by Igor Simonovic
[Recent
events in the US, like hurricane Sandy, the Sandy Hook massacre, the 'fiscal
cliff' negotiations and the release of Quentin Tarantino's latest revenge
fantasy, ‘Django Unchained’, have pointed up the complete inadequacy of the
public imagination for coming to grips with the real sources and causes of the
rampant misery that afflicts this square-ass and totally fake national
culture. Bereft of anything remotely resembling a scientifically critical
language adequate to any understanding of its subject, the popular discussion in
the US since the arrival of its first African-American president has
degenerated into a psychotic babbling over fuck-all riddled with hysterical
obfuscations by the fascist apologists for neo-feudalism and the adolescent
jealousies and needle-dick fantasies of congenital failures.
So,
we thought this encore for Duci Simonovic's thoughts on Marx and Marxism's
failure to anticipate the absolute destruction to be wrought by the Waste phase
of end-stage Capitalism—for the Film/TV theorists, gazing quizzically at this
page, that would be the German left-Hegelian Karl Marx, and Capitalism refers to
that liberal political-economic system which reproduces the neo-feudal
(fascist) property relations that the 18th and 19th century
bourgeois revolutions tried unsuccessfully to democratize—we figured Duci might
furnish just the lexical corrective this anti-discussion needs.
Because,
whether it's in Lit-Crit or Cult-Crit or Poli-Sci or Film/TV Theory, the
feckless dictional fumblings of our controllers and comptrollers, the PhDs and
LLDs and DFAs and MBAs, with a language long-since bereft of even the most
rudimentary critical intentions, have rendered negotiations pointless and,
hence, yielded an absolute monopoly of power to Private Capital.
Everyone
seems to understand this—or at least they go on endlessly about how 'money' buys
everything. It is commonly
understood that 'money' (as a vulgar signifier for Capital) is now, after
Citizens United v Federal Elections Commission, even considered a sort of
language or, at least, a form of Speech—that political life in the 'developed
world', the 'civilized world', is led by and in the service of Private
Wealth, Private Investment, Private Enterprise, and Private Interest. We
have privatized every aspect of life that was once considered the purview of
government services: medicine, defense, security, crime and corrections, and
social welfare are all now run privately—though paid for with public funds—on a
for-profit basis.
Yet,
when we have financial or moral beefs with how the Public Weal is being
sacrificed on the altar of Private Enterprise, we cast our outrage toward our
'democratically' elected ‘public servants’. We get really pissed when
everything our leaders do seems to accrue benefit to Private Interests; we
figure our trusted servants are really the duplicitous, craven serfs of Big
Business. So even when someone like Barack Obama comes along, someone
whose hue recalls the oppression unto indenture of working people, the tortures
of colonialism, the suppression of civil and especially voting rights, the
abandonment of those who toil only to live in unjust poverty, someone who seems
genuinely concerned with bringing law and order to an otherwise thoroughly
criminalized socio-economic system that feeds on endless war and the slaughter
of innocents, and is met with the fulsome, maniacal and abject opposition of a
near-totally self-devoured, a zombified global Capitalist deathtrap, he is
shrieked after as if the last 70 years of targeted, remote-controlled aerial
genocides were his very own get-rich-quick scheme.
We
have been coaxed, cudgeled and even terrorized into losing all sense of the
distinction between Public and Private, between Individual and Social, between
Owners and the Owned, between those who work for their money and those whose
money works for them, so that we now, having cast into perdition the lexicons
of Marx and Freud, can only discuss tax policies or cultural tendencies by
conflating once starkly distinct and conflicting ideas, like earned and
unearned income, and arbitrary, meaningless figures ($250k or $450k) to mark
the upper income bracket. Or certain terms are banished because of their
‘impolite’ implications, terms like 'Working Class' and 'Division of Labor' and
‘Collective Bargaining’, are banished because they offend our feelings that
'Democracy' comes unmediated from the mind of God, and that those who bend
their backs to toil in its fields do so because they are not spiritually
developed enough to 'get' how things really work in God’s world.
And
no discussion of Tarantino and lexical discrimination would be complete without
mentioning the chief criticism of his latest venture into cinematic solipsism,
the story of how a slave frees his woman and, in so doing, casts American
agricultural feudalism asunder. Watching an MSNBC bull session on ‘Django
Unchained’, I thought of Shelley, of how that ol’ Romantic hipster claimed
that "poets
are the unacknowledged legislators of the world". I wondered what Percy would have
thought of these media soothsayers being unable or unwilling—or officially
forbidden to speak the word 'nigger'—even in reference to 'nigger' as a word,
as a part of speech.
I
became dizzy with the unreality of well turned-out American adults having a
discussion in a sort of infantile code (like pig-Latin) to mask their own
hypocrisy and obvious racism by endlessly repeating the 'n-word'. Like, 'Tarantino used the n-word 110
times in this film': to be able to count 110 utterances of 'nigger' only
to relate them as 110 'n-words', I mean, 110 F-ing N-words? WTF?
And
it wasn't as if only white folks were subject to this msm censorship. When Jamie Foxx was speaking about the
film in which he takes the title role, and he quite naturally said, 'This
nigger. . .', MSNBC bleeped him.
All this to say that now, more even than in Marx's
time, an understanding of how the degradation unto disintegration of our
natural and social worlds is taking place right before our eyes, and how we
have been proscribed from any meaningful discussion, understanding or
possibility of arresting this pointless mass suicide, are imperatives to our
survival.
With Tarantino's diversions we might plunge into the abyss
amused, but with Simonovic's alerts we just MIGHT well be able to approach some
understanding that returns us to our senses and changes our direction
before it's too late.—mc]
*********
Ljubodrag Simonović
E-mail:comrade@orion.rs
ON CONTEMPORARY SOCIALIST REVOLUTION
Marx’s critique of capitalism is, in essence, the thought of a socialist
revolution. It is the fundamental idea for determining the integrity and
relevance of the attribution of “Marxist” authenticity. The view that a “correct theory is the
consciousness of a world-changing practice” is the self-consciousness of Marx’s
revolutionary thought. Based on
this self-consciousness, and in relation to it, Marx’s own thoughts developed
over his lifetime a “Marxist” legitimacy. Marx’s own views do not always
correspond to his theory of revolution. Marx’s early thought was not on a
theory of socialist revolution, but became so with the development of
capitalism and the workers’ movement. Marx’s thought became the theory of a
socialist revolution when the proletariat in the most developed capitalist
countries in Europe became a political force capable of changing the world.
According to Marx, the
existential and, thus, the general social crises are the result of the economic
crisis of capitalism when the relations of production (proprietary relations)
become obstructive to the development of the productive forces. This is clearly
indicated by Marx’s view in "A Contribution to the Critique of Political
Economy", the
founding stone of his theory of revolution: “At a certain stage of their development, the material
productive forces of society come in conflict with the existing relations of
production, which turn into their fetters. Then begins an epoch of social
revolution.” The working class is “wedged” between productive forces and
productive (proprietary) relations.
Class consciousness tells the worker not to try to abolish capitalism as
long as it continues to develop its productive forces and thus enables his
existence. Since the capitalist
mode of developing the productive forces is progressive, the workers’ struggle
against capitalism, as long as it continues to develop its productive forces,
hinders progress and is therefore unacceptable. At the same time, a socialist
order, as the final overcoming of capitalism, can be created only when
capitalism has exhausted its potential for development. Without such conditions, a revolution
is not based on objective historical conditions, but on political voluntarism.
The elimination of the bourgeoisie from the political arena by the proletariat
is historically legitimate only when the bourgeoisie becomes a reactionary
force, precisely, when capitalism has exhausted all potential for the
development of productive forces and when the bourgeoisie, through repression,
struggles to safequard private ownership, which hinders further development of
productive forces. According to
Marx, the proletariat can become the “grave digger” of capitalism only on the
basis of the economic and the resulting general social crises, which cannot be
resolved without a radical step out of the capitalist world.
By overlooking that
capitalism is essentially a destructive order, Marx overlooked the specificity
of capitalist dialectics.
According to Marx, the development of capitalism involves the
development of conflicts between the productive forces and productive
(proprietary) relations, but not between the capitalist development of
productive forces, on the one hand, and nature as a life-creating whole and man
as a natural and human being, on the other. In spite of Marx’s criticism of the plundering and destructive
capitalist relation towards the soil, according to Marx, capitalism is
progressive as long as it continues to develop its productive forces. Actually, for him, the problem is not
in the productive forces of capitalism and the fatal consequences of their
development, but in the limited possibilities presented by the relations of
production, that is to say, by private ownership, which will stop further
growth of the productive forces, “compelling” capitalism to “self-destruct”. It
turns out that it is precisely the development of productive forces based on
private ownership that leads to the increasingly dramatic existential and,
thus, the general social crises, as they arise from an mounting destruction of
nature and man as a human and biological being. The increasingly dramatic
destruction of the world indicates that capitalist “progress” and the survival
of humankind are antagonistic to one another. Marx’s view of soil exhaustion suggests that the survival of
humankind is threaten precisely by the economic development of capitalism. It follows that workers should fight
against the economic development of capitalism, which means against the
capitalist mode of development of productive forces, and not “wait” for
productive (proprietary) relations to become an obstacle for further
development of productive forces.
A contemporary socialist revolution can result from the existential
crisis caused by capitalism, but it can also serve as a bulwark preventing
capitalism from destroying the environment and climate to such an extent that
life would be impossible on the planet.
A contemporary socialist revolution cannot be of an aposteriori and
essential character, but, rather, of an apriori and existential character.
With capitalism becoming a destructive totalitarian order, Marx’s
conception of socialist revolution has become obsolete. Marx does not arrive at the concept of
socialist revolution relative to capitalism as a destructive totalitarian
order, but relative to capitalism as an exploitatory order with a
“revolutionary” character. For Marx, a socialist revolution is the
last revolution in the history of humankind and therefore the final act in
man’s struggle for freedom. At the
same time, by sticking to existential apriorism, Marx does not regard the
socialist revolution as the beginning of a decisive struggle for survival, but
as the end of the historical process of man’s bonding with nature and the
beginning of the true history of humankind. Following that idea, Gajo Petrovic,
one of the most distinguished representatives of Yugoslav praxis philosophy, regards Marx’s notion
of the revolution as the overcoming of the social and political moment and the
final resolution of man’s relation to nature and to himself as a natural
being. In those terms, the
socialist revolution is the “essence of being” (“The Thought of Revolution”). However, the concrete “essence of being” cannot be acquired
from an abstract notion of nature and man, but only in relation to the
totalitarian and destructive practices of capitalism. Capitalist “progress” has brought humankind to the brink of
an abyss and thus “resolved” all contradictions within it and completed the
criticism of capitalism.
Capitalism does not liberate man from his dependance on nature. It
rather makes him, through its destruction of nature, more dependant on it. Not only does it not create the
possibilities of “leaping from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom”,
it creates a new – destructive and, thus, totalitarian realm of necessity. A
socialist revolution can acquire its concrete historical dimensions only in
relation to the lethal consequences of the development of capitalism and with
respect to its destructive potential. Rather than being the beginning of man’s true freedom, it
is the beginning of a decisive struggle for the survival of humankind, which
will alleviate the consequences of the capitalist destruction of nature and man
and open the possibilities for man’s liberation from the natural elements and
class society, enabling him to realize his universal creative powers and turn
society into a familial community of free people.
Marx arrives at
the idea of a socialist revolution by departing from an idealized
anthropological model of man as a universal creative and free being, and not
from the concrete historical nature of capitalism as a destructive order and,
in that context, from the need to prevent the destruction of life on the Earth.
The character of the proletarian revolution is no longer determined by humanist
ideals, as is the case with Marx. It is, rather, conditioned by the existential
challanges that capitalism, as a destructive totalitarian order, poses for
humankind. Since the early days of
capitalism, destruction has been its immanent feature, but, with the
development of “consumer society”, it has become its dominant characteristic.
There is an increasing possibility that the annihilation of humankind and of
the living world will become the “collateral damage” of capitalist “progress”.
It is in this context that the development of the contemporary workers’
(socialist) movement and the strategy and tactics of the struggle against
capitalism should be considered. It
is one thing when revolution is conditioned by economic crisis, but completely
something else when revolution is conditioned by an increasingly lethal
ecologic crisis. The awareness of the destructive
nature of capitalism has become a necessary condition for the development of
the contemporary global anti-capitalist movement. The increasingly dramatic ecological crisis creates
conditions for a more radical criticism of capitalism and for a more radical
political struggle for the survival of the planet and the creation of a new
world. So, it is of utmost
importance to develop a life-creating consciousness, one which will initiate a
political movement capable of doing away with capitalism before it manages to
degrade nature to such an extent that humankind will not be able to establish
the ecological balance necessary for its survival. Given the fact that capitalism is by its nature a
destructive order, it can be concluded that the time for doing away with
capitalism and creating a new (socialist) order does not come when productive
relations become an obstacle to the development of productive forces, as Marx
contends in departing from pre-capitalist history, but with the onset of
capitalism. This is clearly indicated in
Fourier’s critique of (capitalist) progress, which suggests that capitalist
development is based on the destruction of the living (natural) environment,
i.e., that it has an anti-existential character.
A contemporary
critique of capitalism and the political struggle against capitalism should
deal not only with its current but, above all, with its potential threats to
the survival of humankind. If we wait for the planetary eco-system to be
degraded to such an extent that it becomes an immediate threat to the survival
of man, then the fate of humankind is sealed. In
this context, we can clearly see the fatal consequences of “ecological
movements” that seek to alleviate the effects of capitalist “progress” by
technical means and in a mechanical way. Ultimately, they serve to suppress the
anti-capitalist movement struggling to eradicate the causes of global
destruction and erase the illusion that, based on capitalist progress, the
survival of nature and humankind can be achieved by scientific and technical
means. The technical devices of the “ecological” movement have become coins for buying time for
capitalism and thereby reducing the period within which the ecological balance
can (still) be re-established to prevent the destruction of humankind. At the same time, man’s “adjustment” to
artificial climate conditions causes such changes in his organism that he no longer has
the ability to survive under natural conditions. For a capitalistically
degenerated man, a healthy natural environment becomes anathema.
Economic crisis can
accelerate the dissolution of capitalism and prevent it from debasing life on
the planet so much that man’s
survival becomes impossible. However, economic crisis by itself does not
necessarily breed a revolutionary consciousness at the levels of the oppressed
workers. The most compelling
example is the creation of fascism in Germany and other European countries
spurred by the capitalist economic crisis of 1929. Ecocidal capitalism has created the possibility for a new
fascist barbarism, which, guided by the logic of “it's either them or us”,
could destroy billions of “superfluous” people in order for the most powerful
capitalist corporations to gain control of the globe's raw materials and energy
resources. The theory of the
“golden billion” indicates the way in which the most powerful capitalist clans
are planning to “solve” the increasingly dramatic economic and ecological
crises. Similarly, to believe
blindly that the economic crisis by itself could incite workers to start a
revolution may result in the workers being destroyed, as natural and human
beings, before they can even take their place on the last historical
battlefield, where the destiny of humankind is to be decided. One of the most important tasks for
leftists is to organize working people in such a way as to prevent the
dissatisfaction created by capitalism from becoming the means for establishing
a capitalist dictatorship – as was the case in Europe at the time of the great
economic crash of 1929.
With its growing
destruction of life on the planet, capitalism increases existential anxiety
that, unless a new order based on a rational treatment of nature is initiated,
becomes an existential panic causing man to support any measures, regardless of
their validity or justification, that he believes (being convinced by the
ruling propaganda machinery in which he has been terrorized into placing his
faith) will enable him to survive.
The ruling order manipulates its subjects with the fear of a “perceived
threat”. Capitalists actually use
this existential fear to provoke conflicts among people, races, nations,
religious groups... The Nazis used
the same kind of manipulation. The
fear of existential uncertainty caused by the capitalist economic crisis was
turned by the Nazi propaganda machinery into a fear of “judeo-bolshevism”. Through propaganda, the destruction of
“judeo-bolshevism” was made an obsession:
by destroying the “enemy”, man can “free” himself from the existential
fear caused by capitalism. It is a
targeted sublimation, where the “enemy” acquires certain characteristics that
most efficiently provoke a desired reaction through the activation of two of the
most important instinctive drives: existential fear and suppressed sexual
energy. The very sight of Hitler
triggered in the Germans a hysterical reaction of an orgasmic quality. Today, this fear is all the greater
since we are facing the biological demise of the white race, ever deeper
economic crises and ever harder struggles for employment, fatal climate
changes, exhausted energy resources and raw materials, reductions in commerce,
and the disappearance of the “American dream”, which demands a constant rise in
the consumer's standard of living...
Capitalism in the most developed capitalist countries may also deprive
people of their humanity to such an extent that they come to regard the
destruction of other nations as the only “solution” for their own
survival. This will come to be the
basis of the collective counsciousness:
a struggle for survival by technical means used to annihilate billions
of people. An increasingly hard
life and the immediate existential threat looming over entire nations deprive
man of humanity and thus of compassion for and solidarity with other people and
nations. Just as contemporaneous
with Hitler’s “thrust toward the East” (Drang nach Osten) the German petty-bourgeoisie did
not want to know about the atrocities committed by the German army, so today’s
petty-bourgeoisie in the most developed capitalist countries close their eyes
to the everyday atrocities of capitalist companies and their mercenaries
(united in NATO) and consciously blend into the dull dissonance of the
destructive capitalist chorus – submissively reconciling themselves to the loss
of their elementary human and civil rights and passively accepting the creation
of a police state. The “consumer
society” is for the petty-bourgeois the only world in which they can live and
the only world they can fantasize about.
The ever deeper crises of capitalism do not bring people who have been
degenerated by a “consumer” way of life to fight against capitalism for a
humane world, but, rather, to fight for their own consumer standards at the
cost of becoming, themselves, capitalist executioners. The immediate reaction
of a petty-bourgeois to the decline in consumer standards is not to wish for
change in the ruling order, but, instead, to plunder and destroy other people.
They are well aware that the story about “terrorism” is but a mask hiding the
strivings of the most powerful capitalist corporations to conquer the world,
but they accept this fable as a sedative to appease their consciousness, since the
ruling order (still) provides a relatively high standard of living to the
“consumer”. The capitalist
petty-bourgeois continues to be one of the pillars of fascism. The systematic reproduction of
technical and biological means of mass destruction is indicative of the true
intentions of the most powerful capitalist groups in the West. One of the most horrible truths,
which demonstrates the utter monstrosity of capitalism, is that the survival of
over six billion “superfluous” people is not based on thousands of years of
civilization and “democratic values” in the West, but on the fact that Russia
is capable of annihilating Europe and the USA within twenty minutes.
The degeneration of “consumer
society” leads to a decline in the purchasing power of working people and
grossly increased unemployment.
There is a need to stabilize capitalism at a lower
production-consumption level, while with the growth of overall capitalist
reproduction, with further the development of science and technology, the “white
collars” will become predominant. The working “masses” from the traditional
lines of production are no longer the means by which the reproduction of
capital will be accelerated, but they are, in fact, a burden on and an
increasing political threat to the ruling order. Instead of integrating workers into capitalism through the
consumer way of life, the strategic landmark of the ruling order is the
elimination of the “superfluous” population. With the ever deeper economic crises of capitalism, an
growing number of workers become the mortal enemies of capitalism, and the
ruling order will employ any available means (criminalization of society,
narcotics, alcohol, contaminated food and water, lack of medicines and medical
services, deadly viruses, sterilization and the like) to eliminate the
“superfluous” and ensure survival.
This is one of the causes of contemporary fascism, whose contours are
most visible in the USA. It is the
realization of the idea of the “golden billion”, which, with the demise of “consumer
society”, will have an effect not only on the populations in the countries on
the “margins of capitalism”, but also on an ever-broader spectrum of working
people in the most developed capitalist countries. The increasingly threatened existence of humankind creates
the conditions for radical implementation of the social-Darwinist concept
according to which only “the strongest will survive”, while science and
technology become the exclusive means for ensuring the dominant position of
capitalism and for the creation of artificial living conditions that will
protect these survivors from increasingly dangerous climate changes. That is why the Western rulers from the
shadows try to use science and technology to create a “new man”, one who, with
his artificially created “genetic qualities” and thanks to the military
techniques at his disposal, will be capable of exterminating the surfeit of the
“unfit” and establish global domination. The “terminators”, “Rambos”,
“predators” and similar Hollywood freaks, glorifying the destructive power of
the capitalistically misused technology, clearly show the psychological profile
of contemporary capitalist fanatics. The power to rule becomes the power to
destroy.
The plight of the bourgeois
class is the best indicator of the tendency of capitalist development. The
development of capitalism goes hand in hand with the development of the
bourgeois class; when the bourgeois class starts to perish, so does
capitalism. In the West, the
general social crisis aquires a pre-revolutionary character. The bourgeois class is disintegrating
and, in so doing, is creating a society where fewer and fewer people can become
rich, while the number of poor people is increasing. We are witnessing the proletarization of the bourgeois class
and the fascization of the capitalist class. Consequently, the emancipatory heritage of bourgeois society
is being destroyed and the space for pacifist political options diminished. The biological demise of the European
peoples is gaining momentum, becoming one of the most important sources of
fascistoid hysteria. At the same
time, we see the rise of technocratic utopias and apocalyptic
consciousness: the myth of the
omnipotence of science and technology, idea of the man-cyborg, the idea of
leaving the planet... Due to the global “balance of fear”, based on the nuclear
arsenals of the USA and Russia, a new global war to revive the living potential
of capitalism becomes impossible.
The political stability and economic development in the East are becoming
extremely important, as they prevent the increasing crises in the West from
breeding a new fascist beast that could destroy the Slavic and Asian peoples.
Political and social conditions are being created that could resolve the crises
in the West by abolishing capitalism and creating a true socialist society.
The existential crisis is
the basic precondition to the struggle for a new world. Just as the Great War fully revealed
the contradictions of capitalism and led to the existential crisis that caused
the workers’ rebellion, directed by the bolsheviks and leading to the creation
of a socialist order, the existential crisis brought about by contemporary
capitalism should be directed towards the creation of a communist society. Capitalism manages to alleviate, by way
of technology, the immediate effect of the ecological destruction of the planet
and to dampen the power of reasoning, marginalizing the existential issues
through a consumer life style and the entertainment industry. The ever more dramatic consequences of
capitalist destruction force man to develop his reasoning, his universal,
creative, powers, since they are the only way to mitigate the consequences of
capitalist destruction and create a humane world.
The struggle for the development
of the mind is, actually, a political struggle, as it enables the development
of libertarian humanism, which is at the heart of man’s refusal to come to
terms with the existing world and the source of a visionary consciousness. Similarly, capitalism creates the
possibility of establishing a rebellious sociability. Increasingly difficult living conditions force people to
leave their solitary hide-outs and unite in the fight for survival. With capitalism threatening the
survival of mankind and causing ever greater poverty, the increasingly serious
ecological crisis could become the immediate cause of a socialist
revolution. A severe accident in
one of the nuclear power plants in Europe, as was the case in the Fukushima
nuclear disaster, could trigger a revolutionary wave, which might mark the end
of capitalism.
The increasing
contamination of the environment; the ever wider social differences and the
growing immiseration of the working classes; the conversion of the state and
other social institutions into the means for servicing private capitalist
business interests; the alienation through privatization of the political
sphere from the citizenry ... – all this creates conditions for the development
of a broad political movement with the possibility of overcoming traditional
class divisions and class struggle and preventing a dilution of the struggle
against capitalism, a struggle that redirects this energy for potential change
towards “ecological projects” in an attempt to lessen the deleterious
consequences of capitalism and contribute to its “perfectioning”. The “anti-globalist movement” is one of
the potential forms of the struggle against capitalism. It has the potential to unite the
global political forces and movements oppossed to contemporary imperialism,
with its genocidal and ecocidal character. At the same time, it could have a
corrective effect on the development programs which are based on the
destruction of nature and the development of a consumer mentality.
The most important result of the economic crisis of capitalism in
2008 is that the working class in the West has shown that it is still alive as
a political force and that the struggle against workers as a potentially
revolutionary force is still the primary concern of capitalists. The economic crisis of 2008 showed that class war in the
most developed capitalist countries is not over and that, after a long futile
experience of “consumer society”, the working class is still capable of doing
away with capitalism and creating a new world. In the light of new developments, it turns out that one of
the most invalidating “oversights” of the Frankfurt philosophers was their
dismissal of the working class as a possible agent of social change.
By becoming a destructive totalitarian order, capitalism “has overcome”
both the principle of progress and the principle of social justice, making the
principle of struggle paramount for the survival of humankind. It is no longer about man being
threatened just as a citizen and a worker, but also as a human and natural
being. Capitalism has
“transformed” the historical being of the working class in such a way that its
main historical task is no longer to abolish class society and liberate workers
from oppression, but now it is to prevent the destruction of life and save
humankind from destruction. The struggle against capitalism as a destructive
order should become the basis for the political integration of workers and
their cooperation with the social movements fighting for the survival of life
on the planet. Since the issue is global ecocide, there is a need for a global
struggle against capitalism. It is
the most efficient and most humane way in which humankind can become united.
The struggle against capitalism enables the working class to “come of age” in
every corner of the world and to become part of a global anti-capitalist
front. With capitalism becoming a
worldwide destructive order, the distinction between center and periphery has
become irrelevant. Every corner
on this planet where the struggle against capitalism is being carried out has
become the center of a global revolution.
Translated from Serbian by
Vesna Todorović
English translation supervised by Mick Collins
x x x
