historians,
History will be written by the hunters.’ The same applies to the Law. And, I
fear, you are teaching the Law of the Hunters to a lot of would-be Hunters. Us
lions don't stand a chance.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"> </span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Respectfully, M. Collins</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/4012458"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">tortoiseshell:</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Would this {huh?} be an example of a government
in exile?</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">cirqueminime:</span></a></b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">
</span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">In the case of Poland, the govt-in-exile
in London was separate and apart from the official govt. of Poland that
interned itself in neutral Rumania. Poland ceased to function as a State when
its govt. and General Staff fled the German invasion in Sept l939. And, interestingly, Prof Furr writes: </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">THE POLISH GOVT.-IN-EXILE </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">At the beginning of October 1939, the
British and French govts recognized a Polish govt-in-exile in France (later it
moved to England). This was an act of hostility against Germany, of course. But
the UK and France were already at war with Germany. The US govt. wasn't sure
what to do. After a time it took the position of refusing to recognize the
conquest of Poland, but treated the Polish govt-in-exile in Paris in an
equivocal manner. </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">The USSR could not recognize it for a number of
reasons: </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">*Recognizing it would be incompatible with the neutrality of the USSR
in the war. It would be an act of hostility against Germany, with which the
USSR had a non-aggression pact and a desire to avoid war. (The USSR did
recognize it in July 1941, after the Nazi invasion.) </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">*The govt-in-exile could
not exercise sovereignty anywhere. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">*Most important: If the USSR were to
recognize the govt-in-exile, the USSR would have had to retreat to its pre-Sept
1939 borders--because the Polish govt-in-exile would never recognize the Soviet
occupation of Western Belorussia and Western Ukraine. Then Germany would simply
have marched right up to the Soviet frontier. To permit that would have been a
crime against the Soviet people as well as against all the residents of these
areas, including Poles, because they would have been abandoned to Hitler. And,
as the British and the French soon agreed, a blow against them, and a big boost
to Hitler as well. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">THE POLISH GOVT. WAS UNIQUELY IRRESPONSIBLE </span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">No other govt.
during WWII acted as the Polish govt. did. Many govts of countries conquered by
the Axis formed govts in exile to continue the war. But only the Polish govt.
interned itself in a neutral country, thereby stripping itself of the ability
to function as a govt. and stripping their own people of their existence as a
state. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">The reason I asked which govt-in-exile, tortoiseshell, is that Rwanda
also had a govt-in-exile. The interim govt of Prime Minister Jean Kambanda came
into being after the RPF assassinated President Habyarimana and eventually fled
into Congo and has now become the FDLR (Forces démocratique pour la liberation
de Rwanda).</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/1221672"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">The Prof:</span></a></b> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Mr
Collins, </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Stating
that "No State of Poland existed any longer" after the Polish
government fled is <b>an isolated statement by one historian</b>. It is legally flawed
because having a government is not a "constitutive" element of
statehood (see week 2) and because it does not take into account the changes
brought about by the Paris treaty of 1928 (see week 8). Have you asked
yourself if the Soviet Union (and any other State) recognized Poland as a new
State in 1945, which should have been done if Poland supposedly disappeared as
a State in 1939? To speak of Poland as a <b>terra nullius</b> that could be freely
disposed of by the Soviets is really far from being legally convincing. But it
suits <b>Soviet imperialism</b> and hides the fact that <b>instead of combating the Nazi
aggression, it consolidated it</b>. Furthermore, it does not explain why the Soviet
and German troops peacefully met in the middle of Poland in September 1939, why
they jointly paraded in Brest-Litovsk and in other places, and why, if the
Soviets supposedly came to rescue Poland from being completely invaded by the
Nazis, the Soviets did not offer to the Polish government to return and jointly
take charge of the territory that was not under German occupation. And I
presume you also consider that the <b>Katyn massacre</b> is a fabrication. But this
is history, and you very know your views are not shared by many scholars. Now,
to put an end to those endless exchanges: do <b>you want me</b> <b>to candidly admit that
international law as it stands today reflects more the interests and values of
Western liberal capitalists democracies than those of collectivists
authoritarian regimes that have failed</b>? Of course, I am happy to embrace that
view. And to be totally open about it, I prefer it that way, than the other way
around. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Best
regards, PdA </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"><b> </b></span></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">cirqueminime:</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><br /></span></a></b></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Prof, </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>I
know it's pointless to argue History with an anti-communist, especially one as
fervent and committed as you seem to be. For when one asks "Why would they do
it?"<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why would the Soviets,
in full flight from the Huns, stop off in Katyn woods and liquidate 22,000
Polish officers? Why would Vladimir Putin, the leader of a mass party [United Russia] with, at
any given time, between 60% and 80% support of the Russian population (up to
87% at last report), go out of his way to murder relative unknowns or
'opposition' politicians whose parties don't even qualify for the ballot? or
Why would Stalin punish the entire Soviet Union and jeopardize a life-or-death
defense effort by keeping Ukrainian farmers from growing grain, forcing a
'genocide famine' on a principal agricultural region of the USSR? The only
answer to questions like these the average anti-communist can come up with is that
Communists—like their successors, the suicidal (Arab) Terrorists—are
irrational. They are EVIL.</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> But
what discomfits me most is that someone so learned and intelligent as you seems
unaware that the positions you espouse are the same as those promoted by the
greatest anti-communists of all time: the Nazis. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Do
you ever feel any sense of shame at perhaps being taken for a 'collabo'? That one
day <i>La Resistance</i>, the partizans will break into your classroom, shave your
head, and parade you through the Brussels streets with a little black mustache
'Sharpied' on your lip? </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>I
don't know whether you chose it or it you, but this on-going campaign engaged
in by 'scholars' like yourself and Timothy Snyder of Yale to defend the
expansion of Private Capital at the expense of all rational and decent popular
societies, even unto using the fey terminology of ethically bankrupt
equivocators like Ayn Rand and Hannah Arendt, terms like 'authoritarian',
'collectivist', 'totalitarian', to demonize experiments in non-exploitive
society, has driven a stake through the Western imagination. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>For
you and yours, the false equivalence between Fascism and Communism is the only
sanctuary for your neofeudal longings. And, I suppose, it is demanded by your
employers. </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>But
these two entirely antagonistic ideas cannot be resolved into some 'Third Way',
some 'Middle-of-the-road Liberalism'. And all the ghost stories like Katyn or
the Gulags, or the fantasies about Nazis and Soviets dancing
hand-in-allied-hand through concentration camp row, will not change the facts
of History or Philosophy: Fascism is Anti-Communism; Communism is Anti-Facism:
that is all ye know on earth, and all ye need to know. </span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">If you think your
'Liberalism' sets you outside this vile and vicious steel cage death match, you
are sadly mistaken. And the mortal damage being wreaked on the modern Western
consciousness by the rebirth of the Nazi legions in Kiev (and elsewhere), mid-wifed
by the liberal US and EU Business/Academic Complex, portends a new Dark Ages,
not just for The West, but for the entire planet—lest, we pray, the Red Army
liberate us once more.</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by The Prof:</b> </span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Mr Collins, </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><br /></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Your
lines could be a truly hilarious delirium, if it was not for the explicit
threat of violence and the insult when you affirm that my positions are similar
to those of the Nazis. This is totally unacceptable. PdA </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"><b> </b></span></span><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b>by <a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">cirqueminime:</span></a></b></span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><b><a href="file:///courses/LouvainX/Louv5x/2T2015/discussion/forum/users/2003550"><span style="color: #2877ab; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><br /></span></a></b></span></div>
</div>
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<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">Well, I'm glad
to hear that, Me d'Argent. Perhaps you'll reconsider these positions, then. And
where do you see the threats of violence? In the scene of your capture by the
maquisards? THAT is delirious.</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">************</span></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #3c3c3c; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 13.0pt;">The Course ended around 5 July. I passed with 76% overall. Got 100% on the final--shoulda played the Lotto that day! But my respect for this post-lapsarian version of International Law is about on a par with my respect for The Christian Crusade Against Communism and the NRA.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #919191; font-family: Times-Roman;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 16.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<!--EndFragment-->CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-50902196174047586712015-06-23T09:38:00.000-07:002018-09-05T09:33:26.160-07:00The Humanitarian Genocides (redux)<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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[I've just had 'International Law' (aka, 'InJust', for short) explained to me by a Belgian prof called Dr. d'Argent (Maître Money?) from the Catholic University of Louvain outside Brussels. Though the course was obviously conceived in French then presented in a tortured translation into something remotely resembling English; and since torturous translations are one of my avocations: I found the course's language generally annoying and only occasionly angering--mainly because, sophomore that I am, I think of the law as a language and have never heard, in any court or classroom, the argument, "Nevermind what he said, you KNOW what he means." Yeah, no shit, that was a frequent apology for the course's grammatical, syntactic and dictional gaffes. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
But the worst errors were intentional and factual--i.e., errors of intention & Historical fact. The 'kind' of International Law we were being taught was frequently called 'Humanitarian Law', in that its chief concerns were 'Human Right' & 'war crimes unto genocide', and its highest expression was the International Criminal Court, the Rome Court or ICC. And the source of International Law à la Belge is the UN, so huzzahs all around for the International Court of Justice (ICJ) & the ad hocs, the ICTY and ICTR, loosely charged with adjudicating war crimes and genocides in Yugoslavia and Rwanda, respectively, and only those committed by the Serbs and Hutus, respectively. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
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But beyond the biases inherent in these 'genetic fallacies' was the instrumental use of such 'over-indictments'--that's a charge for which the 'presumption of innocence' is impossible and the 'burden of proof' is reflexively shifted onto the defendant. It became apparent early-on, when terms like 'genocide', 'aggression' or 'invasion' were strictly applied only to enemies of Western Private Capital, like the USSR/Russia (see Invasions of Eastern Poland, Afghanistan, Ukraine, etc.) or Iraq (Invasion of Kuwait), that the course would merely be a cess pit of the most toxic anti-communist propaganda. What's more, the prof proudly admitted his pro-Fascist bias in a kinda 'Mieux d'être collabo que coco' (see the forthcoming CM/P post on the course).</div>
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<br /></div>
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All of this, as well as a Fb post about Samantha Power's face, made me recall a piece I'd written lo these many years ago, about the relation between Humanitarianism and the instrumentaliztion of Genocide. So, as an appero or a dessert, here's a little cerise sur ce gâteau de merde: a windbag's eye view of just how 'preemptive ethnic cleansing' can be used, like a radical mastectomy against the scourge of Cancer, to put a stop the imagined reciditivism of malignant genocidaires (but ONLY for those who still have a palate for irony):</div>
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<br /></div>
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<a href="http://www.croatia.org/crown/articles/10112/1/Dr-Slobodan-Lang-quotStormquot-was-humanitarian-operation-that-prevented-genocide.html">http://www.croatia.org/crown/articles/10112/1/Dr-Slobodan-Lang-quotStormquot-was-humanitarian-operation-that-prevented-genocide.html</a></div>
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<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
So, STFG from CM/P--mc]</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2cRSjHL8lCsyJO_jDhhINTtg4YDxoWV4hOkneISE5qT6DYZBTsMllAh6VQuSXRQdSMsDKkXk9Ibv21P9hYaMKPAhj3zR3f0MxQUSGYZ1usP1s0SU0f7tMcRpWTixGSo_JJuVWnZxmeiE/s1600/Verge%25CC%2580s.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="134" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi2cRSjHL8lCsyJO_jDhhINTtg4YDxoWV4hOkneISE5qT6DYZBTsMllAh6VQuSXRQdSMsDKkXk9Ibv21P9hYaMKPAhj3zR3f0MxQUSGYZ1usP1s0SU0f7tMcRpWTixGSo_JJuVWnZxmeiE/s320/Verge%25CC%2580s.jpg" width="320" /></a><br />
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<div>
<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></div>
<h1 align="center" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></h1>
<h1 align="center" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></h1>
<div>
<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></div>
<div>
<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></div>
<div>
Maître Christopher Black</div>
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<br /></div>
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Maître Jacques Vergès</div>
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<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="color: purple;"><br /></span></div>
<h2 style="text-align: center;">
<span style="color: purple;"> </span><span style="color: purple;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;"> </span></span></h2>
<h2 style="text-align: center;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: purple; font-size: 32px;">THE
HUMANITARIANS’ GENOCIDES</span></h2>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
by Mick Collins</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
CirqueMinime/Paris</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
17 March 2004</div>
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<span style="font-family: "gadget"; font-size: 20.0pt;"><b>I</b></span>n light of recent
developments at The Hague (the sudden retirement of a sick Presiding Judge
Richard May); and in Paris (the publication in Le Monde of investigating Judge
Jean-Louis Bruguière’s report on the shooting down on 6 April 1994 of the
Rwandan and Burundian presidents’ plane that is widely considered to have
triggered the Rwandan genocide), one has to ask oneself, ‘What could they have
been thinking of back in 1993 when ‘genocide’ became the Western Liberal
Wasters’ super-charge of choice?’</div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtDuYYtXhIRSY36Ix2tg69gqlZX25BeuiCz41eIkVqJe1Ozm41yFPBCE4l_uSVJOmiWa-apdkeIYTPVu208vBrl0SzoMWIcSNL4D6mH7mtfNa-9-SFjQCnp3uVXPA0sxKNycosrEl1UmI/s1600/juvenal-habyarimana-profile-picture.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="178" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgtDuYYtXhIRSY36Ix2tg69gqlZX25BeuiCz41eIkVqJe1Ozm41yFPBCE4l_uSVJOmiWa-apdkeIYTPVu208vBrl0SzoMWIcSNL4D6mH7mtfNa-9-SFjQCnp3uVXPA0sxKNycosrEl1UmI/s200/juvenal-habyarimana-profile-picture.jpg" width="200" /></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjSvfnAt9NY9pDuMykFbke9_N2sOTCTI_SFSJlY824M0R_GAAQwO_IVJ_795hq_NeyO47QVIL692YzYj7w5Bt8OinCbyYFKnV7-dEQZ27wAg1tsLEvfREnipXQYOeKeGRdZcI98la4oK8/s1600/milosevic.gif" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjSvfnAt9NY9pDuMykFbke9_N2sOTCTI_SFSJlY824M0R_GAAQwO_IVJ_795hq_NeyO47QVIL692YzYj7w5Bt8OinCbyYFKnV7-dEQZ27wAg1tsLEvfREnipXQYOeKeGRdZcI98la4oK8/s200/milosevic.gif" width="153" /></a></div>
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President Juvéval Habyarimana President Slobodan Milosevic</div>
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Most everybody knew from the
jump, if few actually acknowledged it, that the genocide charge against
President Milosevic—against all the Serbs, really—was based primarily on what happened
at Srebrenica in July 1995, and was completely unsubstantiated by any real
physical evidence (like where were the 5-8,000 murdered Muslim men and boys
stashed?).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, these charges
of genocide were nothing more than a prosecutorial short cut, what used to be
known back in the day as ‘over-indictment’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When I was doing my graduate work on the CDC’s Vacaville
campus (read: when I was the Calif. Dept. of Corrections’ guest number
B32755Z), the deal usually went down like this here:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>DA’d charge someone with murder and mayhem, hoping he’d
plead down to assault with intent—or maybe Man 2, if they threatened to file
all his priors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Then, after he’d
caught his time and went before the parole board, he’d have to answer for the
original (over)charges, which, though they’d been dropped in the plea deal,
stayed on his sheet as ‘silent beefs’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But, if he called the prosecution on their chump deal and told them to
shove it right back up in their briefcase and take him to trial, and they
couldn’t make the M&M stick: then the accused won it all and he
walked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Like with OJ:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>they tried to get him to plead out to
some lesser charge than the capital double beheading, but he took that
butt-ugly DA to Judge Ito’s box, and he and Johnny Cochran made the whole depraved,
racist Court TV culture eat shit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They finally had to go to civil court to get any money satisfaction out
of OJ and his Heisman—but they made sure he’d never play at Hillcrest again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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OJ--the first big Political Trial of the 1990s<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfARIt1OPiDB5kuOODwkitBgHcuorWVA4s3zSt659CJo2G1lnCNoLIHI8gcKcLsO3z5TZGXX7zgRjzhJPpmwSeoYe-xYh6Uz53ha_06YYgnvZHJhRjEOr5wvQYNehi4lRANkszNqwjXws/s1600/Junkyard+dog.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfARIt1OPiDB5kuOODwkitBgHcuorWVA4s3zSt659CJo2G1lnCNoLIHI8gcKcLsO3z5TZGXX7zgRjzhJPpmwSeoYe-xYh6Uz53ha_06YYgnvZHJhRjEOr5wvQYNehi4lRANkszNqwjXws/s200/Junkyard+dog.jpg" width="156" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhfARIt1OPiDB5kuOODwkitBgHcuorWVA4s3zSt659CJo2G1lnCNoLIHI8gcKcLsO3z5TZGXX7zgRjzhJPpmwSeoYe-xYh6Uz53ha_06YYgnvZHJhRjEOr5wvQYNehi4lRANkszNqwjXws/s1600/Junkyard+dog.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a></div>
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Johnny Cochraan--'the junkyard dog'</div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
So it was with Slobodan
Milosevic:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They had nothing on him
but a bunch of lies and war propaganda, and it took them a full two years to
expose their freakishly mendacious case—so even their servile and sycophantic
supporters, like Marlise (‘You’re So Lame’) Simons over at the NY Times or the
hacks at the virulently anti-Serb IWPR (who fired their man at The Hague, Chris
Stephens, after he wrote a piece on how a Serb charged with the Srebrenica
‘genocide’, Momir Nikolic, perjured himself while copping a plea and rolling on
his two mates), started going all Jell-O-like with their endorsements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But, hey, the stress of having to
protect so many criminal witnesses, and to suborn so much<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>perjury, and constantly to suppress one
of the last honest and honorable men in his pursuit of accuracy and decency in
the historical record, so as his ferocious cross-examinations wouldn’t bring
that converted insurance company home-office down around their philistine ears,
proved to be too much for Judge May.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>For those who witnessed the dark looks that crossed his and Geoffrey
Nice’s faces each time ‘the accused’ Milosevic impeached another of their
witnesses or caught the court in a lie or in some petty connivance to cover yet
another of their legal gaffes, it is no surprise that May lost his stomach for
daily demoralization and tossed in his rented inquisitor’s robes--and that Nice
is rumored to be standing in the same window ready to jump.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
But who was it set the
evidentiary pin all the way over on ‘genocide’ for these short-hitting teabag
shysters?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And why?</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
President & Mrs. Clinton,
Warren Christopher, Madame Albright, Richard Holbrooke, Lords Owen and Ashdown,
Gen. Wesley ‘Bloody Nuts’ Clark, George Soros, all the Liberal Humanitarians of
the day, all so heartily committed to the pervasion of Western waste culture,
particularly in the Balkans, Iraq and Central Africa, needed some dodge to
cover their venal and deadly commercial machinations, while boosting their
image of good-hearted fecklessness (remember their motto:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Sorry we didn’t do more sooner. But we
feel your pain!’). </div>
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<br /></div>
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So before any new age holocaust
had even hit CNN, these Military Humanists and their NGO caddies took a
whip-around of the Islamic oil emirates and various NATO client states and
wanabe client states and, on a thoroughly extra-legal lark (as these ad hocs, despite
all pretenses to being neo-Nurembergers, have absolutely no basis in the UN
charter or in international law), cobbled together, en bref, the International
Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (plus bref, ICTY), which, from its onset in
the Summer of 1993, included the flatulent criminal concept of Genocide on its
first things-to-stamp-out-in-smaller-countries list—along with national
sovereignty, secularism and any and all tendencies toward politico-economic
independence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It wouldn’t be until the next
year, 1994, that the Rwandans would furnish what was by then being called the
‘international community’ with sufficient body-counts (media-furnished photos
of 10,000 Jonestowns) to warrant a charge of such delusional grandeur--and an
affiliated Tribunal would immediately be formed in Arusha, Tanzania (the ICTR),
with the same prosecutor, South African Richard Goldstone (to be replaced by
Canadian Louise Arbour in 1996 and Swiss Carla Del Ponte in 1999), and the same
questionable connections to the spirits of the UN and international law,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>but with unqualified loyalty to its
Western imperialist sponsors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Though the Arusha Tribunal was created after The Hague Tribunal, it
quickly became the precedent-setting court, with Rwandan government officials,
lonely as Serbs in the dock, charged with genocide, complicity in genocide, and
rape as an instrument of genocide<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(the first-ever trial of a woman, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko, on this sort of
rape charge is currently in full swing—see the ever impartial New York Times
Magazine cover-story entitled ‘The Minister of Rape’, 15 Sept 2002).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This combine of ad hocs was
wedged by the US into an already dysfunctional international justice system as
a way to protect itself against unseemly litigation (e.g., charges of war crimes
for the 78-day terror bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, aiding and abetting the
RPF missile strike that murdered the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi in April
1994, or the use of its US Special Forces, from bases in Burundi and Uganda,
and various other Western aid to the Kagame-led RPF invasions and occupations
that brought about the extermination of more than 6 million Central Africans
(they stopped counting at 6 million!) in Rwanda, Burundi and Eastern Congo
between<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>1990 and the
present).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Then there was the large
moneymaking UN Reparations Commission for Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990,
which was also part of this infernal system. And it became clear with the UN
Commission on Iraq that the principal purpose of Western-styled international
justice was to demonize the victims of Imperialist adventures, while ripping
off their national sovereignty and indenturing them in perpetuity to
International Financial Institutions (IMF, World Bank, the Export-Import Bank,
the Bank of International Settlements, etc.), as well as establishing fiscal
liability on the part of the vanquished for all war damages visited on them by
the US and its crime partners in their never-ending search for new markets to
terrorize with the dumping of their surplus waste ordnance.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
And that other Hague court, the
International Court of Justice, had proven itself a real nuisance with its
irregular but persistent war crimes charges against the US & Co. (e.g., for
the bombing of North Vietnam, the mining of Haiphong harbor, as well as the similar
mining of Nicaraguan ports 20 years later, or Israel’s building of its Wall in
the occupied territories of Palestine.)—but the US was able just to shine on
the ICJ like it was some sort of small town speed trap.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, when the world responded to the
arbitrary and capricious nature of The Hague and Arusha ad hocs with the
ratification of the Treaty of Rome establishing the first International
Criminal Court (also a Hague venue) in 1998, the US was forced to fall back on
its old NATO protection racket tactics, threatening potential subscribers to
the ICC with aid boycotts and even military reprisals.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
So between 1991 and 1993, with a
change in US government from discreet warrior conservatives<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Bush 1 or Reagan/Bush 3) to brazen yet
craven liberals (Clinton/Gore 2), it became necessary to find a
politico-rhetorical hook by which to drag those putative Leftist peace-creeps
and draft-dodgers who opposed all ‘military incursions’ or ‘police actions’
from Korea to Vietnam to Chili, Nicaragua, Panama and Grenada to Iraq 1, and
who were all set to start spending that huge peace dividend from the ‘collapse
of Communism’ on faster modems and the defeat of world hunger with Ben and
Jerry’s and socially-responsible mocha lattes all around—to pull these bleeding
sphincters like Chris Hitchens and Susan Sontag and Marty Sheen and Dutch
Leonard into the run-away train of Western financial and commercial hegemony
that would soon run over and flat waste our entire suffering planet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That rhetorical gambit would come to be
known as ‘the humanitarians’ genocide’.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Recently, at Carleton University
in Ottawa, to an audience of journalists (or under-employed Canadian ACTRA
day-players posing as journalists), Kofi Annan said:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
There can be
no more important issue, and no more binding obligation, <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
than the
prevention of genocide.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
And he went on to say:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>We must remember the victims –- the hundreds of thousands of men,
women <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>and children abandoned to systematic slaughter while the world,
which had the <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>capacity to save most of them, failed to save more than a handful,
forever sullying <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the collective conscience. We must also help the survivors still
struggling with the <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>physical and psychological scars. But most of all, we must pledge –-
to ourselves <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>as moral beings and to each other as a human community -– to act
boldly, <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>including through military action when no other course will work, to
ensure that <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 28.0pt 56.0pt 84.0pt 112.0pt 140.0pt 168.0pt 196.0pt 224.0pt 252.0pt 280.0pt 308.0pt 336.0pt; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>such a denial of our common humanity is never allowed to happen
again.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTJXMFBFeM4tb5ed_IEWAlYNFIDvd9R3Nr-CilSLyn7GVQzq5VaPaRV3MgjKzkH_XITDAT9L0aqjIrd5Uuem85-Veo94RXTOWWZ4SzsUTRitattntvzjeDh8bgPjeRKIV8d_Ecvd4RMA0/s1600/Kofi.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhTJXMFBFeM4tb5ed_IEWAlYNFIDvd9R3Nr-CilSLyn7GVQzq5VaPaRV3MgjKzkH_XITDAT9L0aqjIrd5Uuem85-Veo94RXTOWWZ4SzsUTRitattntvzjeDh8bgPjeRKIV8d_Ecvd4RMA0/s200/Kofi.jpg" width="159" /></a></div>
Annan & Kagame, Soul Brothers?<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXOf0Z8W5EQuHBs0R8XrFpoXoQ_2kkfDtw1nYm75oFEV1Y9WgdzNi2ZZ9cK188x60FfXL1ulmlck_RK1L_N-zGnFhpDdOYLyJewnhaNnctTWHWFZUAVUsaaRssMvPSZGZabEbG7JElVAw/s1600/Kag.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXOf0Z8W5EQuHBs0R8XrFpoXoQ_2kkfDtw1nYm75oFEV1Y9WgdzNi2ZZ9cK188x60FfXL1ulmlck_RK1L_N-zGnFhpDdOYLyJewnhaNnctTWHWFZUAVUsaaRssMvPSZGZabEbG7JElVAw/s200/Kag.jpg" width="152" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
<span style="color: black;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Now, Annan said all this after it
was disclosed earlier this week that his UN had, back in 1994, squirreled away
(or just refused to acknowledge the existence of) the ‘black box’ from the
murdered Hutu presidents’ French-built Falcon 50.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So this was not so much a heart felt appeal for the
elimination of genocide in our lifetime as it was a kind of ‘Oops, fucked up
again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But we still feel your pain!’—a
Clintonesque apology for a decade-long cover-up of the UN’s unwavering support
for the real genocidaires, the expansionist RPF junta in Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
And it must be remembered that
Annan is the UN power forward that Albright, Cohen and Clinton got for Boutros
Boutros-Ghali.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of the things
got ‘Booboo’ Ghali broomed (Albright liked to call him ‘Frenchie’, but somehow
I doubt she was talking about how the mustache tickled!) was his having some
unhappy reservations about bombing the Bosnian Serbs (1994-95) in light of the
roles played by the Serbs (partisans), the Croatians (fascist collabos) and the
Bosnian Muslims (fascist collabos) in WWII, and how US foreign policy
projections in the Balkans were founded on a fundamental inversion of the
historical record. <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Vis à vis Rwanda,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Annan’s predecessor Boutros-Ghali
assured his dis-employment with:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
‘The Rwandan
genocide is 100% the responsibility of the Americans.’<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
(see Robin
Philpot’s great book, ‘Ça ne s’est pas passé comme ça à Kigali’<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
—soon to be
out in English, one hopes!)</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The ‘humanitarians’ genocide’
hook is still hanging out there, dripping its special kind of bloody bile.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I’ve never seen a hope-to-die dope
fiend get off on the purest stuff as well as some of these liberally made-over
fascoids (these Trots who think brown makes them look slimmer—or these bloggers
who can burn millions of megs prattling on about Lukacs, Gramsci and Milosevic
before busting out their main move for support of Israeli settlement
expansion!) get hyper-buzzed on the moral indignation from third-hand stories
about genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But today, St.
Paddy’s 2004, it seems that those who were on the hook for genocide, the
hookees, have been replaced in the public’s animus by the hookers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
President Milosevic is far from
off the hook.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even after leaving
the Tribunal’s effete spirit badly mangled, if not totally broken out of all
functionality, and the prosecution gibbering about its shitty luck in turning
out its case, and if it could just have a couple more months, a couple hundred
more shill-witnesses, a couple more bought-off judges; he will almost certainly
not be granted any motion to dismiss, and will have just three months to
prepare his defense against a prosecution case (as voluminous in quantity as it
was devoid of content) that was ten years in the making and two years in its
indecent exposure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And even if he
manages to raise enough money to engage his fourth legal associate, the
international attorney, Tiphaine Dickson, who has intimate and intricate
experience with both Tribunals, and even with his own double-keyed office/cell,
with private telephone, computer and fax (whoopee!), at the old Nazi joint in
Scheveningen; any consideration of an ‘equality of arms’ is still a weak
joke.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But then no one expected the
US and NATO to fight fair!</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Case in point, back to Rwanda
:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Check out the headline on the
front page of the 9 March 2004 Le Monde:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 35.4pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
Revelations on the Attack that Kicked Off the Rwandan Genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The story tells of a French
judge, Jean-Louis Bruguière, and of his six-year investigation on behalf of the
families of some of the French crew who died when two Soviet-made SA-16
missiles, traced to a lot sold by the Russians to the government of Uganda,
shot down the plane that was bringing Juvénal Habyarimana and Cyprien
Ntaryamira, the Hutu presidents of Rwanda<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>and Burundi, back from a peace conference in Arusha.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The judge’s report contends (what has
been widely known) that this military strike, which went down at 8:20 pm, on
the evening of 6 April 1994, and has been consistently banalised by the media
and the ICTR as a ‘plane crash’, an accident, was, quite the contrary, a
targeted assassination, carried out by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (often
referred to as the ‘Rwandan rebel forces’, but in fact a wing of the Ugandan
Army that had regularly invaded Rwanda, but came to stay [and not to play] in
October 1990) on orders from their leader and the current President of Rwanda,
General Paul Kagame.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(To this day,
Kagame proclaims proudly that Habyarimana’s murder matters not at all to him,
because the genocide of his Tutsis was planned long before—as far back as 1959,
he says; and his predecessor was just another dead dictator, another dead
terrorist! For details, go to <span lang="FR" style="mso-ansi-language: FR;"><a href="http://www.radio-kankan.com/actualit_s.52+M5989db4f021.0.html"><span style="color: black; text-decoration: none;"><span style="mso-field-code: "HYPERLINK http\:\/\/www\.rfi\.fr\/actuchaude\/special\.asp?m1=1&m2=1&identifiant=3952&ID_sRUB=71&id_dos=0";"><span style="color: blue;"><u>http://www.rfi.fr/actuchaude/special.asp?m1=1&m2=1&identifiant=3952&ID_sRUB=71&id_dos=0</u></span></span>
</span></a>)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Now, this is a big story because
a lot of those Leftists from the ‘Stop the Fucking Genocide’ movement had made
a dark and skinny knight out of the US Fifth Army-trained (at its version of
the School of the Americas in Ft Leavenworth, Kansas) and long-time CIA asset,
General Kagame, and liberating heroes of his RPF ‘contras’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Much as the Bosnian Muslims were
beatified as the hapless martyrs to the New Fascist Serbs, so the RPF ‘rebels’,
fighting under the relic encrusted rubric of Tutsi Feudalism, were seen not as
the terrorists who in many and varied ways instigated it, but as the ‘freedom
fighters’ who put a stop to the ‘first genocide in Africa’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(This last term was embraced with a
special warm sense of relief by the Belgians who, for being such a small
country, came damn close to wiping out everyone in Central Africa.) </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In a real kid-gloves interview by
François Soudan in Jeune Afrique/L’Intelligent (no 2249), General Kagame is
asked:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>JA:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière is preparing </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
to present his
conclusions apropos of the 6<sup>th</sup> of April 1994—</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
the
assassination of Juvénal Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>According to sources </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
close to the
case, his investigation establishes that the responsibility </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
for the attack
lies with the RPF, your party.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Does that bother you?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>PK:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>No. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not me nor anyone else
here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It makes no sense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 35.4pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
From the beginning, before even starting the inquest, this judge </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 35.4pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
already accused the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>How do you expect us to take this guy </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
seriously,
with such political and ideological presumptions?</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>JA: Ten years later, the identities of those
who perpetrated this attack </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 35.4pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
that kicked-off the genocide remains a mystery then . . .</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>PK:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Personally, I don’t know who did it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But I’m not the best person </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 35.4pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: 35.4pt;">
to ask about this matter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Instead, you should ask those who were here:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
the French,
the Belgians, the UN.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They were in
Kigali at the time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 70.8pt; text-align: justify;">
Omnipresent.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Even though he tries to blow off
this investigation as an expression of France’s bias for the ‘extremist Hutu
genocidaires’, you can tell that it’s sweating him some.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His iron-clad executive immunity as
President of Rwanda seems to be a little heavy, a little tight-fitting, a
little chafing in the crotch—even on this Giocometti figure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And knowing just how fickle his friends
can be has got to give him some real lower-back pain.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
So as President Milosevic is
locked into his office/cell to prepare the second act of his heroic defense of
Balkan history, President Kagame dips into the emotional mud that is the junk,
the media waste product of humanitarian genocide freaks, the globs of
revisionist snot, with which he hopes to putty up the cracks in his RPF’s
occultation of Central African history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>That the ‘genocide’ at Srebrenica never took place was evident long before
Nice and Co. failed to tie Milosevic to it in court; that Slobodan Milosevic
worked fervently for peace in his republic of Serbia and through out Yugoslavia
was only reinforced by the prosecution’s vain attempts to prove otherwise; that
the real genocide in Rwanda did not go down as advertised in The New Yorker and
on CNN is becoming clearer with each ‘independent’ investigation; and that it
was not Hutu extremists killing all Tutsis and moderate Hutus, but Rwandan
nationals (Tutsis, Hutus, and even the few Twa who were left) unsuccessfully
resisting a protracted invasion, occupation and extermination of their nation,
their revolution and their very lives, by a foreign terrorist army with its
widely and deeply infiltrated collaborators spreading death and destruction all
the way into Congo: all these resonances between<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the Balkans and Central Africa go to make up the historical
record. </div>
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We must work<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(as tirelessly as President Milosevic
has) to preserve, protect and defend this historical truth against all efforts
by the world media and the ad hoc Tribunals to distort and destroy it, if we
are to have the slightest hope of saving ourselves and our children from the
horrible consumptive illness unto miserable extinction with which the forces of
globalised auto-valorizing value, of the run-away metastasis of end-stage waste
Capitalism are determined to afflict us.</div>
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<a href="http://www.croatia.org/crown/articles/10112/1/Dr-Slobodan-Lang-quotStormquot-was-humanitarian-operation-that-prevented-genocide.html">http://www.croatia.org/crown/articles/10112/1/Dr-Slobodan-Lang-quotStormquot-was-humanitarian-operation-that-prevented-genocide.html</a></div>
<!--EndFragment-->CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-78509689812461626582015-01-09T06:43:00.000-08:002015-04-28T06:00:14.936-07:00There is no victim-less satire.<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn513FEEQUpDmI5tvC5cBL8N5QxFnl8TJe57OMa4B8GQ6nwrBBuZp9c3xhzEJLaj1PpXrDrII3AV9VfXoefWOrZq40Peh3XI93ZdcisQHVC1cbNLHXtfVzwwXs3dMVt8UCwJEbIbfRyPQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn513FEEQUpDmI5tvC5cBL8N5QxFnl8TJe57OMa4B8GQ6nwrBBuZp9c3xhzEJLaj1PpXrDrII3AV9VfXoefWOrZq40Peh3XI93ZdcisQHVC1cbNLHXtfVzwwXs3dMVt8UCwJEbIbfRyPQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn513FEEQUpDmI5tvC5cBL8N5QxFnl8TJe57OMa4B8GQ6nwrBBuZp9c3xhzEJLaj1PpXrDrII3AV9VfXoefWOrZq40Peh3XI93ZdcisQHVC1cbNLHXtfVzwwXs3dMVt8UCwJEbIbfRyPQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn513FEEQUpDmI5tvC5cBL8N5QxFnl8TJe57OMa4B8GQ6nwrBBuZp9c3xhzEJLaj1PpXrDrII3AV9VfXoefWOrZq40Peh3XI93ZdcisQHVC1cbNLHXtfVzwwXs3dMVt8UCwJEbIbfRyPQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhn513FEEQUpDmI5tvC5cBL8N5QxFnl8TJe57OMa4B8GQ6nwrBBuZp9c3xhzEJLaj1PpXrDrII3AV9VfXoefWOrZq40Peh3XI93ZdcisQHVC1cbNLHXtfVzwwXs3dMVt8UCwJEbIbfRyPQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+1.jpg" height="400" width="306" /></a></div>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHMjqbemhHgdqv5KopFRWgDmSCBAIIFKWLNZ-HltS-X3yz9-jPwsqkPZkNslqbqqAypbECazNDCGCCk5yQtSutFMSVI5lYctBDUoIxKvm61pzu1EDuaY-qowitUYdmybpTWonr7evr5vQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+2.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiHMjqbemhHgdqv5KopFRWgDmSCBAIIFKWLNZ-HltS-X3yz9-jPwsqkPZkNslqbqqAypbECazNDCGCCk5yQtSutFMSVI5lYctBDUoIxKvm61pzu1EDuaY-qowitUYdmybpTWonr7evr5vQ/s1600/Charlie+anti-Serb+2.jpg" height="400" width="301" /></a><br />
Charlie Hebdo for some time has supported the causes of--at least, shared the same targets with 'Islamic terrorists': Bosnian mujahadin; Kosovo Liberation Army; Chechen 'rebels' against Moscow; the Rwandan Patriotic Front; the Syrian Opposition unto ISIL (Daesh). It has been not only an organ of the French government, but of NATO, itself<br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="-webkit-text-decorations-in-effect: none; clear: left; color: black; display: inline !important; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiKa34vo-QgBgSeWOGiDPpOTLq5jE8CgD1e1cFLy8FLkVKfag2gFq-sl9H8Em4ue1E9wpG4LlQmXttPkplFm4FAvJUNfcvbHGr2zPBAnL4IPgCf_nIjnEsD6wngD1RS05yFOrQfekzKWKg/s1600/Jesuiscon.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; display: inline !important; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;">Springtime in Pristina</a></span><br />
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This place needs women.<br />
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The Serbs' heartbreaking farewell to Kosovo<br />
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To go . . . . . . it's to die a little.<br />
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Charlie Hebdo cover art courtesy of our dear comrade Duci Simonovic.<br />
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<br />CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6087418440010095364.post-55150671338495166422014-11-06T17:31:00.000-08:002014-11-09T12:40:56.330-08:00Rwanda-Gate: The Forgotten (But NOT Gone) Scandal of the Clinton-Democrats in Africa<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">U.S. v France</span></div>
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<h4 style="text-align: center;">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large; font-weight: normal;">in</span></h4>
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<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>Rwanda-Gate:<o:p></o:p></b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>The Forgotten (but NOT Gone) Scandal of</b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: x-large;"><b>The Clinton Democrats in Africa</b></span><br />
<span style="font-size: 16.0pt;"><b><br /></b></span></div>
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translated from the French & adapted by CM/P<br />
from</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><i>La France dans la Terreur Rwandaise</i></b></span><br />
(Chapter 18)</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
by<br />
<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: large;">Charles Onana</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt;"><b>The Real Position of the US in the Peace
Negotiations over the Rwandan Crisis<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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While France was busying itself
finding a political or diplomatic solution to the conflict, the US, very
discretely supported a military solution, that is, the same expedient option
that Paul Kagame, as head of the ‘Tutsi rebellion’, had chosen.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>During the peace negations in Arusha,
the US even sent its military ‘advisors as observers’ to Tanzania.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of these military advisors, Lt.
Col. Anthony Marley, a long-time trainer of Tutsis in the U.S., represented the
State Dept.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We will return to him to discuss his dealings with Paul Kagame in Uganda.</div>
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The military dimension would come
to be essential to the Americans as they began to use Uganda as a sort of
‘sub-contractor’ for furnishing necessary logistical support to the ‘Tutsi
rebellion’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This arrangement,
which was never officially recognized, appeared in the testimonies of both
African and Western observers, as well as in the decisions and in certain
reports by the American administration.</div>
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At the time of the first attack
by ‘Tutsi rebels’ against Rwanda, on 1 October 1990, it appeared that certain
of the invaders were serving in the Ugandan National Resistance Army, and among
these was their leader Paul Kagame, who received military training in the U.S. at
the behest of the Pentagon in one of its IMET programs (International Military
Education & Training).<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title="">[1]<!--[endif]--></a></span></span><br />
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><br /></span>
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Remigius Kintu</div>
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According to Remigius Kintu,
leader of the Ugandan Opposition in exile in the U.S., Col. Tony Marley confirmed
to him that seven of the ten supposedly Ugandan soldiers trained in the U.S. at
that time were in fact Tutsi members of the RPF/RPA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And Paul Kagame was, himself, trained at the U.S. Command and
General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, while other officers in the
rebellion received their training in Louisiana, California, and Oregon.<br />
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Breaking up is hard to do.</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
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During the early 1990s, U.S. support
for the Tutsis was being amped up: in the final year of George H.W. Bush’s
presidency, the White House asked Congress for a 33% increase in the Pentagon’s
IMET budget ($200,000 for the programs in 1992-93) for training officers in the
Ugandan Army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This increase might
have seemed odd, as Ugandan President Museveni was facing no threats from either
inside or outside his country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His
power had been consolidated, and he had absolutely nothing to fear from a totally
leader-less opposition.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact,
the American financial aid was essentially meant for those elements of the
‘Tutsi rebellion’ in the Ugandan Army who were already preparing a war against
the Habyarimana regime they intended to topple.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is thus clear that the Americans, as early as the
beginning of the 1990s, had taken the side of supporting the destabilization of
the Habyarimana government from Uganda.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It was also at this time that the
U.S. began discretely suppling weapons to the ‘Tutsi rebels’ within the Ugandan
Army.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In September 1992, less than
two years before the terrorist attack of April 1994, a scandal broke in the
American press over the illegal transfers of arms, and especially of missiles,
to Uganda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some of the Ugandan
president’s inner circle were charged by the U.S. Justice Dept. with smuggling
around 400 TOW missiles and 34 launchers, as well as a number of Chinook CH-47C
helicopters, worth about $15 million.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh2yqY1EdK1d7OHmpKDlUBOs7cv6iecy9E6mNaC-zr63T1qxG_MB1GKKTFi9b0O68xkK2FFJjiKiQzz0ByjiBwWOzCHQHKrylhumi88H3Tt_u_qeaI-Ea7Mnt3gEkzkUN1yXzdvTgsU9aU/s1600/TOWs.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh2yqY1EdK1d7OHmpKDlUBOs7cv6iecy9E6mNaC-zr63T1qxG_MB1GKKTFi9b0O68xkK2FFJjiKiQzz0ByjiBwWOzCHQHKrylhumi88H3Tt_u_qeaI-Ea7Mnt3gEkzkUN1yXzdvTgsU9aU/s1600/TOWs.jpg" height="200" width="193" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihAqdIquyQ1sg5WjvIE64tWk1uqCrosS5a9VAOU4fLYfpEg5uWTZQPEGUqlTQA9dt4RUP6VKBKl62IgFfTZuFnmwRuMJ2no29aAxYP66cgN8IxrsApQaLneOuP81SyWxdaHLLIAfG1IA0/s1600/Chinook.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEihAqdIquyQ1sg5WjvIE64tWk1uqCrosS5a9VAOU4fLYfpEg5uWTZQPEGUqlTQA9dt4RUP6VKBKl62IgFfTZuFnmwRuMJ2no29aAxYP66cgN8IxrsApQaLneOuP81SyWxdaHLLIAfG1IA0/s1600/Chinook.jpg" height="133" width="200" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
400 TOWs and a few choppers = $15 mil.</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The Ugandan president’s personal
secretary, Innocent Bisangwa-Mbuje, and the Ugandan Ambassador to the U.S.,
Stephen Kampipina Katenta-Apuli, were considered by US investigators as the
lynch pins in this operation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Among others involved were a retired General in the Egyptian Air Force,
Mounir Fahmy Barsoum, a retired officer from the Egyptian Army, Col. Sultan
Abou Sharaf, a former-adviser to the Ugandan government and an American
national, Diane Lewis, and an American arms dealer based out of New York, Nezih
Kent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The U.S. Justice Dept. would
also name several accomplices, among whom were the Ugandan Minister of Defense,
General David Tinyefuza, the permanent Secretary of Defense, Ben Mbonye, and
two high-ranking Libyan officers.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In the month preceding the raid
by U.S. Customs Officials, a front company was created in Orlando, FL, under the
name <i>The Poseidon Trade Group</i><span style="font-style: normal;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was behind this front company that
the players in this deal would get together, sometimes in Orlando, sometimes at
JFK in New York.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Egyptian
Colonel Sharaf, who represented the Ugandan authorities in this deal, had,
himself, created a shell-company in Geneva under the name </span><i>Myrion
Holding, Ltd</i><span style="font-style: normal;">., to facilitate the smuggling
of the TOW missiles and the helicopters.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Their plan was to pass off the
TOWs and launchers as ‘construction materials’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The arms had to be transported by boat from Jacksonville,
FL, to Entebbe, Uganda, by way of Limassol, Cyprus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As for the helicopters, they would have to be transported to
Uganda by a Libyan company based in Malta.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When the U.S. Justice Dept. found out about the involvement
of this Libyan business, they immediately set about looking into whether this
(even) indirect involvement of Libya in the deal would constitute a violation
of the UN Security Council’s 1991 arms embargo against Tripoli.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Worried about the effects his personal
secretary’s being arrested on American soil would have on his relations with
the U.S., the Ugandan head-of-State decided to put up a one million dollar bond
for his boy and financed it by mortgaging the $20 million in contraband merchandize
through the “Uganda House”, an institution within Uganda’s mission to the United
Nations in New York City.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Justice Dept agreed to free Innocent Bisangwa-Mbuje and drop the charges
against him, but on one condition: that he testify against the Ugandan
president, Yoweri Museveni.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Then things
got real weird real fast.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In reality, the American customs
officials considered Museveni’s personal secretary to be the key player in this
missile smuggling deal and figured he was pretty well informed on the arms
traffic between Uganda and the U.S.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This is why the Justice Dept. was interested in cooperating with him
and, in the end, getting specific information from him on the exact position
held by the Ugandan head-of-State in this whole business.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
From the evidence gathered by the
investigators, the case seemed much more volatile than it had in the
beginning.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Dept. of Justice
was threatening to charge President Museveni personally.<br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTGh5gU2Jm7OnT6Eq4efGnPW2zHNCam-48egGDuJ1UEQFaWSypUA1-DT2vAvpwSEMayF52Oms4jRZS-vCxehBD7q-Z4FAjL6yL3Pwq-WBJ2nqxwbvhg5vo5YBKWRzTP6Pn0J1encDWkFo/s1600/DoJ.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgTGh5gU2Jm7OnT6Eq4efGnPW2zHNCam-48egGDuJ1UEQFaWSypUA1-DT2vAvpwSEMayF52Oms4jRZS-vCxehBD7q-Z4FAjL6yL3Pwq-WBJ2nqxwbvhg5vo5YBKWRzTP6Pn0J1encDWkFo/s1600/DoJ.jpg" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizSmCs6axX0nNBpqDce46UQpvFneeQVd_uymiCVeZZhB_eq1kB-BvYIC5obPJCPIYhvGoa8zRbAnj_ddW7-2wJOOx2KinHA190hIRLn7wI39e7RILsHzcSXbVC2DrvQ4NObHrP52PrAas/s1600/M7+fiesta+gear.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizSmCs6axX0nNBpqDce46UQpvFneeQVd_uymiCVeZZhB_eq1kB-BvYIC5obPJCPIYhvGoa8zRbAnj_ddW7-2wJOOx2KinHA190hIRLn7wI39e7RILsHzcSXbVC2DrvQ4NObHrP52PrAas/s1600/M7+fiesta+gear.jpg" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
DoJ v King M7</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The entire plan was about to blow
up after certain important members of the Bush administration found out that
Museveni was on the verge of becoming the principal target of the US Justice
Department’s investigation and that it would be hard for the CIA and the DIA to
pretend not to know about the intended final use of these weapons.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Faced with this troubling situation,
backfires were immediately lit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Ugandan government told U.S. Justice that all these weapons were meant
for the war against poaching and gorilla trafficking in the Great Lakes region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The lie was huge, but the judges, under
great political pressure, began to back off.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One detail got by the American investigators:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the kind of juice that Museveni’s
allies had within the Washington power-establishment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As the Justice Dept. gradually tightened the screws on
Innocent Bisangwa-Mbuje, President Museveni’s personal amanuensis, the U.S. State
Dept. and its lawyers intensified their lobbying efforts in the courts.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Victory in this match with the
U.S. Dept. of Justice was about to be declared for Museveni and the ‘Tutsi
rebellion.’</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
With the ascension of Bill Clinton
to the U.S. presidency, Yoweri Museveni became the central figure in America’s
foreign policy for Africa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So it
became mandatory to avoid bothering this corrupt autocrat the U.S. planned to
depend on as leader of its political offensive in Central Africa.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
After the new POTUS had been
sworn in, the pressures from the CIA and the State Dept. were redoubled to
quash the prosecutions of Museveni’s private secretary and all the
American nationals and Egyptian officers involved in this arms trafficking
case.<br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOwHZ-LCHBSmgSrQxcRrFhUuAOs5wDPn89VFNq5FUNFTAL0RXpnCDkyOoUpke-wRGfEkqpjoP8uoyWIWGm3uHy7wHmGbTIeNp_vnb7mak1aGd3qb-5Hm9CPhzkMgjLLcr1uszTKyZ-3s4/s1600/Mad+Albright.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOwHZ-LCHBSmgSrQxcRrFhUuAOs5wDPn89VFNq5FUNFTAL0RXpnCDkyOoUpke-wRGfEkqpjoP8uoyWIWGm3uHy7wHmGbTIeNp_vnb7mak1aGd3qb-5Hm9CPhzkMgjLLcr1uszTKyZ-3s4/s1600/Mad+Albright.jpg" height="200" width="167" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDVgy52gpI7v5riEIv_18uB36Str6cUF-9V8FG6qRkOtv1AeubnE-G4v92CKxx2iVgU2vnWSfk2lGLDB6qAZHAVLVnBU0kasc1nE0KNNv8B0287rgkeU_He3ieYH0hBfbIS0RSSYo527k/s1600/Mad+Rice.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgDVgy52gpI7v5riEIv_18uB36Str6cUF-9V8FG6qRkOtv1AeubnE-G4v92CKxx2iVgU2vnWSfk2lGLDB6qAZHAVLVnBU0kasc1nE0KNNv8B0287rgkeU_He3ieYH0hBfbIS0RSSYo527k/s1600/Mad+Rice.jpg" height="133" width="200" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Sisters in Neo-Colonialism</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The whole affair took a hard
political turn because of certain influential members of the Clinton
administration who were strong supporters of the Ugandan president:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>people like Madeleine Albright and
Susan Rice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A real arm-wresting
match broke out between the Justice and State Departments.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
First, Federal Judge Kendall
Sharp announced that all charges against the principals in the Orlando Arms
Trafficking case were being dropped due to “insufficient evidence.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Federal Prosecutor, Bob Genzman,
who had opened the case to begin with, fought back:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“We totally disagree with the court on the facts and the law
in this matter.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He added:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Unfortunately, given the court did not
submit this case to a jury, the Public Prosecutor cannot file an appeal.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
But justice actually reared its head after the file, which was being handled by the CIA and the Pentagon, was hacked
into.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> Then</span> the case of the
Orlando Arms Traffickers took a less judicial turn.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because it seems that certain of the missiles intended for
the Ugandan military were, in fact, to be used in the war against the Sudanese
government of President Omar al-Bashir.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>At this time, Washington was looking to get rid of Sudan’s
head-of-State, Omar al-Bashir, whom they accused of supporting international terrorism and,
especially, radical Palestinian movements.<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title="">[2]<!--[endif]--></a></span></span><o:p></o:p><br />
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><br /></span>
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhONamMdSiJ2vegTth3gFI45_u1g5bIc6sJj8WPgUgOpoT95He9p1zepPM-TPlMP4mjjCMKJ9e-rAWD3adCJUHEbRgmiZkChnIl-onHAjpAyiBSkeIeQL_DNeBOWUI_1mwIbu3uMpavcyM/s1600/al-Bashir.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhONamMdSiJ2vegTth3gFI45_u1g5bIc6sJj8WPgUgOpoT95He9p1zepPM-TPlMP4mjjCMKJ9e-rAWD3adCJUHEbRgmiZkChnIl-onHAjpAyiBSkeIeQL_DNeBOWUI_1mwIbu3uMpavcyM/s1600/al-Bashir.jpg" height="161" width="200" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This sudden halting of the
investigation into missile smuggling by the Ugandan Army for the benefit of the
‘Tutsi rebellion’ in Rwanda, and intent on the destabilization of those African regimes considered
‘undesirable’, is stark testimony to the sort of double-dealing the U.S. was up
to, as well as to the significant influence of certain secret interests.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was just such interests that would
guide American involvement in Rwanda and the Great Lakes region, generally, for
years to come.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifq1aNOjL-7Ikd2KuRVuADFykm3tlpAPrqGkddN1ZvhFGWC-b6EwsAHuZz0v7k0UnLlRzm-zn4Dv7Ex6yyguKhj0MMdXkS8MmnJykYziuOr3FpHqiE_wnb43I5QZSgJtLNnDBD30zTHo8/s1600/Ed+Lubboc.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEifq1aNOjL-7Ikd2KuRVuADFykm3tlpAPrqGkddN1ZvhFGWC-b6EwsAHuZz0v7k0UnLlRzm-zn4Dv7Ex6yyguKhj0MMdXkS8MmnJykYziuOr3FpHqiE_wnb43I5QZSgJtLNnDBD30zTHo8/s1600/Ed+Lubboc.jpg" height="148" width="200" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYiJpfKt9EphcX3mxPFaI5M5DzrAdLHapqbNvbIyZXcvUYwGUh87N9tteHMCIkJCj6hxDk3LSXzqjuDpusuUP1a94dDFw9CkISwQtuZhJfzyu2xYDJcI1gy6OOgTtFSmp-w8cQPZ6fR6g/s1600/Dougie+Hurd.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYiJpfKt9EphcX3mxPFaI5M5DzrAdLHapqbNvbIyZXcvUYwGUh87N9tteHMCIkJCj6hxDk3LSXzqjuDpusuUP1a94dDFw9CkISwQtuZhJfzyu2xYDJcI1gy6OOgTtFSmp-w8cQPZ6fR6g/s1600/Dougie+Hurd.jpg" height="196" width="200" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Sirs Eric Lubbock and Douglas Hurd</div>
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In light of these discoveries, a
former British MP in charge of Human Rights, Eric Lubbock, decided to go to
Douglas Hurd, British Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs,
to complain about the U.S.’s secret activities in Africa and the dangerous
political situation currently existing in Uganda:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“We have received disturbing reports about recent
developments in Uganda, where, on 6 August 1992, the Ugandan president issued a
decree banning political parties, against the advice of Parliament and contrary
to current norms in many African countries.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Mr. Lubbock added:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“If it is revealed that President
Museveni tried to come by those missiles on the down-low, in violation of U.S.
laws, it would not be appropriate for us to continue giving assistance of any
kind to Uganda, especially in the form of military aid and training, and this
is how it should continue until the president resigns and free and fair
elections can be held in the country.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Douglas Hurd, visibly ill at
ease, replied to the British MP :<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“Political parties were not banned in Uganda, but their activities have been curtailed for some time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
domestic debate has gone on about whether a government that must answer for its
actions should have to return to a system of multi-party democracy.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Douglas Hurd’s lame arguments in
defense of the Museveni regime are not at all convincing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even the U.S. Ambassador in Kampala,
Michael Southwick, was quite direct that “Museveni’s dictatorial practices make
him a dangerous man” in the sub-region, a statement that would lead the Ugandan
president to characterized the American’s words as impolite and totally out of
place.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
With all of that, the U.S. continued to play its double game, officially supporting Peace on one hand,
while secretly sending military aid and training to the ‘Tutsi rebels’ on the
other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To better understand this
attitude, it is necessary to look at the investments that, in certain sectors
of the American economy, are valorized by Kagame and his ‘rebels’.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The investigative journalist and
former NSA analyst, Wayne Madsen, confirms that the destabilization of the
Great Lakes region has been part of a longstanding project at the Pentagon and
White House and that, in this perspective, the involvement of the U.S. in the
internal affairs of Rwanda has been on-going for some years:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“The destabilization of Central Africa,
and of Rwanda in particular, really began in 1994.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Hutu-dominated government of Rwanda<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[3]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
was an obstruction to Washington’s plans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>However, the involvement of the Intelligence Services in Rwanda’s
internal conflicts dates to before the Clinton administration.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This interference actually arose during
the presidency of George H.W. Bush.”<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title="">[4]<!--[endif]--></a></span></span><o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivtvV5C-jAO9bRnjy1eAjtIp_HeJw7qG2U5TRpxP5Yog0pha2wDYniBzx8fSJPTeVCXN09NoSfC5p2v92an9SwyW9LRvgSfn8IlZggzoBc3EUphya1lCK1KDU-FIZWAjpogWs1Wl3q2xQ/s1600/Madsen.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivtvV5C-jAO9bRnjy1eAjtIp_HeJw7qG2U5TRpxP5Yog0pha2wDYniBzx8fSJPTeVCXN09NoSfC5p2v92an9SwyW9LRvgSfn8IlZggzoBc3EUphya1lCK1KDU-FIZWAjpogWs1Wl3q2xQ/s1600/Madsen.jpg" height="200" width="163" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Wayne Madsen--like Snowden</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
but with REAL Information</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
We’ve been able to verify Wayne
Madsen’s statements by consulting different confidential reports from the Bush (1) administration showing that beside the hidden military support to the ‘Tutsi
rebellion’, the U.S. carried on certain activities on the diplomatic level that
demonstrated they were not in favor of keeping President Habyarimana in power
even if they showed a certain official moderation toward his regime.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[5]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It was the Rwandan ambassador in
Washington, Aloys Uwimana, who brought us what he had learned over time:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“I came to Washington on 1 October 1997
from Tokyo, where I had been the ambassador since 1984.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Rwandan case blew up with the
famous conference of Rwandan refugees in Washington (August 1988), organized by
Roger Winter<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[6]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>, then
director of the American Committee for Refugees.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A fierce defender of the RPF and a friend of Museveni’s,
Winter would support the RPF to the end.<o:p></o:p><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Roger Winter, the Christian Scourge of Muslim Sudan</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
"This conference produced a
declaration of war against the Rwandan government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, one of its resolutions called for Rwandan refugees
to be returned to the country by force if the Rwandan government would not
permit them to return freely and unconditionally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>President Habyarimana must have realized the danger here because
he instructed me to approach the Tutsi leaders and to invite them to take part
in all the events organized by the Embassy, like the meetings of MRND cells
abroad or diplomatic receptions . . .<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
“This is how I met certain
leaders like Alexandre Kimenyi, editor-in-chief of <i>Impuruza</i><span style="font-style: normal;">, a magazine of unprecedented virulence against the
Hutu, calling them ‘ants’, or one George Rubagumya, who traveled regularly
between the U.S. and Uganda.”<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The Rwandan ambassador goes on: <o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"For the American government under Bush senior,
the inescapable solution was <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the adoption
of a multi-party political system and economic reforms, especially of the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>[neo-Liberal] ‘structural
adjustment’-kind.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For Bush, this
would deprive the RPF of any <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>argument.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Through the State Dept., the U.S. president applied a great deal of pressure on <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the
Rwandan government in this direction, and when it carried out these policies, <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>President Bush sent a personal, hand-written
message to his Rwandan counterpart <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>congratulating
him and assuring Habyarimana of the full support of his government.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"I got along very well with the Under-Secretary
of State for African Affairs, <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Herman
Cohen, to the point that we were able to work smoothly together throughout this
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>difficult period.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, at the beginning of the
crisis, I told Herman Cohen that this <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>war
was not aimed at Rwanda, in which the U.S. has always claimed loud and clear that
it <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>has no strategic interest.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"When I told him this war was aimed at
Congo-Zaire, he said I was crazy.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"In the opinion of many observers, Habyarimana’s
principal misfortune was his not <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>allowing
Rwanda to serve as a rear-base from which to hunt Mobutu, whom the US had <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>already cut loose.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I don’t have any formal evidence for this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But if the attitude of the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Bush government was rather reserved on the
matter, the Pentagon was always very pro-<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>RPF.<o:p></o:p><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
George Moose and Prudence Bushnell</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
"Clinton’s coming to power was going to change the
whole game: with Madeleine <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Albright as
Secretary of State, George Moose at African Affairs and Prudence Bushnell at <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the Central African desk that handled
Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I remember two incidents
that, in looking <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>back, might have been
quite revealing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One day, George
Moose, Under-Secretary of State <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>for
African Affairs, invited my Burundian colleague and me to lunch.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the course of the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>meal, he asked us a question:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘In your opinion, what head-of-State is
the leader of the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Great Lakes region of
Africa?’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We started right off by
elimination.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"We eliminated Mobutu, who had become the <i>bête
noire</i><span style="font-style: normal;"> for the Americans; <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Museveni was implicated in the invasion of
Rwanda; the Burundian president [i</span><i>.e., <b>Melchior Ndadaye</b>, murdered by Burundian Tutsi army officers in October 1993</i><span style="font-style: normal;">] was too <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>young
and lacked experience; and, finally, Tanzania was still holding a grudge
against <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Habyarimana for what, according
to them, had happened to President Kayibanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So that <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>only left
Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sometime later, the
American government sent out a military <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>mission
that criss-crossed the capitals of the sub-region, Kinshasa, Kampala, Kigali, <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Bujumbura, and Dar-es-Salaam.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was during this mission that the
decision to assassinate <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Habyarimana was
finalized.<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title="">[7]<!--[endif]--></a>"</span></span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Burundian president Melchoir Ndadaye--</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
first of three duly-elected Hutu heads-of-State </div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
to be murdered by 'Tutsi rebels' between </div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
October 1993 and April 1994</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Let’s stop and take a closer look
at two points in this testimony:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>the pressuring of Habyarimana and plans for his elimination.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Wingdings;"> Ø<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span><!--[endif]-->Pressures on Habyarimana<o:p></o:p><br />
<br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
State Dept's African-hand Herman Cohen</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
We dug up a confidential US State
Dept. document dated 15 July 1992 that discusses with great specificity these
pressures.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Examining Washington’s
discrete methods, the document was written by Robert Pringle and addressed
directly to Herman Cohen:<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"We suggest calling the Belgian Foreign Minister
and the French Director of <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>African
Affairs, [Paul] Dijoud to exhort them to keep up the pressure on Habyarimana to
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>apply the Rwanda-RPF [Arusha] accords and
give support to the machinery of peace <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>keeping,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(. . .)<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b>"The
points concerning Dijoud:<o:p></o:p></b><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Elysées' Africa-hand Paul Dijoud</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"We are particularly concerned that the Rwandan
political leaders, especially <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>President
Habyarimana, are rejecting what has been accomplished by their negotiators <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>because they feel they are conceding too much
to the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We think if you call <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Habyarimana and urge him to support the
application of the Accords, it would help <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>greatly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We look forward to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>more actions in this vein by getting
another important <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>figure involved, either
with a phone call to Habyarimana or a personal letter to the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Rwandan president.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"If the question of US support comes up, we
expect to keep up our current level of <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>technical
assistance throughout the peace process.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><b>"The
points concerning Claes:<o:p></o:p></b><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Belgian Foreign Minister Willy Claes</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"Western diplomatic efforts toward encouraging
peace in Rwanda seem to have <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>been paying
off more quickly than expected.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Nevertheless, it is obvious that the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>agreement
is fragile and that the peace process is going to need much greater effort from
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Rwanda’s foreign friends.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We are particularly concerned that
Rwandan political leaders, <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>especially
President Habyarimana, are rejecting what has been accomplished by their <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>negotiators, because they have given up too
much to the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We think it would
be<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>useful if you could bring this subject
up with Habyarimana and strongly urge him to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>support
the implementation of the agreement.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"We look forward to acting in the same fashion
by getting another important <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>figure
involved, either by telephoning Habyarimana or by sending a personal letter from
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>this personality to the Rwandan
president.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We hope you will be in
a position to bring <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>some financial
support to the Observers Group.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(If it comes up) while we expect to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>maintain
our current level of technical assistance, it will be difficult for us to do
more <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>because of reductions in the budget
for security aid to Africa. (. . . )<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"The Belgians came to us to let us know that
Habyarimana would be in Brussels <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>some
time during the next week.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We think
he also intends to go to Paris.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>According to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the discussions we
have had with the Belgian representative in Arusha, Belgium would be <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>amenable to a contribution of as much as $1
million to support a mission of observers for <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the
peace process.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Without reporting
this payment, it would be good to ask Claes if he <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>thinks Belgium might give a financial contribution to the peace
process.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"The French also expressed a desire to make a
financial contribution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While we <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>should be able to put together $300-$500,000 to
support the peace process in Rwanda, <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>you
must not <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>make any promises before the
allocation of funds has been decided.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>A <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>demand for funds on this matter
has already been differed by the U.S. Dept. of Defense <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>pending the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>outcome of the
Arusha negotiations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We are going
to try again to put these <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>funds together, but nothing is certain for the
moment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>. . .”<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
It is apparent that the U.S.
carries on its lobbying through political personalities and French and Belgian
diplomats.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When Herman Cohen went
to meet with Belgian Foreign Minister Willy Claes and French government
representative Paul Dijoud on the matter of Rwanda, it was above all meant to
pass Washington’s message on to President Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is clear from this cynical action
that the US was banking on Habyarimana’s bending over for the Arusha Accords,
even though they were fully aware that he found the terms totally unacceptable
because they disproportionately favored the RPF.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Along with these various
pressures being applied to Habyarimana, the CIA developed a very specific set
of questions about the working relations of force that prevailed on the ground
and especially on the role and the interests of France in the region.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These questions also pertained to
identifying important figures within the RPF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
So it is surprising that all
these facts establishing the real and continuing U.S. interest in Rwanda and
the Great Lakes Region did not stir more attention from the French parliament.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Indeed, it seems clear that the
United States followed the crisis in Rwanda very closely, as is further shown
by different official reports and numerous confidential notes from the
Pentagon, the State Dept., and the CIA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>There are even diplomatic cables containing information of capital
importance on the analyses and observations of American diplomats present on
the ground, as many from the Bush as from the Clinton administrations.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiNR40ZOWx5tqmUZJXPZDFWqsZOoEDipZiCVw7u_2QUr_ziZRWfvbUXJ1VGoGQ8F9odrUfdppuIsVgssZIYDhk9i6a84gQs0dsgQmsoTJyZsmCVyw1gd8LtJpyjypednO0UIhIYEhEYPA4/s1600/Bruno+Delaye.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiNR40ZOWx5tqmUZJXPZDFWqsZOoEDipZiCVw7u_2QUr_ziZRWfvbUXJ1VGoGQ8F9odrUfdppuIsVgssZIYDhk9i6a84gQs0dsgQmsoTJyZsmCVyw1gd8LtJpyjypednO0UIhIYEhEYPA4/s1600/Bruno+Delaye.jpg" height="200" width="134" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3_3p745slp6LepEQbIKPJv-ULenNUIFlhEvcAAhVAINl6eDGd-4vC-yu0ZjgTXlbohyhQ4ImPRIOtN4A7k6BlrWsChaEZr1PnKw-8lnPJ8kUFZufZBBq_Y-2p2BLYcmF0gax_rty39QY/s1600/Sabaliere.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg3_3p745slp6LepEQbIKPJv-ULenNUIFlhEvcAAhVAINl6eDGd-4vC-yu0ZjgTXlbohyhQ4ImPRIOtN4A7k6BlrWsChaEZr1PnKw-8lnPJ8kUFZufZBBq_Y-2p2BLYcmF0gax_rty39QY/s1600/Sabaliere.jpg" height="200" width="125" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Bruno Delaye and Jean-Marc Sablière</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Team France</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In 1992, for example, a
confidential note from the U.S. ambassador in Paris indicates very clearly that
Herman Cohen, during his visit to France in December, had a discussion about
Rwanda with President François Mitterrand, his advisor Bruno Delaye, and his
Director of African Affairs Jean-Marc de Sablière.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The note points out, among other things, that President
Habyarimana was very nervous and seemed to have 'too many problems,' that he
wrote to President Mitterrand asking for a meeting, that he said he was
prepared to accept 90% of the RPF/RPA demands, but that he could not accept the
political marginalization of his own party the MRND[D].<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The note specifies that according to
Bruno Delaye, President Habyarimana believed that a long period of transition
would help greatly to stabilize his country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For that it would be necessary to hold the first free
elections at the regional level to assure the stability of the regions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>According to the same note, Mr.
Sablière felt that the Quai d’Orsay was not convinced that the RPF/RPA had
completely rejected the military solution.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Herman Cohen stressed that ‘the
rebellion’ was able to capture a large part of the country during the fighting
in the summer of 1992 and was very much convinced that power is gained through
war, but that, according to Washington, the RPF knew they were in no position
to govern Rwanda because they represented all too small a minority of the
population.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Jeffrey Davidow (State) and Janet Leader (U.S. Embassy)</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Team America</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Another document, another
analysis:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In a confidential
diplomatic cable from June 1992, we learn that Deputy Asst. Secretary of State
Jeffrey Davidow on 5 June sat with members of the ‘Tutsi rebellion’ before their
meeting with representatives of the Rwandan government in Paris.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
Pasteur Bizimungu Frank Mugambage Patrick Mazimhaka</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
Team RPF</div>
<div style="text-align: left;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
At this meeting, which involved
RPF officers Pasteur Bizimungu, Patrick Mazimhaka, Frank Mugambage, and the
number-two at the U.S. embassy in Rwanda, Joyce Leader, the discussion involved giving advice
to the representatives of the RPF before their discussions with the Rwandan government officials.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was Mr. Davidow’s
suggestion that the RPF not refuse the idea of letting the French mediators take part in the negotiations.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
With a cynicism so often
characteristic of diplomacy, Jeffrey Davidow pointed out that “a mediator
should not so much be impartial as powerful.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because the weight France puts behind Habyarimana is an
important lever that no other mediator has.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>France will be able to furnish or mobilize resources after
an agreement is reached.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The American diplomat also asked
if the RPF had considered the political overture being made by Habyarimana as
an opportunity to participate, as a political party, in the Rwandan political
process.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pasteur Bizimungu said
the RPF would agree to participating in the political system, but did not know
just how they could put down their weapons before the institutions and
mechanisms that keep Habyarimana in power were dismantled.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This discussion shows the several
kinds of political and military pressure that were being exerted on Habyarimana
to remove him from power and, especially, the RPF/RPA's taking a good deal of
advice from their American coaches.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The military offensive of 9
February 1993 launched by the RPF/RPA, to the great surprise of one and all, and creating thousands of dead and displaced inside Rwanda, was represented by
the rebels as “legitimate.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the
time, this attack created limited indignation and the media questioned certain European public figures on the silence of the American
authorities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This silence was understandable considering the abundance of information on this brutal raid available to
the Americans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here is the
evidence.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
A seven-page confidential report
put together by the U.S. State Department in February 1993, just after the attack,
clearly notes:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"The RPF attack in the North of Rwanda with its
accompanying atrocities <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>indicates <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>that the rebels have no intentions of sharing
power with President <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>contrary,
the RPF in Tutsi hands is looking to control the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>government in Kigali and to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>force
Habyarimana to step down. (. . .)<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"While the RPF has not as of yet taken any of
the principal towns in the country, it <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>currently
dominates a third of the nation's territory and holds the military initiative.
(. . .)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The attacks by the RPF over the past two weeks have led to the
displacement of more than <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>600,000
persons. (. . .)<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"Considering the persistence of their attacks
and their official declarations that <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>they
expect the fighting to go on for months, it seems that the RPF is trying to
gain <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>more than just a simple advantage in
the Arusha negotiations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Rather than wanting to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>share power
with Habyarimana, the rebels seem to be looking for his quick
capitulation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Paradoxically, on 9 January, the RPF obtained
major political concessions from the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Habyarimana
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>regime in the protocols of the Arusha talks.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By teaming up with <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>the Opposition parties, the RPF has succeeded
in isolating Habyarimana’s party, the <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>MRND[D]<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[8]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
along with the extremists of the CDR.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"></span>"The RPF are also hoping the French will leave
off supporting Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>leaders of the RPF probably believed that
France could not continue much longer to <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>support
a regime that is so often criticized for its violations of Human Rights.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>recent
attacks by the RPF show their military strength.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This movement has demonstrated <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>such intransigence that Habyarimana and the MRND[D], more than ever,
dread making any <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>arrangement with it.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
The S.F. Milkman and The Rwandan General</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
"In October 1993, President
Habyarimana visited the U.S. to find out the true intentions of the Clinton
administration.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>During his meeting
with Secretary of State Warren Christopher, Habyarimana thanked the U.S. for
its support in the Rwandan peace process and for its participation in the
Arusha negotiations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Secretary
Christopher, in turn, congratulated the Rwandan president for instituting
Democracy in his country and for his political courage in bringing about the
signing of the Peace Accords with the RPF/A.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The American Secretary of State
also asked Habyarimana for more details on the new multi-party system
instituted in his country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Rwandan Chief-of-State said that Rwanda was definitively finished with the
single-party system now that the constitution had been revised and a dozen
new political parties had come onto the scene.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also asked the US to get more involved in consolidating
the Rwandan peace by sending in UN Peacekeepers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Christopher wanted to know what countries had already
pledged troops to Rwanda, to which Habyarimana responded that Belgium, Morocco,
Tunisia, Algeria and Egypt would all be amenable to doing so.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Habyarimana added that he had
also asked the UN Secretary General to approach France on this issue, but that
Boutros Boutros-Ghali had expressed serious reticence at involving the French
because of the strong opposition by the RPF/A to the presence of any French troops
in Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Habyarimana said he
would also accept a Belgian participation in the UN contingent.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The Rwandan president reaffirmed
his good will by indicating that once the UN force was in place, five
Ministerial portfolios would be handed over to the RPF; that would make up,
according to him, a solid base for a strong national consensus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Under these conditions, the new
government would have the responsibility of maintaining the security and stability
of the country for the twenty-two months that were expected to lead up to
holding free and democratic presidential elections.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In hopes of pulling together all
the conditions that would lead to this process, Habyarimana asked for help from
the International Community and for financial aid from the IMF and the World
Bank to save his country from succumbing to the poverty and the economic crisis
brought on by the war.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
What Habyarimana did not know at
this time was that his ambitions for peace and stability for the region were
not shared by his American interlocutors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Quite the contrary, the Clinton administration had already decided to go
all in for a military victory by the RPF/A and was counting on just that prospect to
size up the Rwandan president’s state of mind.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This meeting would not be fruitful for Habyarimana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It allowed the American authorities to
have confirmation of the fact that the Rwandan president was prepared to grant
all sorts of concessions to the RPF/A in following his logic of peace and
democratization.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
If the Rwandan Chief of State was
ready for an electoral rather than a military confrontation with the RPF/A,
President Clinton and his team already knew that the RPF/A would very soon
remove Habyarimana from power permanently.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In light of this information and
of Washington’s “sponsorship” of the RPF/A, one might wonder just what was
ultimately served by the Arusha Accords.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>President Habyarimana was asked to democratize his country, and he did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was asked to negotiate with the
‘Tutsi rebels’, and he did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was
asked to make concessions to the rebels, and he did so to such an extent that
even the Americans said he had gone too far!<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So much so that the rebels did not hesitate to violate every
cease-fire.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In reality, the
International Community tried in all kinds of ways to pull the Rwandan
president out of this losing political game.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The U.S. ambassador to Rwanda, Mr.
Robert Flatten, recapitulated very well the ambiguities of the International
Community’s relations with Habyarimana:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“I think there came a moment when Habyarimana figured that he was being
rejected, he was being asked to leave the negotiating table, as he was no
longer taking part, and he knew not how, as president of the Republic, he could
return to the negotiations, to re-involve himself in the negotiations.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[9]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; tab-stops: list 36.0pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Wingdings;">Ø<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span><!--[endif]-->The project for the elimination of Habyarimana<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
On this most important issue,
there are still Americans furnishing relevant clues.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We found a report from 13 January 1994, classified SECRET,
from the CIA to the White House and State Dept.—this is more than two months
before the attack.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is entitled
“Comments by a high official of the Rwandan Patriotic Front on the RPF’s
strategy in the negotiations for the Integration of Forces.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In this report it says:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“The military strategy regularly
adopted by the Rwandan Patriotic Army was to force the Rwandan government to
come to the negotiating table by weakening their authority to govern in the
country while at the same time mobilizing the forces necessary to overthrow the
regime of President Juvénal Habyarimana in case of failure in the
negotiations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The RPA thinks this
strategy has been effective until now and that no change is anticipated for the
moment.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The same report adds:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“During the ceasefire, the RPA
succeeded in solving several problems:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>seeing to the overall reinforcement of its troop-presence at the front;
taking advantage of the ceasefires to train and equip its men while building up
sufficient stocks of arms and ammunition, medicine and food and supporting its
troops in the field.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>During the
resumption of hostilities, the RPA continued the politicization of its military
by actively appealing for contributions to buy food from its supporters in
Zaire, Burundi, Tanzania, Kenya, and in Europe and the US.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These appeals for donations allowed the
RPA to gather several thousand American dollars that were specifically
allocated for buying weapons on the International market.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the field, the RPA continues to
supply itself with food in part by capturing it from the Rwandan Army (FAR) and
the rest from the public markets along the Rwandan-Ugandan border.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The source of the information in
this report is considered to have “good access”, which in the argot of the
intelligence community means that it came from someone who was well inserted or
already well established within the RPF/A.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><b>The
attitude of the US at the time of the deployment of the International<o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Observers Mission along the Rwandan-Ugandan border<o:p></o:p></b><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgP4IY3UFN4m1XimEOkEuxzRNO96src3CQeB6TprDw0_l9qgFiTuzVdObykCZlnj6EkT4SMGRYW3hyynEwLu84CusU1wwQYf4Ip5S9rJMW6fPNCKrRDT0ZXDlrbLQdS8QZoujspglQoFvo/s1600/UN+HELMET.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgP4IY3UFN4m1XimEOkEuxzRNO96src3CQeB6TprDw0_l9qgFiTuzVdObykCZlnj6EkT4SMGRYW3hyynEwLu84CusU1wwQYf4Ip5S9rJMW6fPNCKrRDT0ZXDlrbLQdS8QZoujspglQoFvo/s1600/UN+HELMET.jpg" height="182" width="200" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjS_3OhHxNaGq4h-GoCpoHnTYvd33MvTkyEoB2c2t4p13yiMivmx6XTPlndonCmM__Ff2eNkKcf3YJLbWeoiR6LFPXEoRH2VgPuX59zX00yqIUJuPl6ldvOIWvi8RVWJxKWl_3MuJCpKBA/s1600/UNOMUR+Medal.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjS_3OhHxNaGq4h-GoCpoHnTYvd33MvTkyEoB2c2t4p13yiMivmx6XTPlndonCmM__Ff2eNkKcf3YJLbWeoiR6LFPXEoRH2VgPuX59zX00yqIUJuPl6ldvOIWvi8RVWJxKWl_3MuJCpKBA/s1600/UNOMUR+Medal.jpg" height="200" width="105" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
"The First Victim of War is UN Neutrality" (Old African saying)</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><br /></b></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The whole mission was set up so
this surveillance would be outrageously cooperative with the RPF/A.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Considering that the porousness of the
Ugandan border was allowing arms to be easily supplied to the RPA, the UN
Security Council adopted on 22 June 1993 Resolution 846 authorizing the
deployment of UNOMUR (United Nations Observers Mission in Uganda and
Rwanda—MONUOR in French), that is, stationing observers along the border
between the two countries.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Before
the vote on this Resolution, the RPF wrote to the President of the Security
Council to oppose any form of monitoring on the part of the UN observers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This objection was automatically
seconded by the U.S., which would express its hostility to the observer mission out of fear it would expose Uganda’s support for ‘the rebellion’.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHDNIdzSGQQjCqn9CLpDFISr3NRTcVjWCAqyAydoOcuRCaaWFCIsNjL-P-FtTgBY2Fl8UeMnFR92ZR4B8T-ss1ycc_SUz8bkFGLjK2Kpd-AFPV7mJmdajqME4UcH-IVtEUp-G7RhQT8Mw/s1600/Merimee+lt.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjHDNIdzSGQQjCqn9CLpDFISr3NRTcVjWCAqyAydoOcuRCaaWFCIsNjL-P-FtTgBY2Fl8UeMnFR92ZR4B8T-ss1ycc_SUz8bkFGLjK2Kpd-AFPV7mJmdajqME4UcH-IVtEUp-G7RhQT8Mw/s1600/Merimee+lt.jpg" height="200" width="200" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEI0TvqOIUAS21keB_a1ViINy0AyCEI7b0ekxeF9ucwLbZMp1MaDrHMv2BjgygM6XAxpb6LDyh_HeMpEa4VtAKXm9cORqhlV_mns4otvigU5Fvkt36lh8aMEHUAEwjaX0_m_wf2Ms8hb0/s1600/Merimee+rt.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhEI0TvqOIUAS21keB_a1ViINy0AyCEI7b0ekxeF9ucwLbZMp1MaDrHMv2BjgygM6XAxpb6LDyh_HeMpEa4VtAKXm9cORqhlV_mns4otvigU5Fvkt36lh8aMEHUAEwjaX0_m_wf2Ms8hb0/s1600/Merimee+rt.jpg" height="200" width="160" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Jean-Bernard Mérimée covering all the Exits</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
France’s representative to the
UN, Jean-Bernard Mérimée, in a presentation before the French National
Assembly, spoke of “the problems encountered by the observation mission, which
needed materiel means, especially helicopters, while the U.S. was making things
very difficult, claiming, something we all understand, financial reasons for
not supplying the helicopters in sufficient numbers.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn10" name="_ftnref10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[10]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nevertheless, 81 observers, whose
effect would be purely symbolic, were posted to nearly 150 km along the border.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In February 1993, after the RPF/A
offensive, State Dept. envoy Lt. Col. Anthony Marley, dispatched into the field to
supervise certain secret activities alongside the RPA, had to meet with Paul
Kagame in the utmost discretion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
face-to-face on the Ugandan border had to be arranged very quickly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Ugandan Defense Minister, Amama
Mbabazi, took charge of this and asked a Ugandan officer to contact Paul Kagame
directly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The US ambassador also
sent a letter to President Museveni to assure him that Kagame had gotten the
message.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Americans knew that
the RPF/A were at the point of taking power in Rwanda, so the meeting with Tony
Marley was decisive.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXX9dtk9KjQoYtlkkZZ3dvW_PrANGFnzTx7zJelZUPd5WDwEe0_CaytDEuX4d7spaZYWWOGletj1hKHHEi6ULQTXiJSupfvMF01oGgfYhqkvpmBilvTpwkDCZybEso8Vx6iMVTKYFnYqY/s1600/Amama+.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXX9dtk9KjQoYtlkkZZ3dvW_PrANGFnzTx7zJelZUPd5WDwEe0_CaytDEuX4d7spaZYWWOGletj1hKHHEi6ULQTXiJSupfvMF01oGgfYhqkvpmBilvTpwkDCZybEso8Vx6iMVTKYFnYqY/s1600/Amama+.jpg" height="200" width="200" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhu268gjA_fSP528vz_ii1hg1Eg9Z7I7D8hXn71kUzAUVTpcCgbjOfq5JUXlMyTLBhK_vpuQDh-MMn-QQfgvnKMVeIFS0VnUwtLO-pQhEhiUPk5DhMpC4aNL5hDQs25mVOHYoQG_jaRK7Q/s1600/Rice+in+for+Marley.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhu268gjA_fSP528vz_ii1hg1Eg9Z7I7D8hXn71kUzAUVTpcCgbjOfq5JUXlMyTLBhK_vpuQDh-MMn-QQfgvnKMVeIFS0VnUwtLO-pQhEhiUPk5DhMpC4aNL5hDQs25mVOHYoQG_jaRK7Q/s1600/Rice+in+for+Marley.jpg" height="85" width="200" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;">
Ugandan Minister Amama Mbabazi and Lt. Col. Tony Marley (rt of Susan Rice)</div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
On 25 February at 8:30 am, the
mission chief at the U.S. embassy in Kampala, Ellen Shippy, and Lt. Col.
Marley, jammed into an embassy vehicle and headed out for Gatuna (north of
Rwanda) on the Ugandan border, where they were going to meet with the RPA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The rebels sent an escort to accompany
their American guests to Mulindi, the headquarters of the rebellion.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgljFxUZodRoMsgSF9nZNCPPb45WNhOF2gs1ZUCKm8HepRAhjbIUT_LnxzBdcYNLAtydxM9QkeVRieHWZLMM_vFig0eRgkIG0lcCH3TBjkpEXhctOc2x8u1yoTwmFjU4YWdXIOD20bu7io/s1600/Hot+Rice.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgljFxUZodRoMsgSF9nZNCPPb45WNhOF2gs1ZUCKm8HepRAhjbIUT_LnxzBdcYNLAtydxM9QkeVRieHWZLMM_vFig0eRgkIG0lcCH3TBjkpEXhctOc2x8u1yoTwmFjU4YWdXIOD20bu7io/s1600/Hot+Rice.jpg" height="200" width="141" /></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3MUwqQ8CuNWG7Ed4G3AodArc9VrVwrBd0ICbv1LWXmsgOWlRb7kVk7CfUawpcunZpr63xi5jpZru53PAEN4PnVDP6-JLQz2RJ35-4IRgV2HiMfH16iK0qPSgVUZoAClveqC3CU5-eeoY/s1600/Shippy+no+chippy.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3MUwqQ8CuNWG7Ed4G3AodArc9VrVwrBd0ICbv1LWXmsgOWlRb7kVk7CfUawpcunZpr63xi5jpZru53PAEN4PnVDP6-JLQz2RJ35-4IRgV2HiMfH16iK0qPSgVUZoAClveqC3CU5-eeoY/s1600/Shippy+no+chippy.jpg" height="200" width="151" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Ellen Shippy with Lt. Col. Marley (rt of Susan 'ouch' Rice)</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The talks were finally conducted
in Rwandan territory controlled by the RPA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the course of this meeting, Kagame deplored the
reinforcement of the French military presence in Rwanda and the support France
was giving to the Habyarimana regime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>He pointed out that the RPA troops were not currently fighting the French, though if that became necessary, the RPF/A forces would be able to face down
the French.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He spoke out
especially against the silence and “the apparent inaction of the U.S.” toward
the Habyarimana regime, which, Kagame felt, did not respect the Arusha Accords.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
On the matter of all those
displaced by the war, Kagame told Col. Marley that between 7,000 and 10,000
people, fleeing combat in the zone controlled by the RPF/A, had crossed the
border into Uganda seeking refuge.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Kagame denied, however, all allegations that the Ugandan army was
supporting the ‘Tutsi rebels’ in their combat.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ugandan military vehicles seen openly assisting the
soldiers of the RPF/A were, he said, the vehicles of theirs sympathizers and
their civilian contributors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One
of these vehicles that broke down during the fighting had to be abandoned with
its license plates still on it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But it was decided that from then on the license plates would be removed
from those vehicles donated to the RPF/A so as “not to embarrass their
donnors.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He denied that the RPF/A
was responsible for Human Rights violations or crimes against civilians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Out of this long meeting came an
agreement for the visit of an American delegation to the Rwandan tea factory
that had recently come under the control of the rebels and was already
generating substantial interest among U.S. investors, and the assurance that
Kagame’s messages would be transmitted to Washington.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><b>The
difficulty the US had with using the term ‘<i>genocide</i></b><span style="font-style: normal;"><b>’ to describe the mass<o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>killings of 1994.<o:p></o:p></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
To get out from under the biased
and fragmented vision of the Rwandan tragedy that has prevailed for the last
twenty years, we have tried to enrich the discussion by bringing in pieces of
evidence that have been overlooked until now.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We want to help those who do not as yet know what is really
at stake in this case to get out of the stale French polemics of “Françafrique” into which they have for so long been locked.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Contrary to appearances, the
appropriate discussion of the “genocide” has missed points essential to any
understanding of this case, like the geopolitical battle between France and the
U.S. in this region of Africa.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Ironically, use of the term
“genocide” was avoided for a long time by the American authorities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Why?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not only would their support for the ‘Tutsi rebels’ have
made the Americans the natural defenders of a “Tutsi genocide”, but the U.S.
government’s quickly taking a position on the “genocide” would have answered
this question and closed down all debate on the term.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The hesitations and great
reservations of the Clinton administration and of the President, himself, on
the use of the term “genocide” prove that from the U.S. government's standpoint, the analysis of
the facts is far from obvious.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Since the attack of 6 April 1994, the American authorities, though perfectly
informed on the situation, refrained from condemning the “genocide”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is not until much later that the
term entered the official discussion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaeUTgrxDoJuJAQOPL5PV8U9yj4ZJippdW-WFTP-bOiXs-eROGLzpwVFdBt1BcXxrBJOvuBfSwmM4K_bnZXJ-gc6iP8iBHg4pFQjlJc2WIeXXRa-FsKLpKH6J1H4lbbWW4iZHxOSP-K4A/s1600/Christine+Shelly+2t.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaeUTgrxDoJuJAQOPL5PV8U9yj4ZJippdW-WFTP-bOiXs-eROGLzpwVFdBt1BcXxrBJOvuBfSwmM4K_bnZXJ-gc6iP8iBHg4pFQjlJc2WIeXXRa-FsKLpKH6J1H4lbbWW4iZHxOSP-K4A/s1600/Christine+Shelly+2t.jpg" height="189" width="200" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
The late Christine Shelley--</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
dead at 54 of cancer in 2006</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
(perhaps Bad Faith is carcenogenic--just saying)</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
So on 29 April 1994, a
spokesperson for the U.S. State Dept., Christine Shelley, explained, “the term
genocide retains a very specific legal significance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though it is not strictly determined in a legal
fashion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Other factors come into
play here.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Visibly disturbed, she
seems to hold an idea that is contrary to Reality.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The next day, 30 April 1994,
after a seemingly endless eight-hour discussion, the Security Council voted for
a resolution that condemned “the massacres” in Rwanda, but no one in this
sky-box of the well-informed spoke of genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It must be said that the reports sent to the Security
Council by the UN representative posted to Rwanda were numerous and very well
documented.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Moreover, for months
and even more after 6 April, the White House was closely following what was
happening on the ground thanks to multiple official sources from the Pentagon,
the State Dept. and various coded satellite link-ups that transmitted live
images directly to President Clinton’s office.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
At the United Nations, U.S. representative Madeleine Albright was covering their tracks.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On 5 May she said:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“What’s happening in Rwanda was we were
in the process of thinking that a small UN force could handle the situation on
the ground and suddenly a plane carrying two presidents is shot down and that
started an avalanche.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The “Tutsi
genocide” is still not mentioned by this prominent personality who has been especially committed to the cause of the RPF and is the principal supporter of
Paul Kagame within the U.S. government.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
On 11 May, at a State Dept. press
briefing, a reporter asked spokesperson Mike McCurry if, since 6 April 1994,
certain criminal acts committed in Rwanda would constitute “a genocide.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>McCurry responded, “I don’t know if
there is a legal qualification on this subject.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another high official, himself also very well informed, a
month after the massacres began, still did not know how to qualify what was
happening in Rwanda.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8W5xI-iWaRZXLHFKKsijOZBMYTjJJ3P0U1oCVDTLy-Zl2cdk7Domw3LaTUfoRk9dC9_Q2vPUWWN0LgziHH5Or9xm0hyphenhyphen_j4YTyBISu_-UxYoPNU_GvAoaPONnnL9-gbWvkPN0mB15-TRY/s1600/Mike+McCurry.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8W5xI-iWaRZXLHFKKsijOZBMYTjJJ3P0U1oCVDTLy-Zl2cdk7Domw3LaTUfoRk9dC9_Q2vPUWWN0LgziHH5Or9xm0hyphenhyphen_j4YTyBISu_-UxYoPNU_GvAoaPONnnL9-gbWvkPN0mB15-TRY/s1600/Mike+McCurry.jpg" height="220" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Mike McCurry--another genocide denier?</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
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On 25 May, during another of Mr.
McCurry’s press briefings, the question arose again.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And again he responded, “I have to admit that I do not know
the answer.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I do know that the
stakes are being seriously considered.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>I think there is a strong inclination in the Department here to see if
what is happening in Rwanda constitutes acts of genocide.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
On 10 June 1994, in the midst of
the war and the massacres, Christine Shelley is on the spot for another press
briefing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Again a question about
the “genocide”:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“How many acts of genocide does it take to make a genocide?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Her first response is neat:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“That's just not a question that I'm in a position to answer.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another reporter was a little pissed
off and punched up the same question: “Have you been instructed not to use the
term genocide?”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Her reply shot
back:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“I’ve been instructed to use
the best terms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are
expressions that we use, and we try to be precise in our use of them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, I have not been told to use or
not use this or that thing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But I
have definitions. I have a phraseology that has been carefully examined, and we
are able to use it according to the specific situation we have to deal with and
according to the actions that we have to describe.”<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
The 10 June 1994 edition of the
New York Times talks about how the Clinton administration has ordered its
spokespersons not to acknowledge the term in front of the cameras:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Don’t use the term genocide, instead
use an interrogatory form or better yet speak of possible exactions.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This instruction is both logical and
normal if the Clinton administration wants to avoid a fundamental discussion
being opened up and having its secret relations with the Rwandan ‘Tutsi rebels’
brought into the light of day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Bill Clinton, himself, knowing better than anyone else what is really
going on in Rwanda never wanted to use the term “genocide,” always choosing the
term “massacres,” which seemed to correspond better with the reality and his
intimate awareness of the file.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
When he went on his African Tour
in 1998, President Clinton did not even plan a stop in Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To go and hang out with the Rwandan
authorities to commemorate the victims of the “Tutsi genocide” was obviously
not one of his things-to-do list.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was
at the insistence of his Special Envoy to the region, Cynthia McKinney, that he
wound up including Kigali on his itinerary.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, he made his remarks from the airport, where he only
stayed for a few hours.<o:p></o:p><br />
<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3tN31Dg-gsirqnJUBQb1GXRhls78e_U5ftRXAuUFcyoTdOMB_K2YlJrVvkpgpBmcGO7pTzhDOlDqkDtiUlOJrLomTjo81TuMts7z1H3BwNODhen0loI2CVE4aJY4WJLDUqwgbfbjhFAQ/s1600/Sistah+McK.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3tN31Dg-gsirqnJUBQb1GXRhls78e_U5ftRXAuUFcyoTdOMB_K2YlJrVvkpgpBmcGO7pTzhDOlDqkDtiUlOJrLomTjo81TuMts7z1H3BwNODhen0loI2CVE4aJY4WJLDUqwgbfbjhFAQ/s1600/Sistah+McK.jpg" height="200" width="157" /></a></div>
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The Hon. Cynthia McKinney, D-Georgia</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
(nearly all her good deeds have been punished)</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Several days after this
lightning-visit, Paul Kagame thanked Congresswoman McKinney for talking
President Clinton into stopping off in Rwanda:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“On 25 March, 1998, Rwanda was honored by the visit of H.E.
William Jefferson CLINTON, President of the United States of America.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was a historical moment for our
nation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To the people of Rwanda,
President Clinton’s visit was unequalled as a morale booster at this period
when we are struggling with the after-effects of genocide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fully aware of what it took for Rwanda
to be included on the itinerary of President Clinton’s visit to Africa, I want
to thank you for the very important role you played to make it possible.”<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn11" name="_ftnref11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title="">[11]<!--[endif]--></a></span></span><o:p></o:p><br />
<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><br /></span>
<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh9BvvsVvSADNYf5EwHJ9SELbIrUST9rVRAum3BQcOwSndKkmtjHC0GzizPLtT73PUDWl8JAtFkriwPHN-86FdgYgD01g6DuSLy5UgrEqUn16A3P2Uh6iYdHcTeQt85sgrw7iLpaY6MyJY/s1600/kagame_in_israel.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh9BvvsVvSADNYf5EwHJ9SELbIrUST9rVRAum3BQcOwSndKkmtjHC0GzizPLtT73PUDWl8JAtFkriwPHN-86FdgYgD01g6DuSLy5UgrEqUn16A3P2Uh6iYdHcTeQt85sgrw7iLpaY6MyJY/s1600/kagame_in_israel.jpg" height="169" width="200" /></a></div>
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Leader of the Jews of Africa (i.e., Tutsi)</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
meets with his Israeli homologue</div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
On 12 April 1999, five years
after the Rwandan tragedy, the White House organized a dinner for “The
Millennial Evening” dedicated to The Holocaust, with a theme of:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“The perils of indifference, lessons
from a violent century.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On this
particular evening, many members of the Jewish community, among them Elie
Weisel, took the podium to descry the crimes of the Second World War.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In attendance that evening was a Rwandan
Tutsi woman.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Her name,
Nyiramilimo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She is a doctor and a
survivor of the events of 1994 in Rwanda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This woman, who contributed a great deal in the way of hateful untruths
to the book of The New Yorker’s Philip Gourevitch<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn12" name="_ftnref12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[12]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>,
had come to sell her version of the genocide to Bill Clinton.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In her presentation she stressed that
it was just good fortune that had permitted her to survive.<o:p></o:p><br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Georges Rutaganda--the Real Hero of</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Hotel Rwanda, villainized in the Hollywood story </div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
by the craven RPF-collaborator</div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
Paul Rusesabagina.</div>
<div style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
This was her most shameful lie, covering up a very disturbing reality:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In fact, this Tutsi woman owed her life to Georges Rutaganda,
former-vice president of the Interahamwe—the 'Extremist Hutu militia' [sic<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn13" name="_ftnref13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[13]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>]—close
to the party in power [the MRND{D}] in 1994, arrested in 1995, sentenced by the ICTR to
life in prison for genocide and crimes against Humanity, where he died in 2010<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn14" name="_ftnref14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[14]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
Fueled by hatred for her Hutu
concitizens, this lady berated the dignitaries at the front tables of this clambake with how the survivors and their tormentors could never live in
the same country, even though they might all be Rwandans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While one might be a bit put off by the
virulence of her discourse at this most reverent soirée, Bill Clinton, always
courteous, emphasized that this kind of tragedy must be prevented and that the
“Rwandan massacres are all the more distressing because they were committed
with rudimentary weapons.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If
President Clinton was alluding here to the machetes used by the ‘Extremist
Hutu’, he failed to mention the more sophisticated and heavier weapons
furnished to the ‘Tutsi rebels’, in part, by the U.S. and Uganda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Whatever the case may be, given his
strong understanding of the Rwandan dossier, Clinton in 1999, five years after
the facts, was still refusing to use the term “genocide.”<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
In his 2004 autobiography, President
Clinton returned to the events in Rwanda and expressed his regrets:<br />
<br />
“With a few
thousand soldiers and the help of our allies, even taking into consideration
the time it would have required to deploy them, we could have saved lives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not to have tried to put a stop to the
tragedies in Rwanda remains one of the greatest regrets of my presidency.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftn15" name="_ftnref15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[15]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
<br />
Even ten years after the events, Bill
Clinton could still not bring himself to describe the massacres in Rwanda as
“genocide.”<o:p></o:p><br />
<br />
This is RWANDA-GATE.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<!--[endif]-->
<br />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[1]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">For specificity’s sake:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Paul Kagame, who was Director of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Intelligence in Uganda in 1990, did not lead the 1 Oct. 1990
invasion, for he was in the early stages of (and never completed) his training
at the US Army Command and General Staff College at Ft. Leavenworth,
Kansas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The invasion force
was led by Ugandan Deputy Defense Minister Fred Rwigema, who was killed early-on under suspicious circumstances and, after some back and forth, replaced
on Museveni’s orders by a repatriated Kagame. (See Chapter 1 of The Generals Book on Rwanda at:
<span style="color: blue;"><u>http://newcirqueminime.blogspot.com/2011/10/generals-book-on-rwanda-chapter-one.html</u></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[2]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Onana, Charles, <i>Al-Bashir Darfour: la contre-enquête</i>,
Paris, Duboiris, 2010.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[3]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">“Hutu-dominated government” was more of a misnomer in
1994 than ever, as by the time of the Habyarimana assassination there was
already a broad-based transitional government in place, with an important
number of ministerial portfolios held by “Opposition” or “Tutsi-“ and
RPF-supported parties.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After the
political reforms of 1990-93, the only fact that might justify such a
distinction is that the MRND[D] party still represented a vast majority of the
Rwandan people, hence the “Hutu” label.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[4]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Madsen, Wayne, <i>Genocide and Covert Operations in
Africa 1993-99</i> (Edwin Mellen Press, 1999)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[5]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">In a confidential note from March 1990 by the US
Ambassador to Rwanda, careful attention was to be paid to the nominations of
FAR officers, and particularly close attention was to be paid to Colonel
Leonidas Rusitira.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[6]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><i>Roger Winter</i></span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> is a founding father of the Democratic Party’s
neo-colonialist foreign policy in Africa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>His ‘Orwellian’ work for ‘Peace in Sudan’ has made extraordinary
contributions to stoking and prolonging that longest of wars in that most
devastated of regions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From the
leadership of his <i>American Committee for Refugees</i></span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> and his driving role in the <i>USAID-Africa</i></span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> and as State Dept. representative to Sudan, not only
has Winter poisoned the African continent with the bloody chaos of sectarian
war that guarantees the continued resource-theft by his clients in Western
extraction industries, and intoxicated the U.S. and International Community’s
consciousness with the righteous outrage and desperate fear that necessarily
cover up his criminality, but he has spawned operatives like Susan Rice, Samantha
Power, John Prendergast, and even George Clooney, Matt Damon and Ben Affleck,
who continue to corrupt the Obama administration’s attempts at progressivism
from within and render the President a Foreign Policy eunuch.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And speaking of ‘Orwellian’ shit, here’s
a NYTs puff piece on Winter: <span style="color: blue;"><u>http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/15/magazine/15SUDAN-t.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0</u></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[7]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Presented in confidence to the writer [Onana].<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn8" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn8;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[8]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Founded in 1975, the MRND (for the French <i>Mouvement
Révolutionaire National pour le Dévelopement</i>), the single, mass ruling party of
Rwanda, received a make over during the reforms of 1991 that initiated
multi-party politics to the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>So in 1993, it was strictly known as the MRNDD (for, still in French,
<i>Mouvement Républicain National pour la Démocratie et le Dévelopment</i>). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn9" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn9;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[9]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Testimony of American ambassador Robert Flatten in the
Military I Trial before the ICTR, case number ICTR-98-41-T, Chamber 1, June
2005.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn10" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref10" name="_ftn10" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn10;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[10]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Assemblée nationale française, tome 3, volume 2,
p.138.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn11" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref11" name="_ftn11" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn11;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[11]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">It should be noted that his tone was not at all
the same when Cynthia McKinney denounced Kagame for his responsibility in the 6
April 1994 attack and the crimes of the Tutsi rebellion in Rwanda and Congo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When the Congresswoman had gathered the
documents implicating the Rwandan authorities and was preparing to present them
to the UN, Kagame’s men tried to break into her home in Atlanta to steal the
evidence she had.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn12" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref12" name="_ftn12" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn12;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[12]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Gourvetich, Philip, <i>We Wish to Inform You . . .
etc.,</i></span><span style="font-family: Verdana; font-size: 11.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;"> </span><span lang="FR" style="font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;">(Farrar,
Straus and Giroux), 1998.</span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn13" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref13" name="_ftn13" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn13;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[13]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a>
<span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">The term ‘Interahamwe’ has been distorted much
in the same way ‘genocide’ has.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And the term ‘Extremist Hutu’ has no real antecedent in Reality, i.e.,
there were NO Extremist Hutu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or
Moderate Hutu, for that matter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Those Rwandans who supported and defended their country—their homes and
families—against the foreign invasion of Oct. 1990 and the subsequent
occupation and reign of terror that came to be euphemized as the “Tutsi
rebellion” were referred to as ‘Extremists’ to normalize the murderous
Western-backed campaign for regime change in Rwanda. If the U.S. had been invaded as Rwanda was, the 'Extremists' would have been called 'Patriots'.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div id="ftn14" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref14" name="_ftn14" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn14;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[14]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">For more details on how Georges Rutaganda saved the
lives of Tutsis and members of the UNAMIR, see the book by ex-UNAMIR
intelligence officer, Amadou Deme:<i> Rwanda 1994 and the Failure of the UN
Mission: The Real Truth.</i></span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;"> ($56+ on
Amazon)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div style="text-align: center;">
<div style="text-align: left;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=6087418440010095364#_ftnref15" name="_ftn15" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn15;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]-->[15]<!--[endif]--></span></span></a> <span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Clinton, Bill, <i>My Life. </i></span><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">2004.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--EndFragment-->CirqueMinime/Parishttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12041722467025767842noreply@blogger.com0